Author: 14ymedio

The inauguration comes several months late, as the original plan was to have the first graduating class by next summer.

According to SFU, which will officially begin classes next September, its programs aim not only to educate Cuban citizens but also prepare them for admission to Russian universities. However, the inauguration comes several months late, as the original plan was to have the first graduating class by next summer.

“At first, the department will operate as a preparatory faculty. Cubans will be offered additional vocational training programs in Russian. Local residents will be prepared for admission to Russian universities. In addition, the branch will organize Russian language courses and programs in various areas of study. In the future, SFU plans to make it possible for students to begin receiving higher education there,” the Russian press reports.

With a banner in Russian featuring the faces of Vladimir Putin and Miguel Díaz-Canel in the background, Chernyshenko celebrated the opening of the site, calling it a testament to the ties between the two countries. SFU President Marina Borovskay echoed the sentiment, adding that she traveled to the event with a “large delegation” from the university.

“The University of Havana is our long-standing friend and trusted partner. We are already successfully completing a number of joint research and training projects and exchanging experiences. Last year, Cuban students and university staff visited SFU, where they not only learned about the university but also received training, gathered information for their research projects, and met colleagues with whom they joined forces to continue their research,” the director explained.

Glazov State Pedagogical University has capitalized on the momentum and signed a memorandum of cooperation with its counterpart in Havana this week.

Another Russian university, Glazov State Pedagogical University, has capitalized on SFU’s momentum and signed a memorandum of cooperation with its counterpart in Havana this week. According to Russian media, the goal is also to create Russian language learning programs for Cubans, in addition to dual-degree programs.

“During the business visit, together with our Cuban colleagues, we outlined new areas of joint work, such as dual-degree programs, the development of a new educational and methodological complex on Russian as a foreign language for Spanish-speaking audiences, and the introduction of Russian in schools. We are pleased to be at the forefront of developing Russian-Cuban relations,” said Rector Yanina Chigovskaya-Nazarova.

She also emphasized that Cuba is not her only focus: “Our university has been supporting the study of Russian in Latin America for three years, and thanks to this work, we see how the linguistic landscape of the region is changing.” The director noted that there are eight Russian language study centers in Cuba, “created with the support of the Russian Ministry of Education and Science and the My History Foundation,” from which nearly 1,000 students graduated last year.

It has been unclear, since it was practiced in the Soviet Union, how Moscow benefits from training Cubans. Indoctrination in the values ​​defended by the Kremlin didn’t take root much before 1989; and nothing indicates that now, more than three decades later, the island is more receptive to Putin’s Russia.

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“People complain that we don’t ask those questions, but we’re here to do it,” said one of the journalists.

Díaz-Canel lavishly repeated the entire argument offered just two weeks ago by his Minister of Energy and Mines, Vicente de la O Levy, in a four-part interview published by the State newspaper Granma. He summarized Cuba’s energy matrix, composed essentially of aging, poorly maintained thermoelectric plants and distributed generation that requires enormous quantities of imported diesel and fuel oil.

“We need more than $500 million a year,” he said, just for repairs to the thermoelectric plants, while imported fuel can require $1.5 to $2 billion. The lack of foreign currency has complicated repairs, the purchase of components, and oil stockpiles, leading to an accumulation of problems that, in turn, impedes economic growth and, once again, leads to a lack of capacity for improvement in that system. No one present asked him why hundreds of millions of dollars were allocated to the tourism sector instead.

Díaz-Canel then began the optimistic segment. He spoke about electricity generation through renewable energy, the progressive but accelerated introduction of Chinese solar parks, thermal and distributed energy repairs, domestic panels, and how this will allow for “a better time” next year. He also thanked friendly countries for their collaboration, although he did not provide details on how the agreements and business plans were made. “I can’t explain them clearly so they don’t persecute us, so they don’t attack us, but we have found solutions and alternatives,” he concluded.

The president stated that he had planned to increase pressure on the government since Marco Rubio—”very involved with the anti-Cuban mafia in Miami”—and Mauricio Claver-Carone, both of whom are inclined to put an end to remittance transfers, took office.

“The pretext is that this is handled by an organization that, as they claim, is in the hands of the Cuban military, which is also a lie,” he said, despite the links found between the money transfer management company in Cuba, Orbit SA, and the Gaesa conglomerate, run by the Cuban military. According to Díaz-Canel, the money is received by families and “the State can receive a portion of that income for the services provided or for the ways in which it is consumed or spent,” but this happens in every country without any consequences, he reflected. In his opinion, he said, this demonstrates the intention to economically suffocate and “to bring down the Revolution.”

“The State may receive a portion of these revenues for the services provided or for the ways in which they are consumed or spent,” but this occurs in all countries without any consequences.

It is the same thing, he insisted, that happens with the sanctions targeting medical missions. The president maintained that Cuba often doesn’t receive money in exchange for sending international brigades of health professionals and, on the contrary, covers the costs. But other times, through agreements, it does receive money.

“And what is that money invested in? It’s not to enrich anyone. It’s invested in the healthcare system. And many times, when we’ve been in crisis situations, we haven’t even been able to put it into the healthcare system, and we’ve had to use it to pay for fuel ships, to pay for food ships that have been held up in our ports,” he claimed.

According to Díaz-Canel, the US is bothered by this example, since, while they intervene in other countries through sending military personnel, “Cuba goes with an army of white coats.” He wonders why the US is irritated that this cooperation brings Cuba money with which to “improve the living conditions” of the people. Beyond this, the president conveyed an unusual message of recognition not only to those who leave, who receive constant praise, but also to those who stay, “who then take on the work of their colleagues so that others can raise the name of Cuban health.”

Much of the conversation revolved around the communications battle. Díaz-Canel found time, in response to questions from the four sympathetic journalists, to address the suspension of US government aid to independent media outlets, as well as the situation at Radio and Television Martí — which operate from the United States — about which he even admitted that “the intelligence and creativity of our people” has created “technological conditions that have prevented TV Martí and Radio Martí from reaching out.”

On this point, the president agreed more than ever with the Trump administration—”they have exposed themselves” and “the American people should one day be held accountable for how part of their budget contributions were spent,” he said, among other things—although he stopped distancing himself. “Marco Rubio encourages and supports the policy of counterrevolutionary means against Cuba. Therefore, he will search and lobby to find that money,” he affirmed.

The great crusade is currently taking place, he noted, on social media, where the regime has multiplied its presence since a very specific date. “They set us up on 11 July (2021) [known as ’11J’] with a huge media operation calling for action on social media. At that time, we were hardly on social media. Therefore, we also draw from that experience,” he said. Díaz-Canel then described the new channels created to disseminate the regime’s version of events and the young people trained to fight the battle. “We have accepted the challenge: we are going to fight on social media and we are going to fight to win,” he declared.

“We have accepted the challenge: we are going to fight on social media and we are going to fight to win,” he declared.

The foreign policy part of the conversation included several reflections on relations with the European Union, with which it said it has a space—thanks to the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement—for debate and discussion, including on issues where they disagree, but also for joint projects. These occur primarily in the areas of food development, education, science, sports, and culture, he said. However, he noted that “there are groups that sometimes respond to personal interests, to the interests of a certain ideology, that are very interested in breaking the agreement” and promote those interests in the European institutions or the parliaments of its member states.

The president also mentioned Cuba’s entry into the BRICS as an associate country and heaped praise on an organization in which, he noted, no one is superior. The island will contribute projects, he said, in the fields in which it has the most experience: biotechnology, education, and pharmaceuticals. He also highlighted the essential support from China and Russia, countries whose cooperation with Cuba has commonalities but also differences, he said, although it all came down to the fact that there is more contact with Beijing at the party level because both countries are governed by communism, while with Moscow—whose strong institutional relationship with Havana, he also praised—the business presence was more emphasized.

“Thank you, President Díaz-Canel. We felt comfortable asking questions freely and without restrictions,” one of the interviewers concluded. “And next time I’ll ask you a few questions,” the president concluded with a laugh. And it was clear that the most comfortable person in the room was him.
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Lobio Hernández gave up the event that will take place from April 11 to 13, where he would have competed for a ticket in the 125 kilogram category for the Pan American Junior 2025

Cuban authorities have not yet published any position on the abandonment of Lobio Hernández. The official media Jit confirmed this Sunday the escape of one Greco-Roman wrestler, who would be Roidmel Danyer.

The publication refers to the end of “a profitable training base” that began on March 28.

Without Jaime Lobio Hernández and Roidmel Danyer, the Cuban team was left with 16 athletes of the 18 who traveled to Mexico. The list includes five competitors in male freestyle wrestling and six women, plus five in the Greco-Roman modality.

Last May, Ángel Pacheco left the national team while he was at the team’s training base in Croatia, heading to the Paris 2024 Olympic Games.

Susana Martínez and Santiago Hernández, two members of the Cuban wrestling team, also took advantage of a training in Acapulco, Mexico, in February 2024, to escape and break with the regime.

In 2023, at least three wrestlers escaped from Cuba. Two of them were Yoannia Pérez and Liliana Duane, who fled the delegation during a stopover in Mexico, on their way to El Salvador, and Hangelen Llanes, who escaped in Paris during training with a view to the Belgrade World Wrestling Championship.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The mass deportations of migrants to El Salvador’s prisons—the vast majority of whom are criminals and gang members, but also include innocent people—has led to the hypothesis that Cuban repressors and counterintelligence agents in the United States will also be identified, detained, and sent to Nayib Bukele’s prisons.

That Havana and Washington are secretly in talks has also been part of the conspiracy theories since January 20, when Trump took office. According to some reports, there have been communications between the Oval Office and Raúl Castro and Nicolás Maduro, with unspecified threats if Trump intensifies economic sanctions against these regimes.

According to many online commenters, politicians from both countries hold constant meetings to negotiate the delicate balance between what the White House says it will do against the Cuban regime and what it actually plans to do.

Others are already speaking of a back-and-forth between the two governments. One rumor accuses Miguel Díaz-Canel of organizing a drug trafficking operation to the United States. Supposedly, several small planes that landed in that country had departed from Holguín the day before, and had the approval of the president—who was in that province at the time of takeoff—to transport narcotics and alter their records.

Supposedly, several small planes that landed in that country had departed from Holguín the day before, and had the approval of the president.

For many, Trump represents the beginning of the end of the Cuban regime, and some assume that before he leaves the White House, what many rumors have been predicting for years—despite his public “resurrections”—will happen: the death of Raúl Castro. Castro’s transfer to the Cimeq military hospital, “in extremely serious condition,” was one of the rumors circulating this month.

Constant rumors continue about the deteriorating situation on the island. In the face of police inaction—a phenomenon denounced by numerous internet users—reports of scenes where perpetrators take the law into their own hands are increasing. The capture of a bicycle and purse thief, allegedly accused of burglary in Havana, was one such complaint.

It was also reported that the warehouse manager at the Noris Urban Nursing Home in Holguín is stealing food intended for the elderly there, who are particularly affected by hunger and the lack of supplies. Another rumor alleges the loss of wages for Community Services workers in Santiago de Cuba. Another, in the same province, reports that management at Laboratorios Oriente has withheld workers’ wages following the theft of a gas cylinder there.

Some of these commentaries become news after being verified by the independent press. Others, however, remain rumors, but are powerful indicators of the state of tension and anxiety in which Cubans live.

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For citizens of those nationalities, entry may be restricted, although not prohibited.

“In those cases, wealthy business travelers could be allowed entry, but not those traveling on immigrant or tourist visas. Citizens on that list would also be subject to mandatory in-person visa interviews,” the anonymous officials familiar with the matter said.

Finally, the “yellow list” includes the remaining 22 countries, whose governments will have 60 days to “correct perceived deficiencies, facing the threat of being moved to one of the other lists if they fail to comply.” The irregularities could include a lack of information provided by each country on travelers or inadequate security practices in immigration procedures, such as the issuance of passports.

This part of the list includes Angola, Antigua and Barbuda, Benin, Burkina Faso, Cambodia, Cameroon, Cape Verde, Chad, the Republic of the Congo, the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Dominica, Equatorial Guinea, Gambia, Liberia, Malawi, Mali, Mauritania, Saint Kitts and Nevis, Saint Lucia, Sao Tome and Principe, Vanuatu, and Zimbabwe.

Other “problematic” countries for Washington, such as Nicaragua, are not included in the interim report.

The lists were compiled by diplomatic and security officials and are being reviewed by embassies and regional offices of the State Department, as well as security specialists from other departments and intelligence agencies. “They are commenting on whether the descriptions of deficiencies in certain countries are accurate or whether there are political reasons—such as avoiding disrupting cooperation in priority areas—to reconsider the inclusion of some,” the NYT emphasizes.

Upon his arrival at the White House on January 20, Donald Trump signed the so-called “Protecting the American People Against Invasion”

According to the NYT, upon his arrival at the White House on January 20, Donald Trump signed the Protecting the American People Against Invasion Act. He also called for investigations into countries that provide “deficient” information about their citizens to the point that it could justify a total or partial ban on their entry into the country.

He then gave the State Department 60 days to comply with the executive order and deliver the report.

Many of the countries included in the draft had already been sanctioned with similar measures during Trump’s previous term. In January 2017, immediately after taking office, the Republican signed an executive order barring entry to the US to nationals of seven Muslim-majority states: Iraq, Syria, Iran, Libya, Somalia, Sudan, and Yemen. Subsequently, North Korea and Venezuela—in this case only for officials and their families, although it has now been added to the red list—entered the list, while Sudan and Iraq were also removed. The courts approved the measure.

Among those included in the new draft is Afghanistan, a case that is causing strong disputes within the Government, especially over war refugees, according to the NYT .

In the case of Cuba, the fact that its government admits few deportations could be the reason why the State Department included it on the red list. There are more than 42,000 Cubans awaiting expulsion, but the regime evaluates each return individually and, to date, has only admitted 104 migrants so far this year.

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“It all starts with one person saying ’this isn’t right,’ and like dominoes, others begin to follow suit.”

In this regard, he recalled Philip Zimbardo’s study, The Lucifer Effect, from the 1970s, which demonstrates “how an authoritarian environment can corrupt even psychologically healthy people.” He concludes: “It all starts with one person saying ’this isn’t right,’ and, like dominoes, others begin to follow.”

In the same way, he says, change must begin with the police and “then the army,” because “an oppressive system cannot be sustained without all members of society collaborating in the repression.”

Morales recalls that the Miami police provided support in other countries to achieve stability, for example in Haiti, where they sent Haitian-American officers to train their colleagues. “They were there for at least eight days and worked alongside the United Nations police. Something similar happened in Panama after Noriega’s fall: the Panamanian National Police was trained by us.” The same, he suggests, could happen in Cuba, where his officers, and even he himself, would be willing to retrain the police in the event of a democratic change.

Born in Puerto Rico to Cuban parents, with a bachelor’s degree in Organizational Leadership from the University of Saint Thomas and a master’s degree in Security Studies from the Center for National Defense and Security at the Naval Postgraduate School, he joined the Miami Police Department in 1994 as an officer and has had a distinguished career. He was promoted to commander in 2009 and has overseen daily operations and the deployment of the Gang Unit and the Crime Suppression Unit.

Regarding professional ethics, the veteran believes that “freedom must always come before security.” “If we sacrifice freedom for security, we lose both. The key is to guarantee freedom, and as a result, security develops naturally. Here, the legal process ensures that no one is arbitrarily convicted.”

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