Translating Cuba – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

“Leaving Here Is Being Free”: Freestyle Rap Puts the Anxieties of Young Cubans Into Verse

Big M won the qualifier at the Cuba Pavilion and joined Reverse and Pirry to represent the Island in the World Championship of this discipline

Cuban qualifying round of the Freestyle World Cup, held at the Pabellón Cuba, Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Dario Hernandez, Havana, October 5, 2026 / Emigration, blackouts, transportation problems, violence, racism, and freedom were some of the themes that emerged this Sunday in the improvisations of more than 200 young people registered for the Cuban qualifier for the Freestyle World Cup, held at the Pabellón Cuba in Havana’s Vedado district. Big M ended up winning the tournament and secured the only remaining spot on the national team.

Of the more than 200 entrants, 16 competitors advanced to the main stage. Big M won out among them, joining Marcos Daniel Acosta Leiva, Reverse, capitán de Cuba, and Pirry, also known as Big Tony, who had already secured their spots on the team.

The trio will represent Cuba at the Freestyle World Cup, which will bring together teams from 23 countries across the Americas, Europe, and Africa. The first day of the group stage is scheduled for December 4th in Colombia, and the grand final will be held on the 12th at the Arena Ciudad de México.

More than 200 young people participated in the Cuban qualifier for the Freestyle World Cup, at the Cuba Pavilion. / 14ymedio

Emigration was one of the most recurring themes during the day at the Cuba Pavilion. There were rhymes about emigrating to Brazil and returning, and about the connection between leaving the island and achieving freedom. “Leaving here is being free” was one of the phrases heard during the competition. continue reading

References to theft and violence were also frequent, along with racial slurs and derogatory remarks. The drug known as “the chemical” appeared in the rhymes, as well as allusions to racially motivated attacks. In the earlier phase, there were also more indirect references to power outages and transportation difficulties.

During their freestyle “battle” Mesa reproached Gonki for being “from the Party” and called him a “chivatón” [snitch].

Politics appeared much more explicitly in one of the first-round battles. Mesa faced Viswanathan Martínez Oliva, Gonki, and reproached his opponent for being “from the Party,” called him a “chivatón,” [snitch] and spit rhymes about freedom.

The jury decided on a rematch, a tie that necessitated a new round. Mesa maintained the same tone during the tiebreaker, but the judges awarded the victory to Gonki. There were boos, numerous attendees began to leave, and the presenter had to intervene to calm the audience, as reported by 14ymedio.

There had been no public announcement of a prohibition on political matters, but after that battle, however, direct references to the reality of the Island virtually disappeared. Mesa had also provoked a strong reaction among the attendees, and after his elimination, the atmosphere lost some of the intensity that had characterized the first rounds.

After the “battle” between Mesa and Gonki, political references disappeared from the Cuban qualifying round of the Freestyle World Cup. / 14ymedio

Gonki has a previous track record within the Cuban scene: in addition to competing, he has been a judge and organizer of the Havana Regional of Rimas sin Tarima (Rhymes Without a Stage) and is the creator of the Ciudad de Freestyle (City of Freestyle) project. Big M, for his part, is presented in specialized sources as a national champion and promoter of hip hop culture in Havana.

The other two members of the team will also be going into the international stages with experience. Reverse, born in Cuba and residing in the United States, won the Red Bull Batalla US National Finals in 2021 and 2023, and Pirry competed this year in Spain, participating on October 3rd in FU V-Renacer, in Santiago de Compostela.

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Cuban State Security Cites a Young Man Who Supported Anna Bensi and Her Mother

“This process will not be easy, but I will just say that, even though we face threats, being complicit in silence is not an option for the children of God,” says Anthony Martinez after leaving the interrogation.

Anthony Martinez was summoned this Monday to the unit popularly known as El Técnico, in Guanajay / Facebook

14ymedio, Havana, October 5, 2026 / It was the “same old script,” said one of the people who accompanied Anthony Martínez on Monday, who was interrogated for about two and a half hours at the unit popularly known as El Técnico, in Guanajay, Artemisa. The young man received a summons on Sunday after having accompanied Anna Bensi and her mother, Caridad Silvente, last Thursday before the trial in which both were sentenced to “two years of restricted liberty” by the People’s Municipal Court of East Havana.

“I’m home now, family,” he said in a Facebook post where he is seen with 13 people. “I give many thanks to God for the lives of my brothers, thank you for being with me during this process, thank you for every message of concern, for every prayer, because if you do it for me, you are doing it for our Cuba and its people,” Martínez added.

Without indicating the terms of the interrogation or whether he was charged, he stated that “this process will not be easy, but I will only say that, even if we have threats, it is not an option for the children of God to be complicit in silence.”

“I give many thanks to God for the lives of my brothers, thank you for accompanying me in this process, thank you for every message of concern.”

In this regard, independent journalist Yaiset Rodríguez indicated on Facebook that Anthony has no criminal case that justifies a police summons. continue reading

This Sunday, Martínez denounced in a video the harassment by a State Security agent and showed the summons: “Do you know what this paper is? A summons that they just gave me now at 2:30 in the afternoon. An officer came and without telling me the reason why I have to be in Guanajay tomorrow (this Monday) at 9 in the morning, he just gave me this summons.”

The young man said that on October 1, the day Anna Bensi and her mother were found guilty and sentenced to “two years of restricted freedom” in the People’s Municipal Court of East Havana, he managed to leave his house without being detected by the agents who were watching him and tried to accompany them both.

“What do you call this? It’s called repression anywhere in the world. For thinking differently. Let the world know what’s happening. Long live a free Cuba!”

He denounced the widespread repression that day, saying they were treated “like criminals, like murderers. What do you call this? It’s called repression anywhere in the world. For thinking differently. Let the world know what’s happening. Long live Free Cuba,” he concluded.

As a case in point, hours before the trial, Pastor Rolando, known as the Herald of Christ, was arrested. He was violently subdued while with Anna Bensi and her mother, on their way to the trial. Officers threw him to the ground, handcuffed him, and put him in a patrol car, without ever giving a reason for the arrest.

Furthermore, that day, State Security had already deployed surveillance around the 14ymedio newsroom and had surrounded the home of independent journalist Camila Acosta, who reported an operation at her front door that prevented both her and her husband from leaving.

Anna Bensi herself posted a video on Facebook this Sunday reacting to the sentence she received on Thursday. Clarifying that she couldn’t speak about the trial because “it was an order,” she thanked everyone for their support and said that “denouncing this injustice is also supporting freedom in Cuba.” She also questioned the reason for the arrest of people in her circle because of the video she posted of the police officer delivering a summons to her, which was the reason for her trial, and that they “had nothing to do with the case.”

“How did you expect to see me? Bitter? Downcast? Disheveled? Sad? Distressed? Broken? No”

She also stated that she would not give the government the satisfaction of seeing her portrayed as defeated: “How did they expect to see me? Bitter? Downcast? Disheveled? Sad? Distressed? Broken? No. I wasn’t going to give them that satisfaction, and I won’t. Head held high, trusting in God, with the greatest faith and with my convictions stronger than ever.”

The case has sparked a wave of support from various sectors. This Saturday, the Cuban Filmmakers Assembly (ACC) recalled that the influencer and her mother were tried after receiving months of “threats and harassment from the authorities.”

“Filming the pain, uncertainty, and agony of a country has become a crime. Two days ago, two women were brought to trial for sharing on social media images of a plainclothes police officer delivering an official summons to them,” the ACC recalled in a statement on Facebook.

“This is not a random or isolated incident because it is rooted in a context of constant repression,” the Assembly emphasized. “Double standards have become an official hallmark. They are adept at applying the law according to their interests and interpretations, but clumsy or blind when it comes to respecting citizens’ constitutional right to publicly and peacefully express their feelings about reality,” the filmmakers added in their statement.

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U.S. Recruits Seven Workers Again Through Palco for Its Embassy in Cuba

Applicants have until October 8 through October 15 to apply, depending on the position sought.

The State Department pays Palco for the local employees it has at the U.S. embassy in Cuba, an amount that according to official data ranges between 100 and 200. / EFE

14ymedio, Madrid, October 05, 2026 – The U.S. State Department is looking in Cuba for seven professionals for its embassy who must submit their applications in the coming days. The employees of this diplomatic mission are, paradoxically, hired by the state-owned Palco, which belongs to the sanctioned Gaesa conglomerate. Despite the fact that the regime has just published new regulations exempting foreign companies from the obligation to use a state employment agency, embassies and official organizations remain subject to intermediation, as indicated in Article 2 of the law.

For this purpose, the U.S. Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) provides specific exemptions from the sanctions that prevent commercial and economic relations with Cuban state entities. The State Department pays Palco for the local employees it has at the U.S. embassy in Cuba, an amount that according to official data ranges between 100 and 200.

Most of the positions offered correspond to lower levels of public employment, although there is one higher-level position: Strategic Content Coordinator in the Public Diplomacy section, for which the application deadline is Wednesday.

This position, for which a university education or at least two years completed in Communications, Business, Marketing or any other equivalent field is required, will have the highest salary because of its level, although the information does not specify how much is being offered. The employee must be able to design, manage and execute content and engagement strategies on social networks and websites to promote U.S. foreign policy priorities and connect with audiences on the Island. continue reading

This position, for which a university education or at least two years completed in Communications, Business, Marketing or any other equivalent field is required, will have the highest salary associated with it

At a slightly lower level are two other positions: Institutional Relations Assistant, and Information Technology Infrastructure and Systems Specialist Technician, with deadlines of October 12 and 15, respectively.

The former is responsible for designing, planning and coordinating activities aimed at entrepreneurs and young people to promote U.S. values through workshops and interactive programs.

Duties for the latter consist of installing, maintaining and repairing network infrastructure (UTP cabling, fiber optics and wireless systems) and communications devices (telephones, radios, satellite equipment and IoT) at U.S. Government facilities, vehicles and official residences. In addition, the employee must provide user support and manage the necessary connections and permissions.

The remaining four positions are for operational staff. There are two openings for security guards, with access-control and order-maintenance responsibilities, for which applications can be submitted until this Thursday the 8th, and which require nothing more than a rudimentary knowledge of English, quite the opposite of the driver position, which requires a good command of the language. The duties of the latter are to safely and efficiently drive light vehicles (not armored) owned or leased by the U.S. Government to transport personnel, official visitors or cargo, while also performing messenger duties when required. This position can be applied for until the 12th.

Finally, there is another position for driving trucks, which also requires the employee to be responsible for the transported cargo, its storage and the maintenance of the vehicles. Candidates can apply for this position until Thursday the 8th.

The recruitment announcement through social media has received a multitude of comments, some of them criticisms from people calling for the end of the “blockade,” but most not only express interest in joining the team, but also spontaneously offer themselves for any other need that may arise, such as artists, cooks, teachers or carpenters.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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For the Spanish Justice System, Mistreatment Suffered at the Hands of the Cuban Police Does Not Entitle One to Asylum

The National Court rejects a family’s appeal and emphasizes that refugee status applies only to people persecuted for “reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinions or sexual orientation.”

File image of the Asylum and Refuge Office of the Ministry of the Interior, in Madrid. / EFE/Juan Carlos Hidalgo

14ymedio, Madrid, October 05, 2026 – The Cuban political system does not in itself constitute grounds for granting asylum or refugee status to applicants in Spain, who must individually demonstrate that they face an imminent and specific danger if they return to their country. The Spanish Justice System has once again pointed this out, in the case of a Cuban family that appealed the resolution of the Ministry of the Interior and has been met with confirmation of the denial.

The case dates back to September 2019, a few days after the arrival of a father, mother and two children, the younger of whom had cancer, who submitted an application for international protection to the Provincial Brigade for Foreigners and Borders in Madrid. The father stated at the time that his youngest son had been diagnosed with the disease in Havana in 2012 and was undergoing treatment at a city hospital.

During that treatment, the father tried to get the doctors to prescribe a medication that would cause fewer side effects for the child, but they refused and began, according to his testimony, to coerce and threaten him and warn him of sanctions. According to the account, from that point on, the parents began searching on their own for alternative medications in pharmacies in the city without managing to get them, until they were eventually denied entry to the establishments for disturbing public order. According to the father, both parents were arrested and made the decision to leave Cuba because of death threats.

According to the father, both parents were arrested and made the decision to leave Cuba because of death threats

The Spanish authorities asked the father whether he had suffered or feared suffering in the future persecution because of race, religion, political opinions or political manifestations, and he answered no. However, he answered yes when asked whether there is an international or internal conflict in Cuba that causes indiscriminate violence that threatens the lives of its citizens or puts their physical integrity at risk. continue reading

There is an internal political conflict in Cuba, he said, adding that he himself had reported the events described to the Provincial Police Inspectorate of Havana, although he never learned what happened with the case. In addition, he indicated that the family had asked the Provincial Health Center in the municipality of Playa for help regarding the minor, without receiving a response. Months later, his wife was detained for three months for disturbing public order, but she was acquitted at trial. His other son was also involved in a dispute with the police.

The Spanish Ministry of the Interior rejected the family’s asylum application, and they decided to appeal through the courts. Now, the National Court has rejected the appeals against the decisions denying the right to asylum and subsidiary protection, basing its decision on the fact that those affected have not been “subject to persecution as required by asylum legislation,” even accepting the account as true.

The ruling emphasizes that refugee status is granted by law to people persecuted for “reasons of race, religion, nationality, political opinions, belonging to a particular social group, gender, sexual orientation or sexual identity,” none of which apply among those described. The court stresses that the appellant “does not even claim the status of a citizen who actively militates against the regime that has governed Cuba’s destiny since 1959, nor does he acknowledge belonging to an organization or group opposed to the current political system.”

The document acknowledges that the shortage of medicines and food cited in the lawsuit is an economic factor that has been denounced by Cubans for years and that can give rise to protests and disturbances of public order resulting from discontent. However, it concludes that this is not a matter covered by asylum legislation.

“It is true that the father claims to feel unfairly treated by his country’s police apparatus and describes a case of animosity with a police chief, but the truly relevant fact is that he acknowledges that his wife was tried and ultimately acquitted of an offense against public order, highlighting both the cessation of government actions against them and their limited nature,” the ruling argues.

“The truly relevant fact is that he acknowledges that his wife was tried and ultimately acquitted of an offense against public order, highlighting both the cessation of government actions against them and their limited nature”

The court considers that if a person does not meet the requirements to be considered a refugee, they could qualify for subsidiary protection, but that to receive it they must demonstrate “well-founded reasons to believe that if they returned to their country of origin they would face a real risk of suffering serious harm to their physical integrity.” In general, the text adds, this usually corresponds to situations of conflict in which violence is indiscriminate. European regulations, moreover, state that granting protection is justified if there are “serious and individual threats to the life or physical integrity of a civilian motivated by indiscriminate violence in situations of international or internal armed conflict,” and therefore it does not apply to Cuba.

“It is our opinion that Cuba is not involved in an armed conflict, for the simple reason that the Cuban State holds an authentic monopoly on organized violence, without armed opposition from dissident sectors. The foregoing leads to the dismissal of the appeal,” the decision concludes, by which the appellants are also ordered to pay the costs of the proceedings, although with a limit of 1,000 euros.

The ruling is just one more example of the thousands of asylum cases filed by Cubans that are denied and dismissed when appealed in Spain. According to data from the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid (Cear), over the past five years the average percentage of approved applications has been between 2% and 3%. In 2023, the year with the most cases recorded (3,082), only 30 refugee statuses were granted out of 1,157 cases resolved. Another striking figure was that of 2022, when after 11J the number of applications doubled (from around 1,000 in previous years to 2,000) but only between 15 and 20 were approved.

Cear points out that most cases are rejected for the reason indicated by the ruling: the lack of direct evidence of individualized persecution. The organization estimates that between 15% and 25% of Cubans decide to file an appeal before the National Court through the prescribed procedure, which is contentious and administrative, but the dismissal rate is around 95% and 98%.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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To Find Out How the Dollar Is Doing in Cuba, You Have To Ask How Much a Beer Costs.

Imported brands dominate the shelves in Matanzas, Cuba, and pass on to the consumer every shock of the informal currency market.

Behind the bars, foreign brands dominate the shelves, a scene repeated in numerous shops throughout the city. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, Matanzas, October 4, 2026 / Inside the freezer, behind the bars protecting a small business in Matanzas, cans of beer appear to Eduardo as the most immediate solution to the dryness that gnaws at his throat. Before arriving home in El Naranjal and plunging into the daily blackout, the surgeon wants to drink something cold. In his refrigerator, the bottles of water have long since become indistinguishable from the ambient temperature.

“My preferred is Bucanero, but you can’t even find that in spiritual centers anymore. Right now, to quench my thirst, anything will do,” he jokes, holding three 200-peso bills in his hand. Behind the bars, foreign brands dominate the shelves, a scene repeated in numerous stores throughout the city: imported beer has taken over the space left by Cristal, Bucanero, and other increasingly difficult-to-find national brands.

Eduardo thought that with his 600 pesos he could also buy his son two or three chocolates. But he looks at the prices and discovers they’ve changed since last week. “It can’t be that Hollandia costs 500 pesos when I just bought it here last Saturday for 450,” he protests. The clerk blames the suppliers and inflation. The doctor then looks at Frank País’s face on the bills and starts doing the math.

“Those of us who live on a salary or a pension, if we want something cold, will have to settle for those sugary sodas that make us even thirstier.” / 14ymedio

Beer serves as a particularly sensitive economic barometer in Cuba. This Sunday, with the informal rate of 785 pesos to the dollar, a 600-peso can is less than a dollar—a price that would seem like a bargain in Madrid or Miami. For a Cuban earning the minimum wage, however, it represents a fifth of a month’s salary. continue reading

And the temperature rises in tandem with the currency. A large portion of the beers that fill private refrigerators is purchased abroad with hard currency, so every jump in the dollar’s value ends up affecting the price at the counter. Adding to this dependence in March was a special tax of $0.30 per liter on beer and other imported alcoholic beverages, a cost that inevitably ends up being passed on to the consumer.

“We still have it at 520 in Mayabe, but in other places it’s around 580,” explains the saleswoman, a former hotel waitress, who is now getting used to her new job. The owner, she says, has decided to cut back on buying alcoholic beverages because “there’s no electricity to keep them cold, and it’s getting harder and harder to buy them from the supplier.”

A man cools off standing by a window while a Barcelona flag hangs in the background. / 14ymedio

Even Parranda, the cheaper, domestically produced alternative, reflects the market distortions. Produced in Mariel by a joint venture and packaged in plastic bottles, the brand has been promoted as a substitute for more domestic options more preferred by the comsumers. Its quality provokes frequent criticism, and in Matanzas, it was even mandated in some hotels to boost sales.

Where it is opened also affects the price. A bottle of Parranda that costs 1,500 pesos at the Hotel Velasco can be found for 1,400 at a café on Calzada de Tirry. “A cold beer would be nice in this heat, but in this country even that’s a luxury,” Migdalia laments. Her cigarette addiction doesn’t leave her much choice either: “I’m forced to choose between a can of Cristal or a pack of Popular Rojo.”

The retiree, who receives 3,200 pesos a month and some help from her grandson, has really gone out to buy a pound of mortadella. Even so, she asks about prices at the Los Chamas micro-business. “It says here that Lobo costs 460 and you’re telling me 480. What’s the deal?” The clerk apologizes: the numbers change so fast that the price stickers become outdated before the merchandise.

Even Parranda, the cheaper, locally made alternative, shows the market distortions. / 14ymedio

In another establishment, a man stands by a window, cooling off while a Barcelona flag hangs in the background. In a nearly empty bar, a plastic bottle of Parranda beer takes center stage on a table. The images encapsulate a time when enjoying a cold one requires calculation, comparison, and, for many, sacrifice.

Migdalia looks at the cans behind the glass as if they were museum pieces. “Those of us who live on a salary or a pension, if we want something cold, will have to settle for those sugary sodas that make us even thirstier.”

In Matanzas, you no longer need to check the dollar to know where the economy is headed: just ask how much beer costs.

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Two Baseball Players Who Left Cuba Sign with Major League Teams

The departures of Alain Michel Rodríguez and Dainel Santos from the Island are confirmed, as they seek an opportunity with U.S. clubs in the Dominican Republic.

Rodelvis Santiesteban signed with the Chicago Cubs and received a $20,000 signing bonus. / Francys Romero

14ymedio, Havana, October 4, 2026 – Two of the baseball players who left the Island have achieved their dream of signing contracts with Major League Baseball teams in the United States. Rodelvis Santiesteban signed with the Chicago Cubs, while Omar Elías Guerra reached an agreement with the San Diego Padres. The agreements coincide with the departures of other talents, Alain Michel Rodríguez and Dainel Santos.

Santiesteban officially joined the Chicago club, which also has other athletes from the Island among its ranks: Naikys Piedra, Darian Rivero, Eriandys Ramón, Félix Stevens and Frank Hernández. The player from Guantánamo was awarded a $20,000 signing bonus, in addition to having his studies guaranteed.

The 17-year-old baseball player left Cuba in June 2024. In Santo Domingo, he was taken in by GT Baseball Academy, run by Cuban Jorge Luis Toca, where he refined his skills. Santiesteban averages 60 yards in 6.3 seconds, according to data provided by journalist Francys Romero.

Toca’s academy is located in Punta Cana, where it trains young talents from the age of 14. Cubans William Alejandro Álvarez and Lázaro Herrera Jr. have also arrived at this facility. They were all attracted by the track record of a man who played in the National Series with Villa Clara and had a brief stint with the Mets. He was later sent to the Minor Leagues with the Pittsburgh Pirates, Montreal Expos, Detroit Tigers, Chicago White Sox and St. Louis Cardinals. continue reading

Last Friday, Omar Elías Guerra reached an agreement with the San Diego Padres to sign his contract in the coming days. He is one of the talents who was part of the Cuban Under-15 national team that participated in the Pan American Championship for the category in March 2024, in the Dominican Republic.

Last Friday, Omar Elías Guerra reached an agreement with the San Diego Padres to sign his contract in the coming days

Francys Romero specified that Guerra “combines contact ability and defensive versatility, characteristics that the Padres hope to develop so that he can advance through the Minor League system.”

Guerra is part of the Yuan Pino Academy, which is dedicated to training and placing Cuban baseball players. Last July, the school already had 15 young players from the Island with agreements with U.S. clubs.

The Island continues to suffer the departure of its young baseball prospects. This Saturday, the arrival of Alain Michel Rodríguez in the Dominican Republic was confirmed. The athlete “is the son of Yessander Rodríguez, who played in the National Series with Santiago and for many years has been a leading figure on the Cuban Softball team,” the journalist emphasized.

Rodríguez will train at Noni Sánchez’s Academy ahead of January 2027, when he will be eligible to sign with a Major League team.

On the last day of September, it became known that 18-year-old Dainel Santos was in Santo Domingo. The baseball player, a native of Villa Clara, was a member of the Under-18 team at the World Cup held in September 2025 in Japan.

“Ten of the 20 players who made up the team at the Under-18 World Cup are no longer in Cuba,” Romero specified.

The journalist recalled that as of August of this year, there were “between 45 and 60 departures of baseball players in different categories, a large proportion of them between the ages of 13 and 17, which are the players the industry is most interested in. Many of those young players already have preliminary agreements.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Industriales Is the First Cuban Sports Team To Receive Sponsorship From a Private Company

Fuel marketer A Granel is supporting the Havana team in the National Series, and the players are receiving uniforms bearing the company’s logo.

Industriales’ sponsorship marks a new stage for a company that has rapidly expanded its commercial activity. / Instagram/guillermogatorebelde

14ymedio, Darío Hernández, Havana, October 4, 2026 / The private fuel company A Granel has put its logo on the Industriales uniform for the 65th National Baseball Series, a major step toward promoting itself through advertising, just three months after beginning operations in Havana.

An image circulated on social media shows the “Blue’s” jersey with the A Granel brand, while new images taken this Saturday by 14ymedio at the company’s facilities also confirm the business’s increased visibility. On the building, located on Avenida del Puerto, where customers arrive to purchase fuel, there is now a large sign bearing its name and the phrase “Fuel Sales.”

The Facebook group Serie Nacional de Béisbol also confirmed that Industriales will be “one of the first teams” to have sponsorship at this stage. The post states that the funds can be used for transportation, fuel, food, clothing and other needs of the Havana team. The image accompanying the message, attributed to Por La Goma, shows the Industriales uniform with the A Granel logo and the advertising slogan “A tu medida” [Made to fit you].

The funds can be used for transportation, fuel, food, clothing and other needs of the Havana team. / Facebook/ Serie Nacional de Béisbol

The company opened its doors on June 27 and initially promoted itself through a video by influencer Iraisel Pintueles. A few days later, 14ymedio confirmed that the small and medium-sized private enterprise [mipyme] was selling diesel imported from the United States at $2.50 per liter from an industrial facility belonging to the Cuban Lubricants Company (Cubalub), a subsidiary of the state-run Cupet, located at the end of Avenida del Puerto, opposite the Regla generating plant, according to the company’s own promotional material. Inside were dozens of tanks holding about 1,000 liters each and several vehicles being refueled. continue reading

Industriales’ sponsorship marks a new stage for a company that has rapidly expanded its commercial activity. In addition to fuel in large quantities, A Granel has subsequently promoted gasoline and diesel in smaller quantities, as well as deliveries by tanker trucks and other distribution services.

The president of the Cuban Baseball Federation, Juan Reinaldo Pérez Pardo, said on October 2 that the organization is working to expand sponsorships of teams and facilities and specifically mentioned the existence of “negotiations related to Industriales.” According to the official, organizing a National Series costs more than $600,000, and the expenditure exceeds $1 million when the Elite League is added.

The company appeared at a time when Washington opened a channel for selling U.S. fuel to Cuba’s private sector

A Granel’s entry also comes nearly a year after Cubadeportes attempted to attract private capital with sponsorship packages carrying very high prices for the Cuban context. In November 2025, the state company offered state-owned and private companies sponsorship options ranging from approximately $24,300 to $148,000. For Industriales, Santiago de Cuba and Matanzas, a Diamond-level sponsorship was set at 56,250,000 pesos, about $117,000 at the exchange rate used at the time.

In return, Cubadeportes promised brand exposure in stadiums, on national television, on digital platforms and through other print and audiovisual media. At the time, however, the National Institute of Sports, Physical Education and Recreation itself acknowledged that there were no businesspeople willing to invest in local clubs or place advertising on uniforms and in stadiums.

The situation has begun to change. Villa Clara announced this week three local businesses as sponsors of its uniforms: La Glorieta, Pastelería 2 Reyes and La Esquina de la Minuta, whose brands will appear as patches on the sleeves. In those cases, too, the amounts or duration of the contracts have not been disclosed.

Current regulations allow uniforms used in national, provincial and municipal competitions to display the brands of previously authorized sponsors. The rules published this year also establish that agreements must go through the corresponding sports structures and give Cubadeportes responsibility for negotiating and contracting national-level sponsorships.

The company opened its doors on June 27 and initially promoted itself through a video by influencer Iraisel Pintueles. / Instagram/ Iraisel Pintueles/ Screenshot

In A Granel’s case, its commercial growth contrasts with the scant public information about who is behind the business. In her introduction to the company, Pintueles said that the owner was “a private entity with foreign capital” and had no connection to any member of the Government, but she did not identify the partners or the origin of the funds.

The company appeared at a time when Washington opened a channel for selling U.S. fuel to Cuba’s private sector, while Havana, in turn, began loosening restrictions on the participation of non-state actors in a business that for decades had been monopolized by Cupet. In July, sources consulted by this newspaper said that A Granel was only “the first of many” companies interested in taking advantage of the new market.

Since then, the State has managed to circumvent U.S. sanctions and has turned to some private small and medium-sized enterprises to appropriate the fuel. The latest available data indicate that more than 3.2 million barrels arrived through this channel in July, as much as during the era of Venezuelan bonanza under Hugo Chávez.

Three months later, the business is not only openly displaying fuel sales from a state facility; its brand will also be seen on the playing field with Industriales. For now, neither A Granel nor the sports authorities have reported how much the agreement is worth or whether the company will provide the “Blues” with money, fuel or a combination of both.

Translated by Regina Anavy
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Havana Chronicles: Havana is Moving Again, But it Remains in Darkness

The arrival of fuel is stimulating traffic and bringing vehicles back to the streets, while blackouts lasting more than 20 hours continue to affect life inside Havana’s homes

In front of me, a passenger is placing a huge, freshly caught marlin on the floor. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, October 3, 2026 / I cross Tulipán Street and immediately notice something different. There iss more traffic than a few weeks ago, sufficient to make me lose the habit of looking twice before crossing to the other side. A red Lada forces me to quicken my pace to reach the sidewalk before its wheels hit the enormous pool of sewage surrounding the 19 de Abril Polyclinic. The city seems to be moving again, even if it’s through pestilential waters.

I climb the hill. Below the two twenty-story buildings, the open-air garage sale begins to fill up. On improvised tables and clothes racks appear objects that summarize the needs of the moment: a suitcase for someone planning to leave, a folding chair for someone who needs to wait for hours in front of a bakery at the rationed market.

26th Street has also come alive. It must be the gasoline arriving in large quantities from the United States, injecting movement into the cavernous bodies of the Cuban economy. In doorways and private homes small hardware stores have sprung up; on one corner a restaurant shines with freshly varnished woodwork, and a new line of electric tricycles connects the Iron Bridge over the Almendares River with the Clinical Surgical Hospital.

26th Street has also come to life. It must be the gasoline arriving in large quantities from the US, injecting some life into the cavernous bodies of the economy.

However, there are few people walking. It’s Friday, and the weather has cooled down. A layer of clouds makes the journey more bearable, but what our legs appreciate, our batteries lament. Our solar panel hasn’t given us a single watt for two days. With blackouts that last more than 20 hours, a cloudy day is a curse: it cools the early morning and allows us to do without the rechargeable fan for a while, but at dawn there won’t be any sun to recharge it either. The entire Cuban energy dilemma is encapsulated in that paradox. continue reading

On the other side of the Iron Bridge, on 31st Street, a privately owned restaurant is packed shortly after 10:00 in the morning. Lined up outside are modern cars. Inside, customers sip smoothies, nibble on snacks, and take selfies. Another sign that fuel is flowing, although it is also a barometer of who can afford to convert that circulation into consumption.

After visiting a friend, I decide to head back, trying out the new tricycle route. A green one is about to leave. In front of me, a passenger is placing a huge, freshly caught marlin on the floor. The fish is wrapped from head to tail in successive layers of clear plastic bags, secured with strips of cloth and string, like a marine mummy. Only its long, dark, thin, and rigid beak remains exposed, pointing toward the back of the vehicle. Each new passenger carefully calculates where to place their feet to avoid stepping on the body, which occupies a good portion of the aisle. Hemingway would have been captivated by the scene.

The tricycle laboriously climbs up to 23rd Street. Then we pass by the wall of the Colón Cemetery and end up back on 26th. At Tulipán I get off, dodging the now rigid fish for the last time, which will probably end up distributed among several tables or sold in pieces.

I walk home and, upon arriving at the building, discover a small miracle: the little red lights above the elevator doors are on. There’s electricity. I step into an elevator for the first time in weeks and upstairs immediately start the washing machine. We have to take advantage of every minute of electricity like we used to make the most of a downpour by filling buckets. The anxiety to get things done when the power returns gnaws at us with the same intensity as the guilt we feel if we don’t manage to get everything done during those brief moments of illumination.

The wash cycle doesn’t even finish because the power goes out again.

Outside, the city is somewhat more animated: the red Lada, the cars in front of the restaurant, the tricycles climbing the hills, and even that needlefish voyaging through Havana. Gasoline has brought movement back to some streets, but not enough to light up the houses. Cuba is starting to move again, even if the end of the road remains dark.

Cuba, the Country with the Fourth Most Requests for Urgent Action Over Enforced Disappearances Before the UN

The Island has accumulated 217 enforced disappearances since 2012 and 17 in the first eight months of 2026, surpassed only by Mexico.

Boat registered in Florida intercepted in waters off Villa Clara last February. / Canal Caribe/Screenshot

14ymedio, Madrid, October 3, 2026 – Cuba has accumulated 217 requests for urgent action before the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances from 2012 through August 31, 2026. This is the fourth-highest figure among the countries included in the body’s report published on September 30. Only Mexico, with 877; Iraq, with 670; and Colombia, with 255, have reported higher numbers.

In the first eight months of this year, the Island recorded 17 requests, the second-highest number after Mexico, which had 73. Ecuador follows, with 11. The document, entitled Informe sobre las solicitudes de acción urgente presentadas en virtud del artículo 30 de la Convención [Report on requests for urgent action submitted under article 30 of the Convention], records a total of actions involving 36 countries, 11 of them in Latin America and the Caribbean.

The International Convention for the Protection of All Persons from Enforced Disappearance allows, under the aforementioned Article 30, a request to the Committee for urgent action to search for and locate a disappeared person.

Among the 17 cases from 2026 are the five occupants of the boat from Florida intercepted last February, who were later accused of terrorism

The Committee does not identify the 17 Cubans by name, but describes four groups of cases. Five are the occupants of the boat from Florida intercepted last February, who were later accused of terrorism. “Although the authorities reported that they had survived the interception, they allegedly did not provide their relatives with accurate information about their whereabouts and physical condition after being deprived of their liberty,” the document states. continue reading

The case was brought before the Committee by Cubalex, which submitted requests on behalf of Conrado Galindo Sariol, Cristian Ernesto Acosta Guevara, Leordán Enrique Cruz Gómez, Amijail Sánchez González and José Manuel Rodríguez Castelló.

Another 11 cases date back to June. One concerns a man who went to a police station in Havana after receiving a summons and was subsequently taken away in a police vehicle. That description matches the detention of rapper Andrés Matos Alcántara, Mc K-Libre. Cubalex submitted to the Committee both the request concerning his case and the ten urgent actions corresponding to those detained during the operations following the fire at the Orlando Pantoja Tamayo Memorial House, in Maffo, Santiago de Cuba; four of them were minors.

The last Cuban case described by the UN Committee on Enforced Disappearances in its report concerns a person who had been serving a sentence since 2021 and was transferred in July from Guanajay prison to an unknown location shortly before the date scheduled for the completion of the sentence. The person is easily identifiable: Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, who was taken out of that prison on July 7 and remained at an unknown location before being deported to Miami on July 18. Cubalex had also submitted a request for urgent action before the Committee in his case.

Cuba has still not “provided any information on the measures taken to search for and locate” 11 people on whose behalf urgent actions were registered

According to the report, the Cuban State eventually provided “information clarifying the whereabouts of the persons concerned” in the cases of the five occupants of the boat intercepted in February and the person transferred from Guanajay prison, so the Committee was considering closing those urgent actions. However, the Committee regrets that the Island’s government “has still not provided any information on the measures taken to search for and locate the other 11 persons on whose behalf urgent actions were registered,” the document adds.

The body also notes that “a large majority of the cases in which the disappeared person was located alive refer to disappearances occurring in the context of protests in Colombia and Cuba,” where detainees were deprived of their liberty while their relatives received no information about their fate or whereabouts.

The Committee also devotes a section to so-called short-term enforced disappearances and notes that during the period under review it recorded allegations concerning two cases, one related to Cuba and the other to Mexico. The body recalls that “there is no duration element in the definition of enforced disappearance under international human rights law.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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With the Streets Half-Empty, Electric Vehicles Dominate Cuba’s Accident Statistics

An Ecomóvil and a tricycle collided this Saturday in Sancti Spíritus, where these alternatives are gaining ground amid the transportation crisis.

The two vehicles ended up next to the curb after the impact, at one of the busiest intersections in Sancti Spíritus. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Mercedes García, Sancti Spíritus, October 3, 2026 – This Saturday, an Ecomóvil and a tricycle ended up next to the curb after colliding at the intersection of Carretera Central and Sobral, in Sancti Spíritus. The accident, apparently without serious consequences, might be dismissed as an insignificant incident if its protagonists were not, precisely, two of the vehicles that best represent the accelerated transformation of transportation on the Island.

According to a witness who spoke to 14ymedio, the motor scooter had activated its turn signal to turn when the Ecomóvil, while attempting to avoid a white Lada, moved toward the same side and the two vehicles collided.

The Ecomóviles, small electric minibuses with little bodywork, have become a common sight in Sancti Spíritus. Conceived as an alternative to the lack of fuel and the deterioration of public transportation, around 30 of these vehicles were supposed to operate in the provincial capital, although passengers complain about increasingly irregular service and waits that can reach two hours.

Fewer cars, however, has not necessarily meant less risk for those who continue to travel

These new forms of transportation are gaining ground just as a large part of the traditional vehicle fleet remains immobilized. In recent months, amid the worsening fuel crisis, the Carretera Central in Sancti Spíritus became practically deserted, while in Havana numerous cars and buses were also disappearing from the streets.

Fewer cars, however, has not necessarily meant less risk for those who continue to travel. continue reading

The National Road Safety Commission itself has acknowledged that, despite the “decrease in the mobility of combustion-engine vehicles,” the use of electric motorcycles, mopeds and tricycles as transportation alternatives continues to increase. Between January and March, 1,234 accidents were recorded in Cuba, with 153 deaths and 1,154 people injured. Motorcycles, mopeds and pedestrians were involved in 74% of the crashes.

The phenomenon is even clearer in Holguín. According to data released this Thursday by the official newspaper ¡Ahora!, between January 1 and September 28, there were 344 accidents there, with 47 fatalities and 350 people injured. Mopeds, a category which includes motor scooters, motorcycles, tricycles and motorized bicycles, were involved in 78% of the accidents. Motor scooters alone were involved in 89 incidents.

“They are very fragile when faced with potholes or impacts; there is nowhere to hold on, and the seats are hard, often made only of metal”

Another recent accident, this time on the Maceo-Holguín route, left the driver of a tricycle, a woman and a girl injured. According to an eyewitness who recounted the incident on Facebook two days ago, the tricycle failed to stop at a Stop sign and collided with a bus, whose driver was unharmed. The driver of the light vehicle was knocked unconscious by the impact, although he regained consciousness on the way to the Vladimir Ilich Lenin General Hospital; the other two occupants suffered injuries that were not life-threatening.

Among passengers, the experience does not always inspire enthusiasm either. “It feels like you’re riding a horse. They bounce as if there were no tomorrow and make your stomach come up into your throat,” says a resident of Sancti Spíritus who is accustomed to using them. He also questions the skill of some drivers: “Many are inexperienced; they even drive in the opposite lane.”

“I travel with my heart in my throat,” confesses a Havana woman who regularly uses these vehicles in the capital. “They are very fragile when faced with potholes or impacts; there is nowhere to hold on, and the seats are hard, often made only of metal.” On hills, she adds, patience is also part of the journey: “They are slow, very slow. Sometimes I prefer to pay more for an almendrón that makes the trip in half the time.”

In the absence of fuel, buses and spare parts, the crisis has gradually driven a large part of the traditional vehicles off the streets and put a new assortment of vehicles in their place. Increasingly, they are the ones keeping Cuba moving. And they are also the ones appearing more frequently in its accident statistics.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Other Lives of a Vendor on Reina Street in Centro Habana

Old fashion magazines allow a woman to imagine, for a few minutes, a world far from the everyday precariousness of Cuba.

The vendor carefully leafs through several fashion magazines rescued from the trash on Reina Street. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, October 3, 2026 / The model in the magazine is wearing an outfit that must once have been advertised as a must-have for the season. Perhaps she was photographed in Madrid, Paris or Miami, under carefully placed lights and after several hours of makeup. Now her fate is considerably less glamorous: she lies on the lap of a woman sitting in a doorway on Reina Street, in Centro Habana, a few meters from a garbage dump that has swallowed the sidewalk and is beginning to conquer part of the roadway as well.

This Saturday, the vendor carefully leafs through several fashion magazines rescued from the trash. Judging by the haircuts and the designs, they look like issues from the 90s or the early years of this century. Anywhere else they would be wastepaper; here they can still have a second, third or fourth life.

The rest of the business is displayed around her. A pair of old black high-heeled shoes rests on a box; there are brightly colored garments, scraps of fabric, the odd accessory, a purse and a small yellow basket. Everything seems to have passed through other hands before and, very probably, through one of the heaps of refuse that keep growing in the area. continue reading

She turns a page, brings the magazine close to her eyes and lingers over the dresses, the shoes and those models with endless legs

To set herself up, the woman has chosen the pedestal of an enormous column, with layers of peeling green paint and damp stains. She wears a blue scarf knotted over her hair and several bracelets. She also has a bottle of water and a small bag. She doesn’t seem to be in a hurry. She leafs through the magazines like someone consulting a catalog to decide what to wear next season.

For long minutes she seems to forget about selling. She turns a page, brings the magazine close to her eyes and lingers over the dresses, the shoes and those models with endless legs who pose in hotels, on avenues and in salons where nothing seems broken or dirty. For a while she can try on all those lives without paying a cent: walking in heels through a clean city, sitting down at a well-laid table, opening a closet full of clothes or, simply, getting up one morning without having to calculate which used object might be turned into a few pesos.

Then she turns another page and takes flight again. It matters little that the models have already aged twenty or thirty years, that those dresses have vanished from the stores or that the magazines ended up thrown away by someone. For her they still hold an intact world, a paper door to a less harsh life. Sitting against the old column on Reina, she is not just leafing through a fashion magazine: for a few minutes she is rehearsing the possibility that her life might have been different.

Translated by GH.

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Man Who Protested With a Banner at Havana’s Capitol Transferred to Villa Marista

“We knew the consequences, but his sense of justice is much greater than the risk,” Ariel Limias Leyva’s wife tells ’14ymedio’

14ymedio, Havana/Madrid, Octber 3, 2026 / Ariel Limias Leyva, the man who was arrested yesterday after climbing with an anti-government banner to the top of the steps of Havana’s Capitol, was transferred first thing this Saturday to Villa Marista, the State Security detention center in the capital. This was confirmed to 14ymedio by his own wife, Yulia Morales, who was not allowed to visit him at the Dragones police station, where he was held all night under interrogation before being moved. “The G2 came and took him away, they didn’t let us see him, we saw him from a distance,” she says.

The woman brought him, she says, medicine and toiletries. “He had a heart attack just recently, on January 18, and he’s on treatment for his heart,” she also relates. And she adds: “I brought him breakfast, and he doesn’t want to eat it. The other time he was imprisoned, for his first protest, he didn’t eat anything during the 12 days he was in prison.”

Morales is referring to the similar demonstration Limias staged on July 17, 2021, after the massive 11J protests across the country, when he went out into the street carrying a sign that read, in capital letters, “freedom.”

That same banner had previously hung from the balcony of his home in Old Havana, as seen in photos shared with this newspaper by Yulia Morales. / Courtesy / 14ymedio

That is one of the words on the sign he carried this Friday, which on one side read, in capital letters, “No + discrimination,” “absurd policy” and “down with the dictatorship,” and on the other, “homeland and life and freedom.” That same banner had previously hung from the balcony of his home in Old Havana, as seen in photos shared with this newspaper by Yulia Morales. continue reading

The 53-year-old man, with a long white beard, dressed in blue jeans and shirtless, walked along several streets of Centro Habana and, despite the extreme surveillance to which the seat of the National Assembly and its surroundings are habitually subjected, climbed the building’s entire staircase.

As seen in videos shared by eyewitnesses, four agents then corner him, bring him down and put him into a patrol car. Before getting into the vehicle, Limias shouted: “Down with the dictatorship!” and someone in the crowd replied: “Down!” Immediately, one of the police officers turned to the crowd and approached one of the witnesses, whose cell phone he appears to confiscate. “A disgrace, that’s what they are,” a female onlooker could be heard saying behind the camera.

Before getting into the vehicle, Limias shouted: “Down with the dictatorship!” and someone in the crowd replied: “Down!”

Asked about it, Yulia Morales explains that he was very aware of what his action could bring upon him. “We talked about it, we knew the consequences, but his sense of justice is much greater than the risk,” she says via message to this newspaper. “He has always been very clear about everything, he knows his rights very well and he defends them.”

They have been married for 28 years and have no children, says the woman, who, like him, is a painter. Both exhibit and sell their paintings at the San José Fair in Old Havana.

“These communists, children of the devil, have ruined the country,” Limias can be heard saying in a video shared on social media. “In every country in the world, when a political party doesn’t work, it doesn’t solve the nation’s problems. The people remove it and replace it. Not them. They have destroyed the whole life of every family in this country for almost 70 years.” And he concludes: “And they think they’re going to perpetuate themselves, but they won’t succeed. Those wretches are going to pay for everything they’ve done.”

Yulia Morales and Ariel Limias Leyva, both painters, have been married for 28 years and have no children

In Cuba, demonstrations of this kind are harshly repressed. On 11J itself, Leonardo Romero Negrín was arrested while carrying a sign that read: “Socialism yes, repression no.” But the most notorious case was that of Luis Robles, “the young man with the banner,” who in December 2020 appeared on San Rafael Boulevard, also in Centro Habana, with a sign that read “Freedom, no more repression, #FreeDenis,” demanding justice for the rapper Denis Solís, who had been sentenced at that time to eight months in prison in a summary trial and who would end up banished via Serbia.

For his action, Robles himself ended up spending more than four years in prison before being released, in January 2025, under an agreement between the Cuban regime and the Vatican. Nine months after leaving captivity, he was forced into exile in Madrid.

Translated by GH.

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Idania Castillo Sacre, Murdered in Cuba by Her Ex-Partner, Who Had Already Been Imprisoned for Another Femicide

According to a study by the Alas Tensas Observatory, as of August 31st gender-based crimes increased by more than 44% compared to the same period in 2025.

The victim preached as a Jehovah’s Witness in the municipality of San Cristóbal, in Artemisa. / Artemisa Vision

14ymedio, Madrid, October 2, 2026 / Idania Castillo Sacre has been added to the relentless list of femicides, which is closing one of its worst weeks of the year with three new victims. The 58-year-old woman was murdered on September 26, allegedly by her ex-partner, who found her on the street while she was preaching as a Jehovah’s Witness in the municipality of San Cristóbal, Artemisa.

According to the Alas Tensas Observatory, the attacker violently forced the woman to his home, where he murdered her. He then tried, unsuccessfully, to commit suicide and was arrested at the scene. The case is particularly striking because the alleged murderer had previously served a prison sentence for killing the mother of his children in 2010.

“These types of cases have been rarely recorded by the Alas Tensas Observatory (OGAT), but they reveal a profile of deeply misogynistic and repeat offenders, also identified in the rest of the world where femicidal violence is observed,” the organization lamented in its statement. According to its count, this murder is the 56th in Cuba, while for 14ymedio —which applies different criteria to classify it as gender-based violence—it is the 52nd. continue reading

“These types of cases have been rarely recorded by the Alas Tensas Observatory, but they show a profile of deeply misogynistic and repeat offenders, also identified in the rest of the world where femicidal violence is observed.”

Castillo had four adult children—three daughters and a son—who had no connection to the attacker, as well as several grandchildren, to whom the observatory has conveyed its condolences. The observatory has also extended its condolences to the family of the detainee’s first wife, “who, with the loss of Idania, are reliving the painful events of the past.”

The information records that so far this year there have been 27 attempted femicides and three missing women: Anais Tamayo Puente, Ana Vivian Suárez Cruz and Bárbara Sánchez González.

This Friday, the Ogat released a semi-annual report — which covers the entire period from January to August — on femicides on the island, which reached 49 by the end of that month. This figure thus equaled in just nine months the total number of femicides achieved in 2025.

The document reveals a 44.1% increase compared to the same period last year, when 34 cases were documented. With this update, the cumulative figure from 2019, when the statistics began to be compiled, until August 31, 2026, is 365 femicides.

In its analysis, the organization distinguishes between crimes involving a romantic relationship—whether ongoing or not—and all others. The vast majority, 77.6%, occurred in the former context, accounting for 38 of the 49 cases. Furthermore, it is clear that separation is the moment of greatest risk; in 25 of the cases a breakup had begun when the murder took place. “The breakup, therefore, does not necessarily mark the end of the danger. When there are threats, harassment, coercive control, or prior complaints, separation can become a critical stage requiring sustained protection measures, vigilance toward the aggressor, and material support so that the woman can reorganize her housing, caregiving, and livelihood without being left vulnerable,” the observatory emphasizes.

Another finding from the analysis is that in twelve cases there was a prior report filed, compared to nine where there wasn’t. In the remaining 28 cases, this could not be determined. A painful statistic also emerges: the majority of murders (32) occurred in a home—especially the victim’s own home or one she shared with others—which becomes a place of risk instead of the safe zone it should be. At the same time, there were ten murders right out in the street. “For a woman under threat, leaving home means finding housing, income, transportation, food, and protection for her children. But leaving the home doesn’t automatically eliminate the risk,” the observatory laments.

Gender-based violence encompasses a very wide range of ages, from a seven-year-old girl – Gabriela Herrera Rodríguez, whom 14ymedio does not classify as a victim of this type – to an 81-year-old woman

Gender-based violence affects a wide range of ages, from a seven-year-old girl—Gabriela Herrera Rodríguez, whom 14ymedio does not classify as a victim of this type—to an 81-year-old woman, Lenia Valdés Amador. However, the most affected age group is 30 to 44, with 16 cases, followed by ages 18 to 29, with 12, and ages 45 to 59, with 11. In addition, five victims were under 18, and 26 had dependent children, leaving at least 40 children or teenagers orphaned. In 88.5% of the cases, the father or stepfather was the perpetrator.

Ogat links the increase to the profound deterioration of living conditions, which in its view neither mitigate nor explain nor justify the aggressions, but act as a “multiplier of vulnerabilities,” leaving women with fewer tools to become independent and get away from their abuser.

The organization denounces, once again, the opacity of the State, which continues to fail to provide transparent information on the murders and only releases data on cases that have been tried, preventing an objective assessment of the situation.

The document concludes with a series of recommendations to the State, official organizations, and the press. It calls for greater protection, legal mechanisms, and economic and housing resources, among other things, while urging the media to properly verify cases, avoid sensationalism, moderate comments that blame the deceased, and eradicate language that presents “jealousy, arguments, age, sexuality, emotional decisions, or the victim’s behavior as an explanation for the crime.”

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Sentenced to 15 and 14 Years in Prison for Another Theft of Dielectric Oil in Moa

Seven people were sentenced for sabotage after stealing 1,248 liters of dielectric oil from a transformer that supplied 6,184 homes in Holguín.

One of the defendants received 15 years in prison, three others were sentenced to 14 years, and the remaining three to 12 years. / ¡Ahora!

14ymedio, Madrid, October 2, 2026 – The theft of 1,248 liters of dielectric oil from a transformer in Moa ended with seven people sentenced to between 12 and 15 years in prison for the crime of sabotage, in another exemplary trial publicized by Cuba’s official press. One of the defendants received 15 years in prison, three others were sentenced to 14 years, and the remaining three to 12 years, according to the Holguín newspaper ¡Ahora!

The case is the second of its kind held this year in Holguín province, after authorities toughened the criminal treatment of offenses affecting the national electrical system (SEN) and increased the publicizing of the sentences as a warning intended to stop a criminal practice that shows no signs of slowing. The Attorney General’s Office recalled that everyone tried in 2026 for crimes against the SEN has been convicted of sabotage, mostly receiving sentences of between nine and 20 years.

In addition to the prison sentences, the court confiscated a motorcycle, a refrigerator and 87,100 Cuban pesos, and seized five cell phones. The official report justifies the severity of the sanctions because of the damage caused amid the energy crisis and the “intensified economic and energy blockade” by the U.S. The official report even suggests that users on social media consider these sentences “lenient” given the damage caused to state property and the population. continue reading

According to the consequences described by the court’s legal representatives, the extraction caused the transformer to overheat, resulting in a short circuit and an explosion that put it out of service. The failure interrupted electricity service to 6,184 homes on circuits 4 and 11 and also affected the secondary power supply to the local hospital. The other transformer at the substation had to take on the entire load and also ended up damaged by the excessive workload. The value of the material losses was calculated by the Electric Company at 138,054 Cuban pesos, about 179 dollars at the informal exchange rate.

The failure interrupted electricity service to 6,184 homes on circuits 4 and 11 and also affected the secondary power supply to the local hospital

The criminal acts took place between the night of March 12 and the early morning of March 13 at the Moa Nueva substation, in an unpopulated area at the entrance to the Armando Mestre neighborhood. Four young men from the Punta Gorda neighborhood, in eastern Moa, stole the oil from the transformer, with the help of three other men from Sancti Spíritus who were passing through the municipality to sell agricultural products. The three men provided transportation and purchased part of the product.

The vehicle used for the theft was a state-owned truck, driven by another of the defendants. The driver paid 960,000 pesos to the alleged ringleader of the operation. The money was divided among the four young men from Moa, while the three men from Sancti Spíritus left with the remaining oil, which could not be recovered.

Fabián Vega Genicio, director of Distribution at the Holguín Electric Company, stressed to the official media outlet the increase in the theft of dielectric oil in the province. In total, the state company has recorded 65 incidents against the SEN this year, compared with 42 during the same period in 2025. Of the 36 involving oil, 12 occurred at high-voltage substations and 24 at distribution transformers, a type of theft that, according to the official, is new this year.

Vega Genicio attributes the increase in these crimes to the energy crisis, since dielectric oil can be used as fuel to start vehicles. However, the director overlooks other possible causes, such as rising inflation, the alarming devaluation of the Cuban peso, and the progressive deterioration of Cubans’ living conditions, which have contributed to pushing crime to record levels in the country.

The director overlooks other possible causes, such as rising inflation, the alarming devaluation of the Cuban peso, and the progressive deterioration of living conditions

According to the official, a subtransmission transformer can cost between $10,000 and $50,000, while a liter of dielectric oil costs around $13. On the other hand, “all of that has to be imported,” he insisted, since the dielectric oil manufactured in Cabaiguán cannot be used in equipment at that voltage level.

The official also points out that darkness during blackouts creates favorable conditions for these thefts. He acknowledges that in Holguín there are areas that can go more than 24 hours without electricity, and when failures occur in the SEN, the interruption can even exceed 40 hours. Under these conditions, it is difficult to maintain surveillance in all the areas through which the network extends, which, according to the director, has 13,100 distribution transformers and some 5,000 kilometers of lines, many of these pieces of equipment located in unpopulated areas.

The official described other recent cases in the province: three substations are affected by crimes, and more than 800 customers in the town of Frank País have been without service for more than a month because of damage following a theft at La Camaronera. The facilities at Farallones de Moa and Juan Paz, in Sagua de Tánamo, are also waiting for oil in order to return to the system.

In mid-September, also in Holguín, two other defendants received prison sentences of eight and ten years for stealing at least 440 liters of dielectric oil. The two buyers of the stolen product were convicted of receiving stolen goods and sentenced to prison terms and correctional labor.

Since May 2025, the Popular Supreme Court has considered acts involving the theft, damage or impairment of components of the SEN to constitute sabotage

This type of crime continues to spread throughout the country as the crisis worsens, despite the risk involved for those who commit these acts who have sometimes ended up injured or dead, the authorities’ “iron-fist” approach, with lengthy sentences imposed, and the consequences for the population.

This same Thursday, another exemplary trial took place in Havana in which four people were sentenced to between 15 and 20 years for stealing 140 liters of oil from a transformer that supplied the Dairy Complex.

The Attorney General’s Office of the Republic reported in August that between 2025 and the first half of 2026, more than 460 criminal investigations had been initiated in connection with crimes against the electrical system. More than 300 involved complaints of dielectric oil theft. Since May 2025, the Popular Supreme Court has considered acts involving the theft, damage or impairment of SEN components and other infrastructure considered critical to constitute sabotage. The Criminal Code provides prison sentences of between seven and 30 years for this offense, in addition to much harsher penalties in certain aggravated cases, including the death penalty.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Cuban Prosecutor’s Office Seeks Eight and Ten Years for the Creators of El4tico

The Provincial Court of Holguín orders the opening of an oral trial, which will be held within a minimum period of 10 days, although no date has been set.

Screenshot of one of the independent videos published by El4tico. / Facebook/El4tico

14ymedio, Madrid, October 2, 2026 – Ernesto Ricardo Medina and Kamil Zayas Pérez, members of the El4tico project, face prison sentences of eight and ten years for the crimes of propaganda against the constitutional order, defamation of institutions and organizations and of heroes and martyrs, and incitement to commit crimes. Martí Noticias gained access to the provisional conclusions of the Holguín Provincial Prosecutor’s Office, which has sent the request to the First Criminal Chamber of the Court. The latter, in turn, has ordered the opening of an oral trial, which will be held within a minimum period of 10 days, although no date has been set.

In statements to the Miami-based media outlet, Medina’s mother said she was convinced that there would be a guilty verdict. “Perhaps their sentences will be reduced somewhat, but there is not the slightest doubt in our minds that they will be convicted. We know that there is no rule of law in Cuba; we have no legal guarantees. Their opinion prevails, and they will condemn them because they exercised the right to freedom of expression. They are young people who have the right to say what they think, offering what, from their perspective, they believe would be good for our country,” she said.

Mileydis Medina Machín stated that State Security is, technically, the only thing that works well in a country where almost everything goes wrong. “It is the way to perpetuate themselves in power,” she argued. continue reading

Mileydis Medina Machín stated that State Security is, technically, the only thing that works well in a country where almost everything goes wrong. “It is the way to perpetuate themselves in power,” she argued.

In the document, the Prosecutor’s Office maintains that the defendants acted from November 7, 2025, to establish and implement the digital communications project known as El 4tico, for which they “set up a filming location in the residential property of Ricardo Medina, located in the Piedra Blanca neighborhood of the city of Holguín, from where they produced and disseminated content on social media.”

The text, Martí Noticias continues, cites examples of content in which criticism is made of the Communist Party of Cuba, mass organizations and the Ministry of the Interior, in addition to calling on agents of that agency and members of the Armed Forces to reject “the established legal order.”

To disseminate the content, they used technology purchased abroad, the Prosecutor’s Office maintains, including computers, telephones, microphones, cameras and other accessories. The Public Prosecutor’s Office links these purchases to conversations between the young men and exiled opponents in Spain, among them Yunior García Aguilera, Carolina Barrero and Amelia Calzadilla, whom they allegedly asked for advice, technical training and scripts.

“They are common devices. They are not advanced or sophisticated technology items. Of course, they did not seize weapons, propaganda, leaflets, posters,” emphasizes Medina Machín, who has also addressed the relationship with the exiles. “They are people who, at some point in history, have also expressed their disagreement with certain things that happen in this country, but that proves nothing. They talk about scripts that were indeed sent, edited abroad, and about people who greeted them at some point, but that does not mean that they edited any script,” she argued.

Medina and Zayas were arrested on February 6 of this year – they have therefore spent eight months in pretrial detention – following several home searches. The young men remain imprisoned at the Holguín Provisional Prison and have received support from organizations such as Cubalex, the Cuban Institute for Freedom of Expression and Press and Prisoners Defenders, as well as the international organizations Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights.

“They wanted to encourage critical thinking among people. We have become accustomed for many years to having a way of thinking imposed on us, but the new generations no longer accept that,” Medina maintained.

“They wanted to encourage critical thinking among people. We have become accustomed for many years to having a way of thinking imposed on us, but the new generations no longer accept that”

During his time in prison, Kamil Zayas wrote a letter affirming his convictions: “It has been worth it. Do not give up. Let us now build a people, one that is just and good. We are counting on you. Long live a Dignified Cuba.”

Ricardo Medina, for his part, released through his mother a handwritten letter in which he denounced that State Security was pressuring him to retract his statements through a video. The young man refused and stressed that repenting “would be a lie.”

The news came the same day that the sentence following the oral trial of Anna Sofía Benítez, known on social media as Anna Bensi, and her mother, Caridad Silvente, became known. For each of them, “two years of restriction of freedom” have been requested, although the Court’s ruling is still pending.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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