Translating Cuba – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

Wave of Deportations of “Illegal” Migrants from Havana to the Provinces

It is a violation of Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which guarantees the right of “everyone to choose their residence freely.”

Surveillance begins with the identification of migrants during random police checks or home inspections carried out with the support of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs). / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, November 7, 2026 – According to the official press, the recent police operation in San Miguel del Padrón, in which the Ministry of the Interior and the National Police detained “undocumented and illegal persons in the capital with deviant behavior,” along with testimonies such as that of Yoani Sánchez, director of 14ymedio, reveal a reality the regime avoids discussing: the growing number of Cubans being detained in Havana simply because they do not live at the address listed on their identity cards.

“Two police officers from Guantánamo stopped me in the middle of the street and, when they saw that my address was in Guantánamo, threatened to deport me back to the eastern part of the country,” a reader tells this newspaper, describing his experience as an example of having been a “victim of the harassment against the ‘illegals’ in Havana.”

It was also reported this Friday that the evangelical pastor Rolando Fidel Pérez Lora, known as the “Preacher of Christ,” who is being held at Villa Marista, the headquarters of State Security, amid the current wave of arrests targeting activists and dissidents, will be forcibly transferred to Las Tunas. This is an example of how migration controls are also being used as a mechanism of repression against dissent.

These cases demonstrate how the enforcement of regulations restricting Cubans’ freedom of movement within their own country has increased. The use of terms such as “illegal” and “deportation” by the authorities themselves and the official media highlights the violence of this regional discrimination, referring to residents of the provinces as though they were citizens of a foreign country. continue reading

The use of terms such as “illegal” and “deportation” by the authorities themselves and the official media highlights the violence of this regional discrimination

Javier Larrondo, president of the independent organization Prisoners Defenders, explains that “Cubans do not recognize that this is a violation of their rights and that, therefore, they are prisoners of conscience, in the sense that they are imprisoned for violating their fundamental rights.”

The legislation applied to those living in the capital without residency authorization is Decree-Law 217, approved in 1997 and entitled “Internal Migration Regulations for the City of Havana and Their Violations.”

The regulation requires anyone from another province who wishes to establish residence in Havana to first obtain an administrative permit: authorization from the municipal government of the area where the home in which they intend to live is located. This means that the authorities treat residency as a discretionary admission right, through which they decide whether or not to authorize someone to live in the capital. Without a document issued by the municipal authorities, Cubans from other provinces risk being fined and sent back to their place of origin.

The difficulty of obtaining this official permit explains why many provincial residents who move to the capital do not have updated documents that would allow them to be considered “legal.” Because of this same lack of freedom of movement and regional discrimination, nicknames such as “Palestinians” or “landless people” have become common ways of referring to Cubans originally from the eastern part of the country who live in Havana, “the capital of all Cubans,” as its slogan proclaims.

Nicknames such as “Palestinians” or “landless people” have become common ways of referring to people from the eastern part of the country who live in Havana, “the capital of all Cubans”

In the comments on the official publication about the arrests of “illegal and undocumented” people in San Miguel del Padrón, some users also described their experiences with this migration-related discrimination. A resident of Santiago de Cuba recounted a visit to her father in Nuevo Vedado: “We were walking along 23rd Avenue when a police officer stopped us, asked for our documents, and began questioning us about why I had come, how long I was going to stay, and whether I had brought a transfer permit for one month from Santiago de Cuba to Havana.”

The surveillance mechanism begins with the identification of migrants, either through random street checks by the National Police or home inspections conducted with the support of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDRs). After the fine, citizens are given less than 72 hours to return to their province. If they fail to comply with this voluntary departure order, they are forcibly transferred: those affected are taken to temporary detention centers, including El Vivac, and returned to their provinces on buses or trains escorted by police.

The Government justified the regulation in 1997 by citing demographic pressure on housing, employment, transportation, and basic supplies. Organizations such as Human Rights Watch (HRW), Cubalex, and the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights have described these practices as serious violations of freedom of movement.

The Cuban Constitution, approved in 2019, recognizes in Article 52 the freedom of individuals to enter, remain in, travel through, and leave the national territory, as well as to change their domicile or residence, “subject only to the limitations established by law.” This qualification gives the State considerable leeway.

The regions farthest from Havana, the most neglected by the State’s administration, are also those suffering most severely from the deterioration of living conditions

Internal migration in Cuba follows a pattern repeated throughout the world: people move from less developed areas to cities with greater economic activity. In the context of the current crisis, the regions farthest from Havana, the most neglected by the State’s administration, are also those suffering most severely from power outages, water shortages, and the general deterioration of living conditions.

Deciding where to live within one’s own country is a basic right, recognized by international law for decades. According to the independent organization Cubalex, labeling a Cuban “illegal” for living in Havana has no basis whatsoever in international law. Article 13 of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights establishes that everyone has the right to freedom of movement and residence within the borders of each State. Article 12 of the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights further develops this principle: “Everyone lawfully within the territory of a State shall, within that territory, have the right to liberty of movement and freedom to choose his residence.”

Cubalex also points out that these arrests are incompatible with the prohibition of arbitrary detention, as established by the Human Rights Committee.

The Cuban Government frequently denounces the immigration policies of the United States. Last Tuesday, Deputy Foreign Minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío did so again in an extensive message on social media. There is a contradiction when the Government condemns the detention and deportation of migrants in the United States while implementing measures within Cuba that can result in citizens being forcibly returned to their provinces. Both procedures can affect freedom, family life, and access to basic legal protections.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuba and China Sign Three Agreements to Promote Biopharmaceutical Projects

The agreements include initiatives involving medications, diagnostic tests, and a joint laboratory.

The agreements were announced at the Biotechnology Cooperation Forum, held in Shanghai. / @CIGBCuba

EFE/14ymedio, Havana, November 7, 2026 – Cuba and China signed three agreements to promote drug innovation, the development of diagnostic tests, and the establishment of a joint biopharmaceutical laboratory as part of a biotechnology cooperation forum between the two nations, state media reported Friday.

The meeting, held in the Chinese city of Shanghai, brought together businesspeople, academics, and industry representatives with the aim of establishing partnerships. Mayda Mauri Pérez, president of Cuba’s state-owned Group of Biotechnology and Pharmaceutical Industries, highlighted the organization’s interest in expanding the participation of Chinese partners in investment projects.

These projects are related to changing the energy matrix and incorporating artificial intelligence into different industrial processes, both administrative and those involving research and development, explained the executive of BioCubaFarma, which produces medicines, equipment, and high-tech services. continue reading

These projects are related to changing the energy matrix and incorporating artificial intelligence into different industrial processes

She also considered that this technology could help improve production processes, raise the quality standards of manufactured products, and strengthen clinical trial activities.

The state media report indicates that there are currently more than 30 Cuban-Chinese projects at various stages of research and development. Among the new initiatives is the creation of a joint research and development center, which will be the eleventh of its kind established in China with Cuban participation.

In recent years, biotechnology cooperation between the two nations has led to the creation of several joint ventures, laboratories, and joint research and development centers dedicated to scientific research projects, according to reports from institutions in the sector.

Havana and Beijing maintain close political and economic relations, with the Asian country standing out as one of the Island’s principal allies.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Democratic Victory in the US Raises Hopes and Doubts Among Cubans

The new balance of power in Congress raises expectations on the island, while some insist that the main problems are internal

“We can’t blame what’s happening in the United States now,” a Cuban man declared. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, EFE, Claudia Dupeirón and Yeny García, Havana, November 7, 2026 / Most Cubans are too busy trying to survive the deep economic crisis the country is going through to closely follow the US legislative elections. However, among those who know the results of last Tuesday’s vote, the Democratic Party’s victory raises some hope that there will be a change in relations between Washington and Havana. Others, however, believe that the solution to the island’s problems does not depend on who governs in the neighboring country.

“They’re all the same,” Havana resident Daniel Escobar, 60, tells EFE, referring to US politicians. Despite his skepticism, he acknowledges that “the Democrats are a little bit better” and maintains a moderate optimism in the face of the new political scenario that has opened up after the Republicans’ defeat in the midterm elections.

“We don’t lose faith that a change has to be made in favor of all Cubans. (With) the relationship or whatever, something favorable to Cuba has to happen, because the truth is that Cuba is going through very difficult times,” says Escobar.

The resounding Democratic victory, which has allowed the party to win back both the Senate and the House of Representatives, is a setback for Trump, whose Administration has, since January, stepped up pressure on the Cuban government through restrictions on oil supplies, new sanctions and threats of intervention. continue reading

“If I had to bet on what Trump’s next target will be, I’d say it’s Cuba”

The new Congress, which will take office on January 3, could hinder the Republican president’s agenda and limit his room for maneuver, although the concrete consequences for Cuba remain uncertain.

“If I had to bet on what Trump’s next target will be, I’d say it’s Cuba,” said Charles Kupchan, professor of International Affairs at Georgetown University, during a forum dedicated to analyzing the consequences of the elections for US foreign policy.

In the academic’s view, Trump could try to consolidate his historical legacy by becoming the president who managed to topple the island’s communist government, a goal pursued for decades by various sectors in Washington.

Nor does Cuban historian Fabio Fernández Batista rule out that the president, weakened by his results in domestic politics, might seek a victory abroad. Trump could “launch himself in search of a political success in the foreign arena, and that could be Cuba,” he maintains.

“The Democratic victory opens up, at least in the immediate term, a sense of hope that something will change”

However, Fernández Batista also considers the opposite possibility: that the US president will fall back on his negotiating side to reach some kind of agreement with Havana.

“Right now a scenario is opening up with widely differing possibilities. (…) A period of waiting and uncertainty is opening up,” the historian sums up.

For Ariel Dacal, also a Cuban historian, “the Democratic victory opens up, at least in the immediate term, a sense of hope that something will change.” However, he warns that the election result is not enough to count on a substantial transformation of bilateral relations.

“What remains, while enjoying the momentary respite, is to wait and see what course it will bring, with no more expectations than are warranted,” says Dacal.

University of Miami associate professor of History Michael J. Bustamante believes that a Congress opposed to Trump could “halt any further escalation against the Cuban government.” However, he points out in a post on X that the Democrats “have a long list of battles to fight, abuses to investigate and priorities to push.”

Among the citizens consulted in Havana, there is no unanimity either on the consequences of the Republican defeat.

Yoel Machado believes that a Congress controlled by the opposition could “take away from Donald Trump a little of the possibility of doing some things.” However, he fears that the new political limitations could provoke an unpredictable reaction from the president.

That strategy of resistance may suit Cuba’s leaders, but it “offers little to the Cuban people”

It could also be “a tense moment where some kind of desperate maneuver might arise. Other than that, if nothing happens until January 3, which is what I hope, then let nothing happen,” he tells EFE.

Meanwhile, the Cuban government seems to be betting on resisting pressure from Washington rather than giving public signs of a willingness to negotiate. Contacts between the two countries have not, at least so far, produced tangible results.

In October, Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez told The New York Times that the Cuban authorities were prepared to wait “as long as necessary” until the United States changed its policy toward the island. “It has to do it. It’s inevitable,” the foreign minister stated.

For Bustamante, that strategy of resistance may suit Cuba’s leaders, but it “offers little to the Cuban people,” who bear the consequences of both US pressure and the inefficiency and mismanagement of their own government.

This view is shared by a young Havana resident interviewed by EFE, who preferred to remain anonymous and emphasized the responsibility of the island’s authorities.

“Right now the biggest problems we have are internal, and if the internal problems aren’t solved, we can’t now blame what’s happening in the United States,” he concludes.

Translated by GH.

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In Matanzas, Cuba, Privacy Is Rented by the Hour and Paid for at Luxury Prices

Amid overcrowding and the disappearance of the old posadas, clandestine rooms are proliferating, offering anything from a bed with a fan to air conditioning

Between overcrowded housing and families where three generations live together, finding four walls to be alone is very difficult. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, Matanzas, November 7, 2026 / In the El Naranjal neighborhood, a couple stops in front of a window protected by iron bars. Behind it, chains, earrings and watches are on display, but Héctor has other merchandise to offer them. The former Chemistry teacher, who spent 21 years in front of the classroom at a pre-university high school, offers to rent them a room at the back of his house. “The room has everything, with a good bed, a split [air conditioner], beer in the minibar in case you want a drink, and even a mirror on the ceiling,” he lists, with the confidence of someone who knows the virtues of his product.

Privacy has become yet another luxury item in Matanzas. Amid overcrowded homes, families where three generations live together, and couples who still sleep separated from the rest of the house by a curtain, finding four walls in which to be alone can be as complicated as getting hold of the cement to build them.

The old state-run posadas, which offered rooms by the hour, have disappeared from the Cuban landscape. A discreet network of private rooms has flourished in that vacuum

The old state-run posadas, which offered rooms by the hour, have disappeared from the Cuban landscape. Some closed for good and others ended up as collective shelters for hurricane victims. Conventional hotels, with rates prohibitive for a worker, don’t solve the problem either. A discreet network of private rooms has flourished in that vacuum.

Héctor does not have a landlord’s license. He had one for other activities, but says that legalizing the lodging would leave him little profit after paying taxes and expenses. “This isn’t about getting rich, it’s about making a daily living,” he tells 14ymedio. He and his wife run the business personally to avoid prying eyes on those who come and go. continue reading

An hour costs 5,000 pesos, an unattainable sum for many couples. The price includes a private bathroom, air conditioning and electricity backed up by a generator and solar panels. In a city where blackouts can interrupt even the most intimate moments, guaranteeing power has become a commercial advantage.

When customers are scarce, Héctor advertises the room in Facebook groups. However, he prefers personal recommendations. Discretion works like a second lock: it protects the visitor from gossip and the owner from an inspection that could ruin his livelihood.

On Compostela Street, Abel has found another way to make use of the available square meters. He sells meat products and rents out his mother-in-law’s old room by the hour. From the porch, where the merchandise is displayed, you step into a narrow living room with a refrigerator and a table turned into a counter. The house retains that typical Matanzas mix of commerce, home and everyday patching-up.

“The room is nothing special,” he admits. It has a rechargeable fan, it is kept clean, and its walls don’t always manage to block out the neighbors’ conversations. His hours end at three in the afternoon, before his daughter comes home from school. He doesn’t want the girl to hear certain noises.

The rules vary from one house to another. Some admit only two people, ban alcoholic drinks or demand absolute silence. Others offer a minibar and amenities that make the stay more expensive

The rules vary from one house to another. Some admit only two people, ban alcoholic drinks or demand absolute silence. Others offer a minibar and amenities that make the stay more expensive. Signs advertising the service almost never appear. A barred window, a half-open door or a recommendation from the bodeguero [the clerk at the state ration store] is enough to find it.

Abel also takes in people who need to spend the night near the Pediatric Hospital and can’t return to their municipalities. For 1,000 pesos, he lets them sleep from ten at night until six in the morning. “I don’t like taking advantage of other people’s need either,” he says as he weighs out two pounds of ground meat.

The business has two equally vulnerable sides. Whoever rents needs money to survive; whoever pays is looking for a privacy they don’t have at home. The informality leaves both without clear guarantees and turns any disagreement into a problem that is hard to seek redress for.

Translated by GH

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Thank You to Everyone Who Raised Their Voice for My Freedom

I verified that every day dozens or even hundreds of people are arrested in Havana for the simple fact of not having an address in the capital on their identity card

Yoani Sánchez, this Friday, one day after being arbitrarily detained for nine hours by Cuban State Security. / 14ymedio

Yoani Sánchez – Generation Y – Journalist, founder and director of 14ymedio, Havana, November 6, 2026 / I express my deepest gratitude to those who denounced arbitrary arrest this Thursday, demanded my release, and stood with me in solidarity. Every message, every denunciation, and every voice raised was essential. Thank you for not leaving me alone.

But I also left that cell with a denunciation I cannot keep silent about. There, I witnessed with horror that every day dozens, even hundreds, of people are detained in Havana simply for not having a Havana address on their identity cards. They are prosecuted as “illegals” and subjected to forced deportations to their home provinces. The two words I heard most often during my confinement were “illegals” and “deportation.” Cubans treated like garbage in their own country.

I also denounce the absolute subservience of the National Revolutionary Police (PNR) to State Security. The officers, patrols, and police facilities are used as instruments of political repression, at the service of those who persecute and punish the exercise of citizens’ freedoms.

In this video I share my experience, my gratitude and, above all, my concern for those who remain locked up without their names reaching social media or their stories appearing in the headlines.

Thank you again for helping me regain my freedom. Let’s not forget those who still don’t have it.

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Havana Chronicles: ‘They’re Going to Deport Me”: The Voices of Cubans Detained for Being in Havana

During the nine hours I was detained in a police station, I heard the farewells of those who would be expelled for not having an address in the capital on their identity card.

They are mainly young men from eastern Cuba, detained because their identity cards do not have a Havana address. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez – Journalist, founder and director of 14ymedio, Havana, November 6, 2026 / “Bring me all my clothes and shoes, they’re going to deport me,” a young man says on the phone in the holding cells of the 4th Police Unit, in Havana’s Cerro neighborhood. His voice reaches my cell from the hallway of this underground level, accessed from the back of the station. The air smells of urine, the locks clang, and each phone call allows me to piece together a fragment of the country.

The jailer, who is called El Jimagua [The Twin], paces back and forth between the bars. Orders, protests, and the metallic clang of doors fill the air. Some detainees enter, others leave to make their only phone call. Some regain their freedom; others receive the news that they will be sent to the El Vivac detention center and then back to their home provinces. The words “illegal” and “deportation” are repeated so often that they come to dominate the brief vocabulary of confinement.

In the nearly nine hours I spent there, I counted more than a dozen cases. They were mainly young men from eastern Cuba, detained because their identity cards didn’t have a Havana address. From the police activity and the conversations I overheard, it seemed like a machine capable of processing dozens, perhaps hundreds, of people each day. I couldn’t verify the number, but I could hear the consequences. continue reading

That phone call contains the story of an entire family: a mother, a little boy waiting, and someone who won’t arrive in time to pick him up.

“Tell my mamá to go get the boy, I left him with the neighbor next door and I won’t be able to come back. They’re going to deport me,” says another voice, more mature. That call encapsulates the story of an entire family: a mother, a little boy waiting, and someone who won’t arrive in time to pick him up.

Sometimes they can’t even leave their cells to make a call. Then El Jimagua acts as an intermediary. The detainee shouts from behind bars, the jailer relays the message over the phone, and a family member answers from somewhere in the city. Three voices for a conversation we all listen to in silence. That’s how I get to know my fellow inmates, through their urgent needs, their goodbyes, and the instructions they have to cram into a single moment.

Another detainee manages to get to the phone, but he faces an obstacle. He can’t remember a single complete number to call. Mobile phone contact lists have atrophied the memory of many, accustomed as they are to tapping on a name without having to recall the digits. The man presses a few buttons and freezes. He tries again, but still can’t complete the sequence. “The only numbers I remember are those of people who have left the country or died,” he laments. He puts the receiver back. He has lost his only chance to let someone know he’s in jail.

El Jimagua calls a detainee. He’s been given bail of 50,000 pesos and will be released. But he’s not one of the “illegals.” Those have no way to avoid “deportation.”

In my cell, the walls hold other testimonies. La Mora del Cerro, Yunieski El Cabilla, and Yantiel, who circled his name, left evidence of their presence. Near the door are tally marks: four vertical lines crossed by a diagonal, repeated in at least six groups. Someone had plenty of time to keep count of every day they spent there.

The prisoners have broken off fragments of tiles to scrape off the paint and write. One proclaims himself “El Rey de La Timba”; another, “Papito, the best of El Canal.” Deprived even of their shoelaces, they cling to the neighborhood, to their nickname, to the tribe that identifies them.

It is all the more brutal to hear that so many Cubans are treated like garbage in their own land.

Another door opens. El Jimagua calls out to a detainee. They’ve set bail at 50,000 pesos, and he’ll be released. But he’s not one of the “illegals.” Those have no way to avoid “deportation,” even if they pay millions of pesos. In a few hours, I too will be freed from my confinement, after an arbitrary arrest.

Although my identity card says I live in Havana, I belong to another group of third-class citizens. I am a thought illegal, an intruder in the territory of permitted ideas, a Cuban they cannot deport because they haven’t yet found a way to expel me from their own conscience.

Human Rights Commission (IACHR) Pressures the Regime in the Case of Cuban Teenager Jonathan Muir

The organization is requesting information to follow up on the case, in which a seven-year prison sentence is being sought for the minor.

Jonathan Muir Burgos was 16 when he participated in the Morón demonstration, and prosecutors requested seven years in prison for sabotage. / Screenshot

14ymedio, Havana, November 6, 2026 – The Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) is pressing the Cuban government over the case of Jonathan David Muir Burgos, the 17-year-old teenager imprisoned for participating in the protests last March in Morón, Ciego de Ávila. In April, the organization sent an official request to the Cuban Government demanding urgent information about the young man’s situation, as he was then being held in Canaleta, the provincial prison for adults. Now, despite the fact that the minor has been out of prison since June 24, the IACHR insists on following up on his case.

“The priority at this moment must be Jonathan’s protection. We appreciate that the Inter-American Commission continues to monitor his case and has formally requested a response from the Cuban State. We hope the authorities respond to the IACHR and fully guarantee his safety, freedom, due process, and all the rights to which he is entitled as an adolescent,” Juan Carlos Vargas, the organization’s executive director, told the independent news outlet ADN. continue reading

Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla is being asked to provide whatever comments he “considers appropriate within the established deadline” of 90 days

On Thursday, the IACHR announced that it had sent a new official request for information regarding this case. It asks Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla to provide whatever observations he “considers appropriate within the established deadline” of 90 days, so they can be incorporated into the file monitoring the precautionary measures imposed in Muir’s case.

The case against the Morón demonstrators had received little media attention until last October 19, when the prosecution’s request became known. Prosecutors are seeking prison sentences of up to 13 years for the defendants. The case dates back to March 13, when hundreds of residents took to the streets in protest against prolonged blackouts and deteriorating living conditions.

The demonstration ended with the occupation of the municipal headquarters of the Communist Party, which some demonstrators eventually set on fire, resulting in numerous arrests. Nineteen people have been charged in connection with these events with sedition and other crimes, including several women and minors.

One of them is Jonathan David Muir Burgos, who was 16 at the time of the events and for whom a seven-year prison sentence is being sought for sabotage. The young man has been under house arrest since his release from prison, which came after numerous appeals by human rights organizations and foreign officials. Amnesty International called for his immediate release in May and denounced the fact that he was being held with adults.

During his time at Canaleta, his family denounced the poor conditions in which he was being held, while the regime countered by showing unauthorized photographs of Muir playing the piano in prison

The organization recalled that the deprivation of liberty of minors must be used only as a last resort and for the shortest possible period. It also demanded that, for as long as Jonathan remained detained, he be protected from violence, receive medical care, and have regular access to his family and a lawyer of his choice.

On April 24, the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights granted him precautionary measures, determining that his life, personal integrity, and health were at risk of suffering irreparable harm while in the custody of the Cuban State.

During his time at Canaleta, his family denounced the poor conditions in which he was being held, while the Cuban regime countered by displaying unauthorized photographs of Muir playing the piano in prison. “How can a boy who is on the brink of death participate in a charity concert in prison? How can he distribute smiles while moving his hands with such precision?” stated Razones de Cuba.

His father, deeply angered by the illegal distribution of images of a minor without parental consent, said prison authorities had promised him a day of visitation as a reward. “They used him, took pictures of him, recorded videos, even recorded the boy’s blood type to carry out these horrendous things. I denounce them, every one of them. And the prison authorities are also involved in this,” he stated.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Rosa María Payá Presents a Three-Phase Transition Plan for Cuba in Madrid

The proposal calls for dismantling the repressive apparatus, distributing humanitarian aid, establishing a provisional government for a maximum of 36 months, and calling free elections.

The event, “Cuba on the Threshold,” was held at the Wellington Hotel ahead of the XXX Ibero-American Summit. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, November 4, 2026 – Cuban opposition figure Rosa María Payá presented her plan for a democratic transition in Cuba on Tuesday in Madrid at a meeting that was briefly interrupted when a Cuban doctor approached the stage shouting, “Down with the blockade.”

She was identified as Lucía Céspedes Ocampo, a Cuban doctor with a private clinic in Guadeloupe, a French territory, who appeared on Cuban state television in September thanking Díaz-Canel.

“That young woman, if she is willing to listen, is invited back,” Payá responded. “This proposal is for all Cubans. Even those who are still trapped today in the totalitarian institutions of that dictatorship. Because they, too, need liberation. And because their families are also suffering,” she added.

At that moment, Payá was halfway through her presentation, during which she outlined her three-phase plan. The phases encompass the Castro family’s departure from power, the dissolution of State Security, and a provisional government lasting between 18 and 36 months, with no possibility of an extension. Free elections would mark the culmination of the process.

The first phase of the plan, called “liberation,” requires an end to repression and the restoration of fundamental rights. “There can be no transition with repression,” warned the daughter of the late opposition leader Oswaldo Payá. continue reading

Lucía Céspedes Ocampo, who interrupted yesterday’s event, appeared on Cuban state television in September thanking Díaz-Canel. / 14ymedio

Armando Ibarra, coordinator of the security division, detailed plans to dissolve the political police, the rapid-response brigades, and the surveillance mechanisms operated by the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution. “In the new Cuba, weapons will be subject to the law and to the Cuban people, not to the Communist Party,” he stated. The proposal places the Armed Forces under civilian authority, calls for the withdrawal of Russian and Chinese intelligence services, and transfers the military conglomerate Gaesa to civilian administration.

The second phase, focused on “stabilization and reconstruction,” would begin with humanitarian aid. Yaxys Cires, of the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights, explained that during the first 180 days, food, water, and medicine would be distributed, with an initial deployment within 72 hours. A national authority and logistics centers would be established. Assistance would be free and would carry no political conditions.

“The Cuban economy has money. The problem is that it is in the wrong places,” argued economist Elías Amor Bravo, who proposed reducing the role of the state, strengthening private property, controlling inflation, and attracting investment.

Cuban political scientist and writer Julio M. Shiling, an adviser on transitional justice, proposed investigating the regime’s crimes, purging institutions, and restoring or compensating owners for confiscated properties, “with full rights of occupancy for those currently living there.” He also proposed investigating Gaesa and using the 1940 Constitution as a starting point, adapted to present-day circumstances. “We must establish the facts, assign responsibility, provide reparations, disqualify those responsible, and break with the symbolism of that dictatorship,” he maintained.

The third phase, “democratization,” would culminate in a binding constitutional referendum and multiparty elections. Lawyer Mijail Bonito Lovio explained that independent institutions would be established within the first 90 days, including a national electoral service and an auditing office. “The democratic transition law is conceived as a provisional measure with a clear objective,” he said, establishing a legal pathway to return sovereignty to the Cuban people within a maximum period of 36 months.

“The ultimate goal of this plan is not to administer the transition,” Payá stated, emphasizing the need to restore Cubans’ right to decide and reunify the nation both inside and outside the Island.

The event, “Cuba on the Threshold,” was held at the Wellington Hotel ahead of the XXX Ibero-American Summit, which was marked by low attendance among heads of state. Cuba will be represented by Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez, without Miguel Díaz-Canel, and only ten of the 22 leaders invited were expected to attend. Hours earlier, Payá had met in Madrid with Chilean President José Antonio Kast and Chilean Senate President Paulina Núñez, publicly thanking them for their solidarity with the Cuban people.

“The ultimate goal of this plan is not to administer the transition,” Payá stated. / 14ymedio

“We are no longer exclusively denouncing the dictatorship; we are preparing the Republic,” said the founder of Cuba Decide and coordinator of Pasos de Cambio, a platform that incorporates the initiative. The project develops the Agreement for Liberation, presented in Miami in March alongside Orlando Gutiérrez Boronat, of the Cuban Resistance Assembly, with the support of opposition organizations both inside and outside the Island.

Those attending included the secretary general of the Organization of American States, Albert Ramdin, several members of the European Parliament, and diplomatic representatives from the United States, Chile, and European countries. Ramdin said that after nearly 70 years without results, it was time to reconsider the Cuban system. He also called for the unconditional release of political prisoners and defended a peaceful transition led by Cubans, although he clarified that his position had not been agreed upon by the organization’s member states.

Polish member of the European Parliament Arkadiusz Mularczyk warned that bringing down communism is not enough to guarantee democracy. He called for preserving the political police archives, prosecuting abuses, and preventing former elites from retaining economic power. Dominican Foreign Minister Víctor Ito Bisonó also addressed the gathering through a recorded message, expressing support for democratic change.

Recorded messages were sent from Cuba by Berta Soler, leader of the Ladies in White, and Iván Hernández Carrillo, coordinator of the independent trade unions. Soler demanded the release of political prisoners, the exclusion of the Communist Party from the transition, and courts that guarantee justice for victims. Hernández Carrillo called for social protection and labor guarantees. “Without freedom of association, there can be no genuine democracy in the world of work,” he stated.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Kidnapped for Nine Hours by Cuba’s Political Police, Yoani Sánchez Is Accused of Threatening the Constitutional Order

The arrest of the journalist, director of ’14ymedio’, sparked a wave of solidarity and outrage in international media, organizations and institutions

Yoani Sánchez, director of ’14ymedio’, was arrested by the political police this Thursday at 9:30 a.m., after leaving her home. / Screenshot/14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, November 5, 2026 / Yoani Sánchez, director of 14ymedio, has been released by State Security after being held for nine hours. The political police detained her this Thursday at 9:30 a.m. as she left her home in Nuevo Vedado, in Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución municipality, to go shopping at the neighborhood market.

According to her own testimony, she has been charged with “attack against the constitutional order.”

The journalist notified her colleagues at this newspaper of her brief absence and announced she would return soon, but barely ten minutes later she managed to send a message in which she explained her situation in just four words: “The police kidnapped me.” According to the testimony of some neighbors, the State Security agent who calls himself Bruno was seen loitering in the lower part of the building when the arrest took place.

The incident has sparked a wave of outrage and solidarity among Cubans both on and off the island, journalists, activists, and organizations. Numerous international media outlets have reported the story, including El País, El Mundo, and The Objective in Spain; Martí Noticias and the Miami Herald in Florida (USA); El Universal in Mexico; and even the South China Morning Post in Hong Kong .

Juan Pablo Segura, U.S. Assistant Secretary of State for Western Hemisphere Affairs, stated on X: “The arrest of Cuban journalist Yoani Sánchez this morning is part of the Cuban regime’s sustained campaign to crush the independent press.” He then recalled the arrests of fellow journalists Adelth Bonne and Camila Acosta this week, and the imprisonment of Henry Constantín since September, through which “the Cuban regime demonstrates its cowardice.” The official concluded by calling for “Freedom Now” in a tweet that was retweeted by the U.S. Embassy in Havana, in Spanish. continue reading

Reporters Without Borders has condemned Sánchez’s arrest, calling it an “attack on independent journalism on the island.”

Reporters Without Borders has condemned Sánchez’s arrest, calling it an “attack on independent journalism on the island,” and demanding that “the authorities disclose her whereabouts, guarantee her safety, and release her.” Amnesty International and the Inter-American Press Association (IAPA) have also condemned her arrest in a social media post .

The Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) issued a statement strongly condemning the arrest of the newspaper’s director and recalling recent attacks on independent journalists living on the island. “Cuban authorities should immediately release Yoani Sánchez and reveal her whereabouts,” said José Zamora, CPJ’s regional director for the Americas, adding, “Her detention is part of a broader crackdown on independent journalists. Authorities must end these arrests and allow journalists to report without fear of reprisal.”

On Thursday members of the Ladies in White, Berta Soler and María Cristina Labrada, were also arrested in the street . As of 2:34 p.m., according to Soler’s husband, Ángel Moya, they were still missing.

Last Monday, Adelth Bonne Gamboa, a contributor to CubaNet, was violently arrested by police officers who handcuffed him and took him away in a patrol car. Hours later he was released, but with a fine for his social media posts, several pieces of equipment confiscated, and renewed threats of imprisonment.

On Tuesday, it was Camila Acosta‘s turn. Acosta, also a contributor to CubaNet, was arrested in the street that morning by State Security agents who took her to a police station in handcuffs. The reporter explained on Wednesday that, in addition to disabling her cell phone, the authorities gave her a warning notice urging her not to disseminate images of a public official again, as she could face charges for violating personal privacy.

Several journalists from ’14ymedio’ have been victims of this type of repression since its founding in May of 2014.

Acosta had recorded an officer on October 28 preventing her from leaving her house, and the recording was released by the media outlet she collaborates with and countless social media accounts, similar to the events that led to the influencer Anna Bensi being sentenced to two years of restricted freedom.

In mid-September, State Security also arrested Henry Constantín, director of La Hora de Cuba. In his case, far from being released, he was taken a few days later to Kilo 7 prison in Camagüey, where he remains in pretrial detention accused of disobedience.

Several journalists from 14ymedio have been victims of this type of repression since its founding in May 2014. Reinaldo Escobar has been detained on numerous occasions, most coinciding with important events such as Barack Obama’s visit in 2016 or Pope Francis’s visit to the island in 2015. The journalist has been subject for years to immigration regulations that have prevented him from leaving Cuba.

Luz Escobar has also suffered countless detentions at her home, with situations of harassment in front of her minor daughters, which were the trigger for her exile in Spain, where she has lived with asylum since 2022.

Other collaborators of this media outlet were detained, from José Gabriel Barrenechea in 2024 – sentenced to six years in prison – to Yudiel Hernández, who was imprisoned for three months for investigating drug trafficking in a school in Matanzas in 2025.

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Havana Chronicles: A Four-Syllable Word is Circulating in Havana: Hepatitis

Fear of contagion is changing daily habits in a city where obtaining safe water has become a luxury.

I find the La Cubana hardware store (Feíto and Cabezón) closed. Outside, on a makeshift table with various products, a water bottle stands out at $2.20. / 14ymedio

Yoani Sánchez – Journalist, founder and director of 14ymedio, Havana, November 3, 2026 / There’s a word that, this Tuesday, has been haunting me since I left home. It appears in conversations, jumps from one sidewalk to another, and even sneaks into my text messages. It has four syllables and a sound that is beginning to sound all too familiar: hepatitis. In Havana, where bad news travels faster than water through the pipes, the fear of contagion is changing even our daily habits.

I walk up Belascoaín Street behind a woman and a child of about six. They both avoid the uneven surfaces and the dirty puddles that collect in doorways. A vendor passes by with a basin full of chiviricos, fried dough balls, on his shoulder. “Delicious and cheap!” he calls out. The little boy asks for one of those sugar-coated fritters, but his mother quickly dashes his hopes: “You can’t eat anything on the street, there’s a lot of hepatitis.” continue reading

An elderly woman recounted that her two grandchildren were ill, with yellowish skin, inflamed livers, and an exhaustion that barely allowed them to get out of bed.

By then, I had already heard the term three more times during the walk. A little earlier, an elderly woman was saying that her two grandchildren were sick, with yellowish skin, inflamed livers, and an exhaustion that barely allowed them to get out of bed. In front of a clinic, a nurse was warning a young man that he needed to rest because “hepatitis isn’t something to play with.” Further on, in a café, the waitress was boasting about the cleanliness of her glasses: “Clean, clean, nobody’s going to catch hepatitis here.”

The disease has entered our everyday vocabulary, alongside other words like blackout or mosquito. No one knows for sure how many are sick, but reports are multiplying, and fear of contaminated water and food is forcing people to take extreme precautions. Even an innocent-looking candy can arouse suspicion.

Hepatitis has entered the everyday vocabulary, along with other words like blackout or mosquito

Upon reaching Reina Street, I turn left, heading towards Fraternity Park. My phone vibrates. A friend has just written in a WhatsApp group that his nephew has hepatitis. The fifth time this morning I’ve encountered that dreaded word.

A little further on, I find the La Cubana hardware store, popularly known as Feíto y Cabezón, closed. It frustrates me not to be able to go in, but outside some employees are sitting behind a makeshift table with various products. Among them, a large bottle of water stands out at $2.20, a price that encapsulates the new priorities of Cuban commerce.

An elderly woman stops to examine the merchandise. She asks questions, looks around, and eventually walks away when she realizes everything is sold in foreign currency. There are no saws, screws, or even adhesive tape. The once-famous Havana hardware store, where generations of Cubans once sought tools and materials to repair their homes, has now joined the business of quenching thirst.

Because it is no longer enough to get water. It has to be safe. The prolonged blackouts and interruptions in the gas service make boiling water difficult, while home water filtration systems are prohibitively expensive for many and not entirely effective against certain pathogens. The sealed water bottle thus acquires the prestige of a preventative medicine, a promise of protection against the decay spreading through the city.

At Reina and Rayo, a mountain of garbage invades the sidewalk and spills into the street. / 14ymedio

I continue on to El Curita Park, where I manage to catch an electric tricycle to go home. At the corner of Reina and Rayo streets, a mountain of trash spills onto the sidewalk and overflows into the street. Cardboard, bottles, bags, and other waste are piled up in front of the dilapidated doorways. In the distance, the spire of the Sacred Heart Church stands out against a pristine blue sky. I avoid touching the seat of the tricycle because I might unconsciously put my hands to my mouth afterward. I take the opportunity to pull the water bottle I’ve been carrying all morning out of my bag and take a long sip of boiled water. I feel privileged.

Sherritt Lays Off Nearly Half of Its Workers in Canada

Despite the authorization granted by the U.S. to import fuel to resume its operations in Cuba, the company has run out of nickel and cobalt.

Sherritt maintains that its Alberta plant is the only major cobalt refinery in North America. / Sherritt International

14ymedio, Madrid, November 5, 2026 – Nearly half of the Canadian workforce of mining company Sherritt International will be laid off over the next three months as a result of the suspension of operations in Cuba, according to an announcement by the company itself. The number of employees affected totals 280, or 47% of the company’s entire workforce.

The Fort Saskatchewan refinery in Alberta had to halt operations in June after running out of nickel and cobalt from the Island, following the suspension of activities at the Cuban mines as well. That decision was announced on May 7, following the entry into force of an executive order signed by U.S. President Trump just three days earlier, warning of sanctions against any entity or individual conducting business with the Cuban regime.

“Sherritt has not been formally designated under the executive order. However, such a designation could occur at any time. In any case, its mere issuance creates conditions that materially alter the Corporation’s ability to operate in the ordinary course of business, including activities related to the operations of the Cuban joint venture,” the company said at the time in a statement. The decision was accompanied by two other measures: the resignation of the entire board of directors and the return to the Island of the Cuban employees working at the Canadian plant. continue reading

The decision was accompanied by two other measures: the resignation of the entire board of directors and the return to the Island of the Cuban employees working at the Canadian plant

The mining company has spent months since then trying to find a way out of the situation, which has seriously jeopardized its financial position, while also exposing an “unusual vulnerability in North America’s critical minerals supply chain,” Bloomberg reports. According to the company, the Alberta facility is the region’s only significant cobalt refinery and one of just three nickel refineries, but it depends on supplies from Cuba. Cobalt is used in the technology industry, alloy manufacturing, medicine, and biology.

On Wednesday, the company’s interim president and chief executive officer, Peter Hancock, said that Sherritt remains focused on restoring operations, which depend on approvals from the U.S. government.

On October 19, it was announced that the Treasury Department had granted a specific license to purchase and deliver fuel, fuel oil, and sulfur to the Moa Nickel plant in Holguín, which Sherritt operates jointly with the Cuban state. This was the first in a series of emergency licenses from the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC) that the company is pursuing together with U.S.-based Gillon Capital to restore the business, both in extraction and processing, which depend on the Island, and in refining in Alberta.

Everything points to Gillon Capital, which is linked to Ray Washburne, a former Trump administration official, taking control of the mining company. In May, it emerged that the U.S. company had signed a preliminary, nonbinding offer to acquire 55% of the Canadian company’s shares. In August, it became known that another proposal was on the table, from a consortium led by Swiss giant Glencore, with a U.S. “anchor” investor, oil businessman Albert Huddleston.

However, the October statement announcing the granting of the license suggests that Gillon Capital has prevailed, since both companies asked the U.S. Treasury Department to consider a broader transaction in which a U.S.-based investment fund would acquire a majority stake. According to Sherritt, this license is the first of those Gillon would need to complete the acquisition.

The authorization issued by OFAC to Sherritt covers the sale, transportation, export, delivery, and payment of fuel, and includes the supplier, banks, vessel operators, and insurers involved

The authorization issued by OFAC to Sherritt covers the sale, transportation, export, delivery, and payment of fuel, and includes the supplier, banks, vessel operators, and insurers involved. The company expects the first shipment to depart during the current quarter and says it is already “in the process of finalizing the initial fuel shipment.”

For its part, the Cuban government has reportedly given the green light to these operations, which involve the entry of U.S. capital into the Island, according to a source familiar with the negotiations who spoke to the Miami Herald. Cuba’s Minister of Energy and Mines, Vicente de la O Levy, partially confirmed the information last month in an interview with Reuters, in which he said he saw no objection to a transaction of this kind.

“We have always made it clear that what the U.S. company would purchase are shares in Sherritt, not in the joint venture. The Canadian company is publicly traded, and any investor has the right to buy its shares,” he argued.

“But any restart would require discussions about how to supply fuel and spare parts, and also how to handle payments for exports and production inputs,” he said, referring to Washington’s sanctions. “If the intention is to resume nickel production, all those issues would have to be resolved.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuba’s Purchases from the U.S. Have Already Exceeded $1 Billion This Year

This represents a 91% increase compared with the first nine months of last year, and fuel accounts for 30% of the total.

Illuminated sign for A Granel, the first company to advertise itself as a seller of fuel imported from the United States. / 14ymedio/>

14ymedio, Madrid, November 5, 2026 – U.S. sales to Cuba continue to grow exponentially, despite the sanctions against Havana, the regime’s complaints about the “blockade,” and verbal confrontations at international venues, such as the one that took place last week at the United Nations General Assembly. While in July exports from the U.S. to the Island during 2026 reached $674 million, surpassing those of Spain and China over the same period, by September 30, they had reached $1.0965 billion, a 91% increase compared to the same period the previous year ($572.8 million), according to the U.S. Census Bureau.

August and September, in fact, set new records for exports to Cuba since the agency began tracking them in 1992 with $202.5 million and $220 million, respectively. The reverse flow, imports from the Island, once again barely reached $600,000 since January.

Undoubtedly, the figures reflect the major role played by fuel purchased from the U.S., which has turned Washington into the Island’s leading energy supplier despite the continued sanctions imposed by Trump’s May 1 executive order. In August, fuel accounted for approximately 37% of the total value of U.S. exports to Cuba.

Based on the data available since January, petroleum derivatives are estimated to have accounted for 30% of the Island’s total purchases continue reading

Based on the data available since January, petroleum derivatives are estimated to have accounted for 30% of the Island’s total purchases.

That month, the latest for which detailed figures on fuel shipments have been published, the U.S. exported 562,000 barrels to Cuba, according to the Energy Information Administration (EIA). This volume exceeded the 467,000 barrels shipped in May, although it was below the 778,000 barrels in June. (Presumably, the calculation error made in July will not be repeated, when the Census Bureau itself detected an error in one of the shipments sent from Miami, initially recorded as 310,753 barrels of gasoline and subsequently reduced to 127,471.)

In economic terms, fuel imports from the United States reached $74.8 million in August. Between January and August, the value of these shipments totaled $231.7 million, primarily in diesel, gasoline, and lubricants. Washington authorized the business last February, provided that the products were intended for Cuba’s private sector, although it has already acknowledged something documented by 14ymedio: that the regime diverts fuel to the state sector.

Meanwhile, in recent months, previously unknown companies have emerged with remarkable speed. One example is A Granel, a foreign-capital micro, small, and medium-sized enterprise (MSME) that became the first private company to promote itself as a seller of U.S.-imported fuel in Havana and the first sports sponsor of a sports team in Cuba, the Industriales, whose players wear its logo on their jerseys during this 65th National Baseball Series. Its latest achievement has been venturing into a new and lucrative field: selling water tanker trucks, amid an unprecedented water crisis in the country. Its prosperity is evident even in its sign: on Wednesday night, while much of the capital was plunged into the usual scheduled blackout, the illuminated sign bearing the company’s name shone brightly in the darkness.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Díaz-Canel Insists the 176 Reforms Do Not Include Privatization of Cuba’s State Enterprises

Experts consulted by EFE see signs of an opening toward the free market in the package

Cuban President Miguel Díaz Canel. / EFE/Necati Savas

EFE (via 14ymedio), Havana, November 3, 2026 / Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel said that the transformations of state enterprises linked to the 176 economic reforms “do not amount to privatization,” after legal backing was given to 97% – 171 – of these measures on the island, state media reported this Monday.

Díaz-Canel stated that “215 legal norms” related to these measures had been put in place in three months and reiterated that “the transformation into commercial companies with shares or stakes” of state enterprises “does not amount to privatization.”

The leader defended state companies against the growing private sector on the island and said that “the socialist state enterprise is not a residual actor or an appendage of the administrative apparatus, but the main subject of the national economy and the fundamental link.”

“We will always protect the state enterprise from privatization,” Díaz-Canel emphasized, stressing that “business ties of different kinds may be created” so that “every state enterprise that can be saved does not have to go bankrupt.” continue reading

“Business ties of different kinds may be created” so that “every state enterprise that can be saved does not have to go bankrupt”

The head of state specified that the objective of the 176 economic reforms approved in June “is to separate ownership from management, attract capital and improve efficiency.”

In addition, the measures aim “to make better use of underutilized capacities in the state enterprise, while maintaining social ownership as a non-negotiable principle,” Díaz-Canel added.

The Cuban president made these statements during a meeting with Cuban state business leaders to assess “the first stage of implementation” of these reforms and “the progress of the process in about a dozen business groups from various sectors,” the official newspaper Granma reported on Monday.

According to official data, some 16,100 private companies currently operate in Cuba, following the approval of 3,600 new entities of this type over the last three months as part of the economic reform process.

All the legal scaffolding related to them “can confirm that Cuba is heading toward the free market,” experts say

Independent experts have told EFE that the package of measures positions the private sector as a necessary link and a fundamental pillar in the face of the deep crisis the island is going through and that all the legal scaffolding related to them “can confirm that Cuba is heading toward the free market,” they said.

The measures have come at a time when Cuba has been mired in a deep economic crisis for six years, a situation that has worsened since last January after the US applied a policy of maximum pressure, with an oil blockade and additional sanctions aimed at achieving political and economic changes on the island.

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Yoani Sánchez, Kidnapped by the Political Police in Havana

Amnesty International, Reporters Without Borders and the Committee to Protect Journalists demand the immediate release of the journalist, director of ’14ymedio’

Yoani Sánchez, director of ’14ymedio’, was kidnapped by the political police this Thursday at 9:30 a.m. as she was leaving her home. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, November 5, 2026 / Yoani Sánchez, director of 14ymedio, was kidnapped by the political police this Thursday at 9:30 a.m. as she left her home in Nuevo Vedado, in Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución municipality, to go shopping at the neighborhood market. More than seven hours later, there is still no news of her whereabouts.

The journalist notified her colleagues at this newspaper of her brief errand and announced she would return soon, but barely ten minutes later she managed to send a message in which she explained her situation in just four words: “I was kidnapped by the police.” According to the testimony of some neighbors, the State Security agent who calls himself Bruno was seen loitering in the lower part of the building when the arrest took place.

The incident has sparked a wave of outrage and solidarity among Cubans both on and off the island, journalists, activists, and organizations. Numerous international media outlets have reported the story, including El País and The Objective in Spain, Martí Noticias and the Miami Herald in Florida (USA), and El Universal in Mexico . continue reading

Reporters Without Borders has condemned Sánchez’s arrest, calling it an “attack on independent journalism on the island.”

Reporters Without Borders has condemned Sánchez’s arrest, calling it an “attack on independent journalism on the island,” and is demanding that “the authorities disclose her whereabouts, guarantee her safety, and release her.” Amnesty International has also condemned the arrest in a social media post.

For its part, the Committee to Protect Journalists (CPJ) issued a statement strongly condemning the arrest of the newspaper’s director and recalling the recent attacks on independent journalists residing on the island. “Cuban authorities should immediately release Yoani Sánchez and reveal her whereabouts,” said José Zamora, CPJ’s regional director for the Americas, adding: “Her detention is part of a broader crackdown on independent journalists. Authorities must put an end to these arrests and allow journalists to report without fear of reprisal.”

These events occurred during a week that saw two similar incidents. Last Monday, Adelth Bonne Gamboa, a contributor to CubaNet, was violently detained by police officers who handcuffed him and took him away in a patrol car. Hours later, he was released, but with a fine for his social media posts, several pieces of equipment confiscated, and renewed threats of imprisonment.

On Tuesday, it was Camila Acosta’s turn. Acosta, also a contributor to CubaNet, was arrested in the street that morning by State Security agents who took her to a police station in handcuffs. The reporter explained on Wednesday that, in addition to disabling her cell phone, the authorities gave her a warning notice urging her not to disseminate images of a public official again, as she could face charges for violating personal privacy.

Several journalists from ’14ymedio’ have been victims of this type of repression since its founding in May 2014.

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A Nurse Dies in Cienfuegos After Being Attacked for Demanding That a Child be Vaccinated

The case reopens the debate over the pressure and sanctions faced by Cuban healthcare workers.

The General Health Directorate of Cumanayagua confirmed the death this Monday and offered its condolences to her husband and daughters but omitted any reference to the attack. / Maribel Pupo/Facebook

14ymedio, Madrid, November 2, 2026 – Maribel Pupo, a nurse in the Vaccination Department of the Aracelio Rodríguez Teaching Hospital in Cumanayagua, Cienfuegos, died after spending several days in critical condition following an assault last Thursday by the father of a child whom she had asked to be brought in for vaccination. The victim was struck, causing her to fall and suffer serious head injuries, according to a report by independent communicator Niover Licea.

The municipality’s General Health Directorate confirmed the death this Monday and offered its condolences to Pupo’s husband and daughters, but omitted any reference to the attack, which had previously been reported by Licea and the Última Hora profile.

The nurse underwent surgery in Cienfuegos and remained in critical condition. Licea places her death between seven and eight in the evening on Sunday, November 1, while the Health Directorate says it occurred this Monday. Funeral services were announced for this afternoon at two o’clock at the funeral home in Cumanayagua. continue reading

Niover Licea reported that the alleged assailant remained free while Pupo was hospitalized

The independent communicator also reported that the alleged assailant remained free while Pupo was hospitalized. No official information has been released about his legal situation.

“My aunt was not a news story, she was not a name in a post,” wrote Alianny Villazon Pupo, who identified herself as the victim’s niece, in the comments on the Facebook post in which Niover Licea reported the death. “She was a daughter, a mother, a sister, an aunt, and a working woman who dedicated her life to caring for others by working as a nurse.” The young woman demanded justice and said the family would not allow her death to be forgotten.

In the comments on that same post, several healthcare workers denounced the pressure they face to ensure that families comply with childhood vaccination schedules and other medical tests.

Rosa América Castillo Ferrer described the demands made by her superiors when children were behind on their vaccinations. “I witnessed constant harassment from my supervisors and area managers over some children’s overdue vaccinations,” she wrote. At times, she said, she had to visit homes and wait for parents to pick up their children from daycare so they could be vaccinated. “The Cuban healthcare system has to change its practice of holding healthcare personnel responsible for patients’ irresponsibility,” she demanded.

Liuby García warned that a nurse could be “severely sanctioned for noncompliance” if she did not do everything possible to get a patient vaccinated. “It is definitely not the healthcare personnel’s choice,” she maintained.

For her part, Niuvys Pérez, who identified herself as a nurse, defended patients’ autonomy and “your right to receive or not receive treatment.” She also questioned whether some healthcare workers go so far as to “demand compliance or verbally mistreat a patient or family member.”

The pressures described by these healthcare workers also have consequences for patients. A resident of Havana told 14ymedio that for years the nurse at her local doctor’s office insisted that she undergo a pap smear at the neighborhood polyclinic, even though she preferred to have it done at other medical centers. According to her account, the insistence went so far that her name appeared on a public bulletin board listing women who had not undergone the test.

“The pressure on medical personnel to report that all those required tests and vaccinations have been carried out is insane, and they pass that pressure on to the patient,” says a Havana resident

“The pressure on medical personnel to report that all those required tests and vaccinations have been carried out is insane, and they pass that pressure on to the patient,” says the woman, who clarifies: “Nothing justifies the horror of what happened to this nurse.”

For her part, Idalmis Echevarría Bermúdez, who identified herself as Pupo’s friend, commented on the condolence post published by the Cumanayagua Health Directorate: “A life lost without being ill, because an illness can be understood, but a death caused by another person’s actions is unforgivable. It is something that could have been prevented.”

Maribel Pupo’s death adds to other cases of nurses murdered in Cuba in recent years. In February 2023, 29-year-old Neisa López was murdered in Bayamo. The assailant was a former police officer whom the young woman had treated as a nurse and who, according to her family, harassed her after she quit her job.

In January of this year, another nurse, 58, who worked at a prison camp in Jatibonico, Sancti Spíritus, was killed by a former inmate while returning home.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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