Tens of Thousands of Cubans Will Be Able To Regularize Their Status in Spain Starting This Thursday

If the country of origin takes more than a month to provide the applicant’s criminal record, one of the concerns of citizens from the Island, the Spanish authorities will obtain it through diplomatic channels

The procedure can be requested starting April 16 electronically or at offices designated by the Royal Decree. / EFE

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 15, 2026 / Tens of thousands of Cubans may benefit from the extraordinary regularization of immigrants who were living in Spain at the beginning of this year, a figure that is around 840,000. The measure, approved this Tuesday by the Government and entering into force on Thursday, April 16, will allow nearly half a million people to obtain the rights and obligations associated with temporary residence, including working, contributing to social security, and paying taxes.

It is estimated that the number of Cubans in an irregular situation in Spain is about 16,000, while 72,270 have legal or “quasi-legal” residence, which includes a large number of asylum seekers. There are currently between 45,000 and 55,000 asylum applications from Cuban citizens in process or accumulated without resolution, a wide range calculated from those already registered as such (and who have a red card) and those who only have a prior appointment. This is one of the reasons cited by Pedro Sánchez’s Government to support the reform: to provide a solution for hundreds of thousands of people who have been living in the country for months and years without rights and obligations due to administrative reasons and bureaucratic delays.

There are two new pathways for regularization: one for asylum seekers who applied for international protection before January 1, 2026 and have not yet received a response; and another for those who were residing in the country without any type of permit as of that date.

There are currently between 45,000 and 55,000 asylum applications from Cuban citizens in process or accumulated without resolution, a wide range calculated from those already registered as such (and who have a red card) and those who only have a prior appointment

In the case of the first group, the main requirement is to be of legal age and to have been in Spain continuously for at least five months prior to the application, which can be proven by any document containing the applicant’s personal data. To apply, they must provide their passport, pay the corresponding fee (38.28 euros), and have no criminal record. This is one of the points that most concerned Cubans — and other foreigners — for various reasons, including the traditional delays of the Cuban Government in continue reading

providing documentation, whether due to organizational and logistical problems or intentionally, in order to hinder procedures.

During the processing of the regulation, it was speculated that a sworn statement would replace the need to provide such records, but an opinion from the Council of State advised against it, so the situation has been resolved in an intermediate way. The applicant must request the certificate from the country of origin and be able to prove that they have done so, but if they do not receive it within a month, there is an alternative. They can submit proof of the request and a sworn statement, as well as authorize Spain to carry out the process through diplomatic channels.

If a person chooses this pathway, which is contained in Additional Provision 20, settlement for asylum seekers, it is mandatory to formally withdraw the asylum application. In return, immediate work authorization is granted, unlike the previous procedure, which required waiting six months without a response (a deadline almost always reached due to the volume of cases) to obtain permission for self-employment or employment by others. This authorization lasts one year, after which the applicant can apply for ordinary residence.

The other pathway — Additional Provision 21, extraordinary settlement — is very similar, although it is more universal in nature and is intended for those who arrived in Spain irregularly without having requested international protection. The measure also applies to those who were in the country before January 1, 2026, have been there for five months at the time of application, have no criminal record with the same rules applying if the country of origin does not provide it within a month, and are of legal age. In addition, they must demonstrate one of the three situations specified by law.

The other pathway, Additional Provision 21, extraordinary settlement, is very similar, although it is more universal in nature and is intended for those who arrived in Spain irregularly without having requested international protection

One is having worked in Spain, having a job offer or a self-employment project, which must be declared in a specific document. Another is having minor children, adult children with disabilities, or dependent parents. The last is proof of vulnerability through a report from social services or authorized private organizations of the same type.

In this case, immediate authorization to work is also granted from the start of the process for a period of one year, after which it must be converted into ordinary residence. If no response is received within three months, the application is considered denied.

A point of common interest for both pathways is that applications can be submitted simultaneously, so that in a family, all members — spouse, partner, and cohabiting children of an applicant — can submit their applications at the same time and must receive a response simultaneously.

The regulation also specifies what can be done if ordinary residence is not obtained within a year, for example in the absence of a work contract. Affected individuals may request a one-year extension if they can prove they are actively seeking employment through registration with the state public employment service, or submit a report demonstrating integration efforts, a document prepared by authorized regional bodies in which knowledge of official languages will be taken into account. For more serious cases, such as if the applicant becomes seriously ill, acquires a disability, or reaches retirement age, there will be extraordinary extensions of four years.

The Royal Decree was published this Wednesday in the Official State Gazette, which means it comes into force this Thursday. From that day, applicants can request an appointment online to begin the process, the most recommended option, although it can also be done at post offices, Social Security offices, and immigration offices to be designated.

The deadline ends on June 30, and some organizations have expressed concern to the press about the fact that the documents are not yet available on the website. “We spend the whole day checking the ministry’s website to see if the forms we will have to fill out are being published,” Mónica López, general director of the Spanish Commission for Refugee Aid (CEAR), told El País.

The measure has sparked broad debate in Spain, as it is opposed by the main opposition parties (PP, Vox, and the Catalan nationalist party Junts), which asked for it to be halted in Congress. The rest of the parties support the measure, including the Basque regionalist right, which, although it has described it as “opportunistic,” believes it will facilitate the labor integration of hundreds of thousands of workers who are currently in the informal economy.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Havana Refinery Is Not Operating and All Russian Oil Was Taken to Cienfuegos

It is suspected that the Ñico López has suffered damage caused by a fire in February

The Cuban tanker Pastorita, in front of the Ñico López refinery in Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana/Madrid, April 14, 2026 – Almost two weeks have passed since the Anatoly Kolodkin docked in Matanzas with 750,000 barrels of Russian crude, and the Ñico López refinery in Havana, which is supposed to convert the oil into even more valuable products such as gasoline and diesel, is still not operating. This is revealed by its inactive chimney, visible across the bay from any high point in the city, and about a dozen tanker trucks parked nearby.

When asked about it, Cuban specialist from the University of Texas Jorge Piñón suspects that the plant, located in the municipality of Regla, “is inoperable as a result of a technical problem or lacks reliable and uninterrupted electrical power to operate.” Refineries, he continues, “burn oil for high-temperature heating and steam; however, they depend on electricity to power essential equipment such as pumps, compressors, fans, and automation systems.” Electricity, moreover, “also powers critical safety systems, sensors, and pumps that transport fluids during the refining process.”

This is revealed by the inactive chimney, visible across the bay from any high point in the city. / 14ymedio

He adds that this inability may be due to the fire at the facilities last February 13, whose “damage to logistics,” he says, “has not been repaired.” The large column of black smoke produced at the time, visible from numerous points in Havana, caused alarm among the population, but authorities quickly downplayed the incident, explaining that it occurred in a warehouse containing “an unused additive product” and that it did not spread to other areas, so the flames did not reach the fuel storage tanks.

What is certain is that ship geolocation services have not detected any movement from the port of Matanzas to Havana, which is “only 52 nautical miles away” (just over 96 kilometers), Piñón emphasizes. Also, in Havana’s bay, in front of the refinery, there were only two liquefied gas vessels, the Pastorita and the Emilia. The latter departed on March 12 for Cienfuegos, where it will likely load LPG produced from Russian oil. continue reading

Also heading to Cienfuegos since the Anatoly Kolodkin set sail, after unloading the crude it carried on April 4, are two tankers from Matanzas, even though it is much farther away, at 125 nautical miles (more than 230 kilometers). One is the Vilma, under Cuban flag, which, according to Piñón’s data based on its draft, received from the Russian vessel “a ship-to-ship transfer” of 414,000 barrels and arrived at the Cienfuegos refinery on April 8.

This is revealed by the inactive chimney, visible across the bay from any high point in the city. / 14ymedio

The other is the Nicos I.V. – under the flag of Saint Vincent and the Grenadines- which, the University of Texas expert estimates, carries 227,000 barrels of Urals crude and is currently located off Cape San Antonio, in Pinar del Río. The remaining 109,000 barrels needed to complete the 750,000 brought by the Anatoly Kolodkin may be aboard some of the other Cuban tankers moored in Matanzas: the María Cristina, the Lourdes, and the Alicia.

The problem with the Cienfuegos refinery, Piñón points out, is that it “does not have a vacuum tower or a catalytic cracking unit like the Havana refinery” and, therefore, is more likely to produce lower-quality fuel oil used for distributed generation engines and less of “high-value products such as gasoline and diesel.” The expert notes that the coastal vessel Prímula has been docked in Cienfuegos for two days, right after the Vilma departed, and speculates that it is “ready to transport refined products as soon as possible from the Cienfuegos refinery to a Cuban oil port yet to be determined.”

Meanwhile, maritime tracking agencies show the Russian tanker Universal, which is sanctioned by the United States and the European Union, like the Anatoly Kolodkin, loaded with 320,000 barrels of fuel and coming from the Baltic port of Vysotsk in the North Atlantic, is bound for Cuba. Its expected arrival date is April 23.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Where Gasoline is Scarce, Charcoal Arrives

At the service station on Boyeros and Santa Catalina, the business is no longer filling tanks but supplying cooking stoves

The site designed to fuel engines has become a supplier of embers. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Natalia López Moya, Havana, April 14, 2026 / At the intersection of Rancho Boyeros and Santa Catalina Avenues in Havana, where for decades the smell of gasoline dictated the rhythm of city traffic, now another aroma dominates, more rustic and persistent: that of charcoal. This Tuesday, the service station was deserted, with no cars in line and no attendants pumping fuel. The pumps remained motionless, like museum pieces, while on one side of the building, the one facing Rancho Boyeros Avenue, the real business of the day was taking place: the sale of sacks of charcoal at 1,700 pesos each.

The scene is a true portrait of the crisis. The site, designed to fuel engines, has become a supplier of charcoal. Where once the metallic click of hoses being inserted into tanks was heard, now the rough scraping of sacks as they are dragged along the ground echoes. A man carries one over his shoulder with the ease of someone transporting an essential item. It’s easy to understand: in a city where blackouts last for hours, charcoal has gone from being an emergency resource to an everyday commodity.

Charcoal for sale in Havana at 2,500 pesos per sack. / 14ymedio

The gas station, empty of both fuel and customers, seems to have adapted to the new times with pragmatism. The supply of gasoline and diesel is sporadic, subject to uncertain logistics that force drivers to join long virtual queues and pay in foreign currency for each liter. Many no longer even try to get fuel; they’ve left their cars parked indefinitely or use them only on exceptional occasions. Meanwhile, the need to cook cannot wait, and the electric stove becomes a useless ornament when the power goes out. That’s where charcoal comes in, transformed into a domestic lifeline.

From the sidewalk, the transformation of the gas station seems almost symbolic. The structure remains intact: high ceilings, aligned pumps, and the yellow and red paint on the walls, visible from afar. But the star product no longer flows through pipes; instead, it’s sold in black sacks stacked against a wall. Less fossil fuel to power vehicles and more solid fuels to sustain daily life.

A woman approaches, asks the price, and after a quick mental calculation, pays the 1,700 pesos without haggling. In other parts of Havana, it already costs 2,500. “This will last me for several days,” she remarks, before placing the sack on an electric tricycle. Her gesture reveals the resignation with which many Havana residents have incorporated charcoal into their daily routine. Because cooking with firewood, a practice that seemed relegated to rural areas or bygone eras, has once again taken root on balconies and rooftops throughout the city.

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Anna Bensi After the Dismissal of Her Case: “If They Think They Can Silence Me, They Are Very Wrong”

State Security suggests she cooperate with counterintelligence or go live with her sister in the US

Screenshot from the video of young Anna Sofía Benítez’s complaint after her conversation with counterintelligence. / Facebook

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 14, 2026 / The Havana Provincial Prosecutor’s Office has definitively dismissed the case against Cuban YouTuber and activist Anna Sofía Benítez Silvente and her mother, Caridad Silvente, who were being investigated for crimes of “acts against personal and family privacy, image and voice, identity of another person and their data.” The decision means the lifting of the precautionary measures imposed on both women, such as the travel ban between provinces and abroad.

While the measure is good news, it has a downside, as it represents an “exit” from the harassment the young woman has been subjected to by State Security in recent weeks. “They really gave me three options,” said Anna Bensi—as she is known on social media. “Shut up, reunite with my sister (and my mother), or regret spending my youth locked up in a prison,” she explained in a Facebook Live video.

The 21-year-old activist was summoned to the Alamar police station on Monday, where she was informed that the case against her had been dismissed. However, this was only the beginning of a long conversation that outraged the young woman. After signing the documents, she was asked to stay for a moment to chat, and then “three counterintelligence agents entered who never identified themselves” and sat down, surrounding her, one on each side and one facing her.

“Three counterintelligence agents entered who never identified themselves” and sat down surrounding her, on both sides and facing her.

The agents tried to convince her they could help her in the music industry. “’Sofia, that dream is in your hands. It only depends on you, we can help you,’ they said, and with that they were trying to recruit me into silence,” she asserts. Anna Bensi argues that these offers will not lead her to abandon her ideals and contribute to “maintaining their circus while a people is dying of hunger.”

“There they were, playing with my psychology. Making me believe continue reading

they were friendly and they wanted to help me, because that’s how they work. Asking me how I felt about the whole situation, how I felt about what I was going through, what I wanted, how I saw myself in the future…,” she continues.

The agents told her, she maintains, that no one else had the power to help her in any way like they could, and they gave her the names of activists and journalists in the US and Spain—including José Daniel Ferrer, Amelia Calzadilla, and Mario J. Pentón—as examples of those who couldn’t get her a visa. Furthermore, they insisted that she shouldn’t let herself be manipulated and subtly threatened her, saying that something could happen to her if she continued to lead a cause against the regime.

“They said it was in our best interest to keep quiet, that any little thing could happen to us, that I was very skinny and very young to be a leader. I don’t want to be a leader of anything, I simply share my opinion on social media,” she emphasized at several points in the nearly 22-minute video.

These last three weeks have not been easy, the young woman says, stating that the authorities have targeted everyone around her, not just her.

In early March, Caridad Silvente, Anna Bensi’s mother, recorded and shared images of the agent who came to her house to deliver a summons for her daughter, whom they wanted to interrogate for disseminating messages denouncing the situation in Cuba and attributing the hardships of the population primarily to the regime. These types of activities, which amount to little more than criticism of the government, are considered “propaganda against the constitutional order” under the Cuban Penal Code and are punishable by long prison sentences, with online dissemination being an aggravating factor .

The YouTuber went to testify weeks later regarding the accusation against her mother, but ended up being charged with the same crime. In early April, the US chargé d’affaires in Cuba, Mike Hammer, visited their home in Havana in a show of support. The pressure on her family intensified just hours after the meeting, and her sister, Elmis Rivero Silvente, was summoned to the Immigration Unit in the Playa municipality under the pretext of an “interview for immigration control of her stay.” Rivero is a US citizen and was spending a few days with the family on a trip she used to bring medicine for her mother, but she became caught up in the persecution against her family.

Despite the ordeal of the last few days, the activist is clearer than ever: “All these injustices only demonstrate what they so vehemently deny being: a dictatorship. If they think they can silence me, they are very wrong, unless they imprison me.”

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They Are Asking the Authorities To Pick Up the Deportees, Including Cubans, Who Are Wandering Around Tapachula, Mexico

A lawyer tells ’14ymedio’ that migrants are afraid of being deported and are hiding.

A group of migrants in Miguel Hidalgo Square, in Tapachula. / Facebook/VENUS Online

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Mexico City, April 14, 2026 / Merchants in Tapachula, in the Mexican state of Chiapas, are up in arms against a group of migrants deported from the United States, including Cubans, who, in a legal limbo and without access to job opportunities, are surviving as best they can in the vicinity of Miguel Hidalgo Plaza. Specifically, they propose housing them in the tents located at the Olympic Stadium, which are part of the “Mexico Embraces You” program, originally created last year for Mexicans expelled from the United States by the Donald Trump administration.

The deportees, lamented José Elmer Aquiahualt Herrera, president of the Association of Established Merchants and Property Owners of Tapachula (Acepitap), in statements to the Diario del Sur, wander about and relieve themselves everywhere.

In addition, he claims they generate conflicts. According to the shopkeeper, the tents at the Olympic Stadium are the ideal place for deportees. “The place is set up for that purpose, and this way we avoid having migrants relieving themselves in parks,” he insisted.

In early April, the Tapachula city council filed a complaint against Cuban national Eduardo Tosco for allegedly assaulting employee Teresa Estrada. However, the man remains at the plaza. “The authorities searched for him for a few days. They probably realized upon seeing him that they wouldn’t get anywhere by arresting him,” lawyer Roger Ernesto Goitia told 14ymedio .

The lawyer believes that for the transfer to the stadium to take place, “the migrants must first be convinced that they will not be detained and deported.” Goitia states that these people communicate via WhatsApp messages, and “when they see immigration workers or vans, they continue reading

disperse.”

The lawyer explains that the federal program is for Mexican nationals and is designed to provide minimal support.

The lawyer also clarified that the federal program is for Mexican nationals and is designed to “provide minimal support from Tapachula for the return of Mexicans to their places of origin.” Unfortunately, he acknowledged, there is no data on the program’s results in Tapachula. Furthermore, the facility offers assistance three times a week and is “a transit point.”

The most recent precedent is the assistance offered to 121 Mexican nationals—91 men, 17 women, and 13 minors—who were returned to the southern border last January. According to official data, 11,089 Mexicans were received in Tapachula between January 2025 and 2026. The National Migration Institute confirmed to this newspaper that 142,706 people have benefited from the Dignified Repatriation program, which is activated upon arrival in the country through the “Mexico Embraces You” initiative.

Last March, Boston District Judge William Young denounced an “unwritten” agreement with Mexico through which the US has deported 6,000 Cubans. According to Luis Rey García Villagrán, director of the Center for Human Dignity, at least 500 people from the island were expelled in March and abandoned “without papers or money” in the border state with Guatemala.

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Silvio Rodríguez, Pablo Iglesias and the Convoy: Propaganda During the Cuban Crisis

Silvio Rodríguez,  the convoy, and Pablo Iglesias: propaganda during the Cuban crisis

Cubanet Noticias de CubaCubanet, “Journalist in Cuba”, Havana, 24 March 2026 — The Nuestra América Convoy* arrived without incident on the announced date. Its crew members would have preferred greater media coverage, more noise and visibility, but they had to settle for the reach of Cuban state media and a few headlines on social networks that sparked more mockery and criticism than support. Cuba is not Gaza, as was pointed out long before the convoy members boarded their flight in first-class seats, and this has been confirmed following the end of the deplorable spectacle put on by spokespeople of a socialism perverted to the core, in the capital of a country dying of that same appropriated and lucrative socialism, all of which is no secret. Perhaps this is why the episode is all the more repugnant to us.

After meeting up they proceeded to the Convention Palace for a gathering presided over by Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, whose mere presence underscores the importance of this caravan and its participants, and the real impact that this little adventure could have in the current context of the “talks.” There they boasted of the rampant misery (branded as “creative resistance”) in the Antilles, traded slogans, used up energy till they brought down the National Electrical System (SEN), then retired to their five-star hotel accommodations, ready to receive that committed Left that always puts its shoulder to the wheel for the people. From his luxurious room, Pablo Iglesias, one of the most despicable and terrifying politicians Spain has ever produced, celebrated himself and conveyed the message that while the crisis is tremendous, the island isn’t doing as badly as portrayed.

The former leader of Podemos had his selfies, his live broadcast, his five minutes of fame, and his tropical getaway, all paid for by the Socialist International. The rest of the truckers called for a sincere dialogue between Cuba and the United States, conveniently ignoring the fact that the convoy’s organizational advisor is the aunt of the lead negotiator for the Cuban side, who until a week ago claimed he wasn’t negotiating with the United States. Honesty above all else is what one can expect from the Havana regime. That’s why we learned on January 4th** that there were Cuban military personnel guarding Nicolás Maduro, a reality denied for years by the island’s diplomats.

Cuba isn’t in such dire straits, nor is it unreasonable, that transparency cannot be demanded from the dictatorship as it dialogues with the Trump administration while the Cuban people are deliberately ignored. It never occurred to any of the comrades, amidst all the sloganeering and continue reading

proletarian embraces, to suggest that the government communicate with its citizens. Such are the friends of Cuba, those who get excited when Díaz-Canel claims that the people are prepared to die standing up to the United States. Fidel Castro assured Nikita Khrushchev of something similar during the Cuban Missile Crisis. Even today, many Cubans are unaware of how coldly the idolized leader sentenced an entire nation to death, speaking for those who then inhabited the island.

Currently, the more the Trump administration denies that a military operation in Cuba will take place, the more Havana escalates its confrontational rhetoric. While there is no one left in the White House who hasn’t ruled out the possibility of a military intervention, here come the fleet drivers, ready to soak in the rhetoric of resistance to the last drop of foreign blood, while Silvio Rodríguez shows up requesting an AKM “in case they come at us…” And who would “they” be? So far, only Cubans themselves have attacked—those who suffer blackouts, political repression, hunger, and shortages of all kinds; those who have no right to demand that the dialogue be with them; those who have repeatedly asked that the problem be resolved collectively by all Cubans, without reservations.

Silvio Rodríguez continues to widen the gap between the people and his miserable existence as a militant singer-songwriter. It won’t be long before his work can no longer save him from the disgust and disappointment his pronouncements provoke. It won’t be long before we see if he’ll actually be capable of responding with his AKM to the call to arms that Díaz-Canel (or anyone else up there) might be willing to issue as soon as circumstances demand it.

The troubadour, once again, turns his back on his people and closes ranks with the dictatorship he has loyally served as symbolic capital. He aligns himself with a nefarious Pablo Iglesias in this final charade, blaming the “blockade” *** and minimizing the regime’s blunders. Iglesias seeks to salvage his lamentable political image, and Silvio doesn’t miss the opportunity to demonstrate that he is willing to die as he lived: being a fool.

The founder of Nueva Trova will never confront Castroism, no matter how unjust its designs or how ruthless its aggressions towards the people. Rodríguez demonstrated as much during the protests of July 2021. Any statement he makes against the regime would come thirty years too late, overshadowed by the coherence by which another, truly great, Pablo chose to live out the remainder of his life.
Silvio’s train left without him, he lost his unicorn, his ventricles shrank. All he has left is his AKM. We’ll see if he’s capable of pointing it at us, although he’ll probably end up using it to defend himself against the ill will his words have stirred in the hearts of thousands of Cubans.

Translated By: Alicia Barraqué Ellison.

Translator’s Notes:

* The convoy was named after an essay by José Martí. Martí has always, throughout Cuba’s history, been referred to as the “Apostle of Cuban Independence.”

** U.S. forces captured Maduro and his wife on January 3.

*** There is, in fact, no US ‘blockade’ on Cuba, but this continues to be the term the Cuban government prefers to apply to the ongoing US embargo. During the Cuban Missile Crisis the US ordered a Naval blockade (which it called a ‘quarantine’) on Cuba in 1962, between 22 October and 20 November of that year. The blockade was lifted when Russia agreed to remove its nuclear missiles from the Island. The embargo had been imposed earlier in February of the same year, and although modified from time to time, it is still in force.

Díaz-Canel Calls Democracy, a Free Press, and Human Rights ‘Paraphernalia’

More details emerge from the NBC interview: the Cuban leader avoided any self-criticism, denied the existence of political prisoners, and blamed the crisis on the United States

Díaz-Canel during the interview broadcast by NBC this Sunday. / EFE/Screenshot

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García, Madrid, April 13, 2026 – The U.S. network NBC published this Sunday the full interview with Cuban leader Miguel Díaz-Canel, conducted by journalist Kristen Welker on the program Meet the Press.

Not accustomed to facing the foreign press—until now he has moved almost exclusively among official media or international interlocutors aligned with the regime—Díaz-Canel responded harshly and took refuge in the most worn-out repertoire of Cuban power.

Over more than 50 minutes, he did not assume a single political responsibility for the country’s deterioration. On the contrary, he defended the continuity of the system, rejected any conditions from Washington, and presented himself as part of a “collective leadership” willing even to “give their lives for the Revolution.”

In the face of threats from Donald Trump, Díaz-Canel also suggests that aggressive language toward Cuba has not come solely from the U.S. president but also from other members of his administration, in a barely veiled reference to Marco Rubio, whom he avoids mentioning by name in that part of the interview.

Instead of using the space to ease tensions or outline a political solution, the president once again situates himself on the terrain of resistance, the ‘besieged plaza’, and a nation permanently on guard. A serious leader would have spoken of de-escalation, international legality, and the protection of civilians. Díaz-Canel, however, preferred the liturgy of martyrdom and the use of the population as a rear guard for the doctrine of “war of the whole people.”

In the face of threats from Donald Trump, Díaz-Canel also suggests that aggressive language toward Cuba has not come solely from the U.S. president

The Cuban leader avoids drawing parallels between Cuba and other countries and takes refuge in the Island’s historical singularity, but that caution does not erase a recent uncomfortable fact. The doctrine of “civic-military unity,” which Chavismo copied from Castroism, has already shown its most resounding failure in Caracas. continue reading

In the section devoted to fuel, Díaz-Canel admits, perhaps more clearly than at any other moment in the interview, the magnitude of Cuba’s energy precariousness. He acknowledges that the recently arrived Russian tanker “will only cover one-third of Cuba’s monthly oil needs,” that this crude still has to be refined and distributed, and that much of it will be used to recover 1,200 megawatts that have been out of service for four months.

From there he tries to wrap the Island’s dependence on Russia in the language of resistance and sovereignty, but what remains is the admission of a country that cannot sustain its economy or its electrical system without immediate external assistance.

When the journalist asks whether he assumes any responsibility for “the suffering Cubans are experiencing,” Díaz-Canel does not offer a single concrete admission of mismanagement, economic design errors, state inefficiency, or internal obstacles. He simply turns the question back: “What is the main cause of that suffering?” His answer is evasive: “It is not the Cuban government’s fault.” With that statement, he abruptly shuts down any serious examination of the State’s role in the electrical collapse, food shortages, lack of medicines, or mass emigration.

His evasiveness becomes even more evident when visible poverty in Havana, 20-hour blackouts, and the departure of hundreds of thousands of Cubans are addressed. He acknowledges that “our people are living very harsh conditions daily,” but avoids linking that suffering to a centralized, unproductive, and politically closed model.

He prefers to describe the population as resilient. “The Cuban people feel frustrated,” yes, but “the majority of the Cuban people do not blame the Cuban government.” The claim contradicts what can be observed on social media and even in the streets, where more and more citizens openly reject not only his management but also the power structure that sustains it.

When NBC lists some of the demands Washington typically puts on the table—release of political prisoners, multiparty elections, independent unions, and a free press—Díaz-Canel responds with a mix of denial and disdain. He first claims that “no one” has raised those demands with him. Then he makes it clear that, in any case, the Cuban political system and “constitutional order” are not subject to negotiation.

The most revealing moment comes when he reduces democracy, human rights, freedom of the press, and union autonomy to mere “paraphernalia” of manipulated concepts loaded with “prejudices.” That is, he does not refute the accusations, offer evidence, or address the substance of the issue. He simply discredits in advance the language used to question him. His closing escape—“we don’t have time now,” “it would take a long time to discuss it”—completes the picture of the maneuver.

NBC presses on, mentions Maykel “Osorbo,”* and places the number of those imprisoned for political reasons at more than 1,200. “It is a big lie,” the president responds.

NBC presses on, mentions Maykel “Osorbo,”* and places the number of those imprisoned for political reasons at more than 1,200. “It is a big lie,” the president responds. According to his version, in Cuba protest is not punished, but rather vandalism and subversion encouraged from abroad. But reviewing case by case the files, charges, and sentences imposed on protesters, artists, opponents, and activists shows that it is Díaz-Canel himself who distorts reality.

In the diplomatic arena, the leader presents himself as open to negotiating with the United States but under an absolute condition: that “our political system” and “our constitutional order” not be touched. He asserts that dialogue and agreements “are possible but difficult,” and lists areas of cooperation such as migration, drug trafficking, terrorism, and investments.

One of the most revealing moments comes at the end. When asked whether he would be willing to resign to “save Cuba,” Díaz-Canel responds irritably with a phrase that sums up the essence of the entire interview: “The concept of revolutionaries abandoning and resigning is not part of our vocabulary.”

*Maykel Castillo Pérez is the real name of Maykel Obsorbo, an independent musician. He co-founded the San Isidro movement in protest of Decree Law 349, which required artists to get State permission for exhibitions and performances.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Political Prisoner Alexander Díaz Rodríguez Is Released With Severe Malnutrition

The 11J protester, suffering from cancer, denounces lack of medical care and mistreatment in prison

The activist Alexander Díaz Rodríguez, before and after his release. / Prisoners Defenders

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 13, 2026 – Cuban opposition figure Alexander Díaz Rodríguez was released on April 4 in Artemisa after fully serving a four-year prison sentence for peacefully protesting on July 11, 2021. The state of physical deterioration and malnutrition he was in upon release highlights the levels of abuse to which prisoners of conscience are subjected in Cuba.

“When I saw the condition he was in, I noticed what I have seen on other occasions in prisoners leaving Cuba: they look like they’ve been rescued from a concentration camp,” Javier Larrondo, president of Prisoners Defenders, told 14ymedio, after Díaz Rodríguez contacted him via video call immediately upon leaving prison.

The photographs of the activist taken after his release, which Larrondo urges to be shared despite their harshness, speak for themselves. “I couldn’t believe it. I wanted to congratulate him, but I was speaking to a human being reduced to skin and bones, completely destroyed,” Larrondo notes.

During his imprisonment, in 2022, Díaz Rodríguez was diagnosed with advanced-stage thyroid cancer, but at no point did he receive adequate treatment. This was compounded by later suffering from hepatitis B, anemia, inflammation in his limbs, and a progressive state of malnutrition.

“We knew he was in terrible condition and we have fought for years for his life. He has requested parole on medical grounds, we have taken his case to the United Nations, but the Cuban regime continue reading

made him serve the entire sentence, in full,” adds the Prisoners Defenders president about his case.

There were numerous complaints about his deteriorating health and the irregularities surrounding the entire judicial process against him

Indeed, during the sentence of the now former prisoner, aged 45, there were numerous complaints about his deteriorating health and the irregularities surrounding the entire judicial process against him. According to relatives and independent organizations such as Justicia 11J, Prisoners Defenders, and Cubalex, the political prisoner was deprived of medication and specialized care. On several occasions he had to be urgently transferred to Abel Santamaría Hospital in critical condition, even vomiting blood, but was always returned to prison without guarantees of treatment.

Despite his condition, he was subjected to forced labor. The former political prisoner stated that he was forced to work to access a less severe prison regime, despite his physical state, and that by refusing to collaborate with State Security he lost prison benefits, including sentence reduction.

The complaints also include physical assaults: in 2024 and 2025, his mother reported that he was beaten by prison officials. Additionally, he was subjected to threats so that his family would stop denouncing the situation on social media. He also endured constant interrogations and arbitrary restrictions, such as the removal of his prison job after refusing to cooperate with State Security.

Despite his critical condition, the authorities refused to grant him medical parole. The refusal was based on his status as a “counterrevolutionary”

Despite his critical condition, authorities repeatedly refused to grant him medical parole. According to his family, the refusal was based on his status as a “counterrevolutionary,” despite meeting the medical requirements to access this benefit.

Díaz Rodríguez was detained during the 11 July 2021 protests in Artemisa and remained in pretrial detention until his trial. On December 27, 2021, the Municipal People’s Court of Artemisa sentenced him to four years in prison for contempt and public disorder.

Prisoners Defenders presented the case before the UN Human Rights Council as part of the collective complaint “1,000 Cuban Families vs. Cuban Government.”

This document claims that Díaz Rodríguez’s process was plagued with legal irregularities. Among them, the imposition of pretrial detention without judicial intervention and the lack of access to independent defense, as he was represented by lawyers from the National Organization of Collective Law Firms, subordinate to the State.

The document also points to the absence of judicial impartiality and the use of questionable evidence and testimony, mostly from State officials, as well as the complete dismissal of defense witnesses.

Cuba has consolidated itself as the country with the most convictions for arbitrary detention in the world according to the UN Working Group

The court used subjective assessments such as “poor social conduct” or “destabilizing actions” to justify the severity of the sentence, which reached the maximum limit provided. According to the complaint by Prisoners Defenders, these expressions, included in the ruling, demonstrate political bias and a lack of neutrality incompatible with international standards.

The images, circulated among activists and opposition figures, were also shared by the leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba, José Daniel Ferrer, who publicly denounced the situation through a video on social media and recalled the situation of other prisoners of conscience who also suffer mistreatment, such as Roilán Álvarez, Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, and Félix Navarro, among the 1,213 political prisoners that Prisoners Defenders reports to date.

Meanwhile, Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel, in his recent interview with NBC, has once again denied the existence of political prisoners on the Island: “That image that in Cuba, anyone who speaks against the revolution is imprisoned is a lie.”

The UN has shown that the detentions are political in nature and violate fundamental rights of expression and assembly

Prisoners Defenders reports that Cuba has consolidated itself as the country with the most convictions for arbitrary detention in the world according to the UN Working Group. The UN has shown that the detentions are political in nature and violate fundamental rights of expression and assembly.

Javier Larrondo also recalls that according to the latest report from the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances, Cuba is the fourth country in the world in urgent actions for this crime, behind only Mexico, Iraq, and Colombia. Unlike these countries, he notes, in Cuba enforced disappearances are directly attributed to the State.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba’s Only Labor Union (CTC) Calls To Celebrate May 1st ‘While Rationally Assuming the Imposed Restrictions’

With grandiloquent language and references to ‘Che’ Guevara, the CTC calls to “defend the country from the furrow, the factories, the classrooms, from every trench of combat”

In recent years, the May 1 parade has had low turnout, despite pressure. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 13, 2026 – The Island’s single union, the Central de Trabajadores de Cuba (CTC), will once again adapt to circumstances and on May 1 will again celebrate its act of revolutionary reaffirmation, this time “with parades and events in every workplace collective, towns, municipalities, and provinces, rationally assuming the imposed restrictions.”

The call has gone through years of ups and downs in which the pandemic, lack of fuel, and low turnout capacity have made the traditional parades to the Plaza de la Revolución disappear. What remains unchanged is the distance from international labor movements, which dedicate the day to making demands on governments and not to applauding their own, with the exception of China, North Korea, or Vietnam.

The statement was released at the end of the most recent “voluntary workday,” held this Sunday with a focus on food production. Union leaders present at the event highlighted that these activities, called by the CTC on weekends this year, “have become a demonstration of unity alongside other organizations, reviving the creative idea championed by Che Guevara in the 1960s as a powerful tool to produce and sustain the vitality the country needs to grow and move forward in the face of the genocidal blockade.”

Union leaders present at the event highlighted that these activities, called by the CTC on weekends this year, “have become a demonstration of unity alongside other organizations, reviving the creative idea championed by Che Guevara in the 1960s

Last week, in fact, Miguel Díaz-Canel participated in one of these events in Artemisa. The president was photographed turning the soil in a furrow with a hoe, alongside about 50 people, including 18 young people to whom he handed membership cards of the Union of Young Communists. The CTC has asked that these voluntary work efforts focus, in addition to “food sovereignty,” on the installation of solar panels and the sugar harvest, although milling is halted in all sugar mills in the country due to lack of fuel.

Liván Izquierdo Alonso, first secretary of the Communist Party in Havana, and Yanet Hernández Pérez, governor of the province, accompanied by other members of the UJC and the PCC, stood alongside Osnay Miguel Colina Rodríguez, president of the organizing committee of the 22nd Congress of the CTC, who outlined the purpose of the May 1, 2026 event. Under the slogan “the Homeland is defended,” the objective will not differ from continue reading

traditional ones, although with the yearly varnish, which this time is the energy blockade.

The statement emphasizes the importance of “working together and growing as a country (…) in the face of increasing threats from the U.S. Government, reinforced by the executive order of January 29, which added an energy siege to the already intensified economic, commercial, and financial blockade imposed on us for more than 65 years simply for wanting to build a dignified, sovereign, and independent nation.”

Nor does the call differ, as is traditional, in the use of the so-called founding fathers of the nation. “Celebrating May Day (…) is to once again ‘break the corojo’* as Maceo did in Baraguá when he did not accept a peace without independence; it is to evoke the ideas of José Martí in his speech Los Pinos Nuevos, a transcendental declaration of unity of several generations of Cubans around the independence project; it is to defend, in the year of the centennial of Commander in Chief Fidel Castro Ruz, his concept expressed on May 1, 2000.”

The organization calls on workers to “defend the country from the furrow, the factories, the classrooms, scientific centers, thermoelectric plants, hospitals, culture, sports; from every trench of combat,” and invites “friends of Cuba around the world” to accompany the celebration. Last year, according to the organizers, nearly 1,000 activists from 260 organizations aligned with the regime in 39 countries traveled to the Island, including 211 Americans, the largest national delegation. Now, with a large number of international flights suspended, it remains to be seen what will happen with these foreign delegations, which normally attend the Havana event and usually take part in a tour of activities.

Now, with a large number of international flights suspended, it remains to be seen what will happen with these foreign delegations, which normally attend the Havana event and usually take part in a tour of activities

In any case, the CTC thanks in its statement the solidarity of those who wish to support them “in the midst of a real military threat” and repeats the idea that Díaz-Canel brought up last week during his interview on the U.S. channel NBC: “To die for the homeland is to live.”

The document continues by urging workers to comply with “the priorities defined by the Party,” whether it be the energy matrix shift, food, education, or health, “not out of dogma or fanaticism, but out of conviction, ideas, and action.”

Last year, the regime claimed to have gathered one million people at the May 1 parade, which was again held in the Plaza de la Revolución. Enthusiasm, however, was once again notably absent, as in the past decade. According to official data, in 2018 there were 800,000 attendees, but a year later, during the so-called energy “conjuncture,” the empty spaces were clear evidence of the lack of motivation, despite pressure. After the suspension of celebrations due to the pandemic and the last-minute cancellation in 2023, the situation was such that in 2024 the march was held at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune, with 13,000 square meters and the attendance of supposedly around 200,000 people.

*Translator’s note: The phrase “el 23 se rompe el Corojo” was used as a coded message of defiance by supporters of Maceo, setting a date (March 23) to “break the corojo,” meaning to break the agreement and resume hostilities. (AI)

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

China Replaces Canada’s Sherritt As the Main Operator in Nickel Exploitation in Cuba

The multinational has suspended its activities in Moa due to the lack of fuel, while Beijing, the leading buyer of the mineral, invests in modernizing the industry

The deterioration of Sherritt in Cuba is due both to the collapse of the international price of nickel and to the growing financial burden of its operations on the Island. / Radio Angulo

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 12, 2026 – The Cuban energy crisis has opened a gap in one of the country’s most sensitive industries, and China is moving to fill it. While the Canadian company Sherritt has suspended operations in Moa due to fuel shortages, the Cuban government is showcasing the arrival of Chinese technology at the Comandante Ernesto Che Guevara plant as a sign of continuity in a sector that has been operating at the limit for years. What is at stake is not just a specific investment, but a rebalancing of external influence in the exploitation and commercialization of Cuban nickel.

The official press reported this week on the installation of a Chinese-made sedimentation tank in the leaching and washing area of the Moa plant, in Holguín, framing it within a technological modernization program. It did not report how much the equipment cost, who manufactured it, under what conditions it was acquired, or how much it will increase process efficiency. In Cuba, strategic industrial investments are often announced as political gestures rather than as projects subject to public scrutiny.

The new development stands out because it comes at the most delicate moment for Sherritt in years. In February 2026, the Canadian company reported that it had reduced or halted activities in Moa due to fuel restrictions and warned that a prolonged shutdown makes any restart more expensive and complicated. Sherritt maintains its stake in the joint venture Moa Nickel S.A., but the operational crisis has reduced its visible presence on the ground and exposed the fragility of a model overly dependent on imports, subsidized energy, and logistical stability.

In 2024, China was the main destination for Cuban exports of “nickel mattes” and other intermediate nickel products, with 53.1 million dollars

In that context, China appears less and less like a distant partner and increasingly like the practical support Havana needs to sustain the industry. This is not, at least for now, a formal corporate replacement of Sherritt. It is something more gradual and perhaps more important. Beijing gains influence where the Canadian company loses room to maneuver, especially as a buyer of the mineral, supplier of equipment, and actor willing to sustain a strategic relationship with an industry that Cuba cannot allow to collapse.

China has long occupied a central place in this framework. In 2018, Cuba aimed to produce more than 50,000 tons annually of continue reading

combined nickel and cobalt. Production from the Ernesto Che Guevara plant was exported mainly to China, while that of Pedro Soto Alba, operated in association with the Canadian company Sherritt, was sent to Canada. China was, at least for a significant portion of Cuban nickel, the main destination market.

The most recent trade data from the Observatory of Economic Complexity reinforce this trend. In 2024, China was the main destination for Cuban exports of “nickel mattes” [intermediate sulfide products] and other intermediate nickel products, with 53.1 million dollars, ahead of the Netherlands, with 35.4 million. The figure confirms that the link with Beijing can no longer be described as complementary. In a key part of the business, China is now the most important buyer.

The relationship between the two countries in this sector, however, did not begin now. The most ambitious precedent dates back to 2004, when Cuba and China signed 16 cooperation agreements that included a promise of investment exceeding 500 million dollars to complete a ferronickel plant abandoned in the eastern part of the country. According to the United States Geological Survey (USGS), that package also included the supply of 4,000 tons of nickel annually to China between 2005 and 2009, and the creation of a joint venture to explore and develop mineral deposits. As has happened so many times in the Cuban economy, the gap between announcement and outcome was considerable. It was later acknowledged that the Camarioca project ended up leaving the orbit of China Minmetals.

Sherritt has not disappeared from the map, but the combination of energy crisis, production paralysis, and external dependence has weakened its immediate prominence

In statements to 14ymedio, businessman William Pitt has linked the deterioration of Sherritt in Cuba both to the collapse of the international price of nickel and to the growing financial burden of its operations on the Island. In April 2024, he warned that a metric ton of nickel was trading at 17,439 dollars, well below the 23,894 dollars of a year earlier, and argued that this drop was forcing mining companies to cut investments in Cuba. A year later, commenting on the company’s annual report, he noted that although in 2024 Sherritt extracted 30,331 tons of nickel and 2,206 of cobalt, its revenues fell to 109.9 million dollars, 29% less than in 2023.

In May 2025, moreover, the company recorded a loss of 40.6 million dollars in the first quarter, while its nickel production fell from 3,597 to 2,947 tons, its nickel sales declined from 87.8 to 75.7 million dollars, and the Cuban State kept frozen the payment of some 107 million dollars it owed the Canadian company. For Pitt, behind those losses there is not only a bad price cycle, but a combination of blackouts, fuel shortages, falling global demand, lack of personnel, and the general deterioration of the Cuban state partner.

Sherritt has not disappeared from the map, but the combination of energy crisis, production paralysis, and external dependence has weakened its immediate prominence. China, on the other hand, is strengthening its position through a less visible and more effective route. It buys, supplies equipment, sustains cooperation, and places itself at the center of an industry that the Cuban government needs to preserve in order to obtain foreign currency. According to the USGS, mineral products accounted for nearly a third of Cuban exports in 2023, a proportion too high to allow nickel to collapse without external support.

The installation of the sedimentation tank does not by itself rescue the industry nor does it amount to a major wave of investment. But it does function as a symptom. At the moment when the Canadian company slows down and the Cuban State cannot sustain the comprehensive modernization of the sector with its own resources, China occupies the available space.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue

Madruga, a Cuban Town Stalled at the Bus Stop

The lack of transportation turns every trip into an odyssey of hours and money in the Mayabeque municipality

Madruga, a Cuban Town Stalled at the Bus Stop

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, Madruga (Mayabeque), April 12, 2026 – The traffic sign next to the bus stop has blank boxes. There could be no better symbol to define the lack of public transportation, the void that stretches along the central highway for those who have to travel. In Madruga, Mayabeque, the stop has become a place of waiting without promises, a point where time stretches and patience is tested under the clear sky and the dust kicked up by the few vehicles that manage to pass.

“The route that used to go to San José de las Lajas twice a day no longer exists. Now you have to go segment by segment, getting on whatever stops,” explains Ignacio, a self-employed worker who comes to the town frequently. The man, with a backpack slung over his shoulders and rubber boots still stained with dirt, watches the road as if salvation might appear at any moment in the form of a truck, scooter, or improvised pickup.

According to Ignacio, speaking to 14ymedio, he managed to get on an electric tricycle that charged him 500 pesos to Catalina de Güines, from where he managed to climb onto a cargo truck for another 600 pesos. “To get here I was lucky, but the return is very complicated. I’ve been here at the stop for four hours and not even flies are passing. My only hope is that by holding out a 1,000-peso bill, some driver will want to take me,” he laments, pacing restlessly back and forth along the sidewalk.

Only a woman with a small child shelters under the yellow roof of the terminal, trying to protect themselves from the heat and exhaustion. / 14ymedio

Next to the stop, the taxi stand from which private taxis used to depart is also deserted, leaving no way to travel to Ceiba Mocha or Matanzas. The metal bench, once contested by passengers, remains empty for long stretches of time. Only a woman with a small child shelters under the yellow roof of the terminal, trying to protect themselves from the heat and the fatigue accumulated after hours of waiting.

“It’s already past 2:00 in the afternoon and not a single car has come through today. Now things are really bad, because even with money in your pocket you can’t get out of here,” says a young man, for whom the municipality of Unión de Reyes feels farther away than ever. The man checks his phone frequently, although he knows the battery will run out continue reading

before a vehicle willing to pick up passengers appears. “The few that are circulating are from the same town. No private driver will go to Matanzas for less than 40,000 pesos. Honestly, it’s an abuse,” he complains.

Worried that night will fall without being able to leave, the man from Matanzas has gone several times with his four-year-old son to a nearby cafeteria, where tractor-trailers stop to eat. The child, sitting on the edge of a bench, plays with an empty cup while curiously watching the road. “Only two or three big trucks have passed. All the drivers tell me they’re loaded, that they can’t take me. My child keeps asking when we’re leaving. He asks for water, food, and we’re stuck in the middle of the road. We left San Nicolás de Bari before dawn and we’re still wandering around. Hopefully we won’t have to sleep on a bench,” says the young father, visibly exhausted.

“No official is concerned about the hardships the people go through, because they all have ways to get around.” / 14ymedio

You could cross the road without looking both ways, if not for the occasional electric scooter breaking the silence of the roadway. The sounds of combustion engines have practically disappeared from the central highway. There is little movement in the surroundings: a street vendor pushes a cart with agricultural products, a cyclist passes slowly, and occasionally a truck raises a cloud of dust that forces those present to cover their faces.

“I need to take medication to my mother who lives in Aguacate, just a few kilometers from here. A trip that can be done in minutes takes a whole day because there are no intermunicipal buses running,” says a woman, sitting in the same spot since mid-morning, without even leaving to get a coffee for fear of missing a vehicle that might stop. She grips her bag tightly and anxiously watches every point that appears on the horizon.

“The traffic sign is there for nothing. I got tired of raising in accountability meetings that this stop needs an inspector, but no official cares about the hardships people go through, because they all have ways to get around,” the woman argues, unable to hide her frustration.

As the afternoon goes on, the sun beats down on the sidewalk and the shadow of the yellow roof becomes the only refuge for travelers trapped in the wait. Time seems to stand still in Madruga. Only the young man with his son and four other people persist in trying to embark on a journey whose wait becomes unbearable due to the heat and uncertainty.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Iberia Suspends All Its Flights to Cuba Starting in June

It is the first time in history that the Spanish airline cancels the route for reasons attributable to conditions on the Island, although it aims to resume flights in November

A Havana-bound aircraft from the Spanish company, landed at José Martí International Airport. / Iberia

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 13, 2026 – The airline Iberia announced this Monday the suspension of its flights to Cuba due to a drop in tourism. The measure does not take effect immediately and is limited to the low season, between June and November, with the intention of resuming routes at that time. However, the fact that it is one of the main airlines connecting Europe with the Island, and until now seemed committed to continuing to guarantee the route, is another final blow to the deplorable state of the sector.

The Spanish company currently maintains three weekly frequencies from Madrid to Cuba, and the first step is to reduce them to two in May. When June arrives, the only alternative will be to travel to Panama and, from there, come to the Island with Copa Airlines, which has a codeshare agreement with Iberia. The company has stated that its offices in Havana remain open to assist customers who need help.

“This temporary suspension affects exclusively Cuba, due to its exceptional situation. Iberia maintains the rest of its operations normally and, looking ahead to this summer, will offer a record number of 21.4 million seats,” the airline said in the announcement. The declaration is another painful verdict for Havana. The Spanish company had only suspended operations twice before, and neither was attributable to conditions on the Island. continue reading

“This temporary suspension affects exclusively Cuba, due to its exceptional situation. Iberia maintains the rest of its operations normally and, looking ahead to this summer, will offer a record number of 21.4 million seats”

In 2013, Iberia went through a severe economic crisis that forced the airline, which only two years earlier had merged with British Airways in the IAG alliance, one of the largest in the world, to carry out a workforce restructuring. In those negotiations, which led to the departure of more than 4,500 employees, three long-haul routes were canceled: Cuba, the Dominican Republic, and Puerto Rico. It was the first time in more than 60 years that the Spanish company did not fly to the Island.

The measure lasted two years, and in 2015 flights resumed in a big way, with five weekly connections, precisely in a promising year for the Cuban economy, when amid the thaw with the United States, companies from around the world bet on positioning themselves on the Island ahead of an opening that ultimately ended in failure.

Iberia suspended flights to Cuba again during the pandemic, when air routes worldwide were affected by border closures and airspace shutdowns.

This is, therefore, the first time the Spanish airline leaves the Island for reasons attributable exclusively to Cuba. On February 9, the company announced that, despite the lack of fuel, it would maintain its flights to Havana by refueling in the Dominican Republic. It was also one of the few airlines that did not backtrack on its decision, unlike those from Canada and Russia, countries that currently have higher flows of tourism to the Island, which nevertheless evacuated their nationals and stopped traveling until the situation is resolved.

Spain, despite being a key economic and cultural partner of Cuba, has ceased to be a top-tier tourism market as it had been until recently. The commitment of hotel entrepreneurs remains, for now, intact, but travelers are fleeing. Last year, barely 46,489 Spaniards visited the Island, compared to 65,054 in 2024. These numbers are put into perspective when compared to those of 2017, when the figure was 168,949.

In the first two months of 2026, only 4,422 Spaniards traveled to Cuba, 32% fewer than in the same period the previous year.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana Chronicles: In Havana, the Hustle and Bustle of the Iconic Rampa Has Moved to the ‘Candonga’ of 100 and Boyeros

The blackouts have wiped out the cinemas and the Coppelia ice cream parlor in El Vedado; life is now in the kiosks where it is advertised: “Here we have everything”

Above my head, the bridges that once roared with the passing of trucks and buses are now almost silent. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 12 April 2026 —  This time the route heads south. I need to get to the market that sprawls under the overpasses at 100th and Boyeros in Havana. My eternal quest for a part to fix leaky faucets leads me to one of the city’s main open-air markets. “We have everything here,” reads a sign I find at a kiosk at the entrance to the candonga [black market], where you can buy anything from antibiotics to soldering iron.

There is no internet connection anywhere along the route to the fair, and in some sections, you can’t even get a cell phone signal to make calls. We Cubans have come to accept that chatting with friends, watching reels, or posting on Facebook is becoming a thing of the past. It’s a shame that X no longer has the option to post via text messages (SMS) like was possible on the old Twitter. We have lost even our smoke signals.

While along the entire route I had barely encountered half a dozen people, the scene changed as I approached the market  / 14ymedio

Disconnected but walking briskly, I approach the overpasses. While along the entire route I had barely encountered half a dozen people, the scene changes as I near the market. At 100th and Boyeros, there are more people than at 23rd and L, the iconic corner of La Rampa in Vedado. The crowds that no longer surround the cinemas, clubs, or the Coppelia ice cream parlor seem to have concentrated around the stalls selling instant glue, clothing, and tools.

Even companionship is for sale. Stationed at certain points in the market are women and men in tight clothing with flirtatious glances. Here, rice cookers and caresses are traded; dishwashing liquids and sex. None of those prostituting themselves are over 30. This generation wasn’t even given an attempt to mold them into the “new man”, rather, they were left adrift in classrooms where television replaced teachers. They were the ones who fueled the majority of the Island-wide protests on 11 July 2021, and also the ones who were most frequently imprisoned after those demonstrations.

I slip between the kiosks. Above me, the bridges that once roared with the passing trucks and buses are now almost silent. Life is happening below. Tamales, soft drinks, motorcycle helmets, trash cans, plastic trinkets, and the cries of “we buy gold” or “we buy dollars” echo continue reading

everywhere. There are narrow passageways, lined with stalls made of zinc sheets and others, more sophisticated, built of brick. In a moment, I’m lost in this labyrinth.

“Does it have a sink faucet?” / 14ymedio

I finally find the sink drain piping I need and decide to look for other parts. To avoid confusion, in a market where there are people from all over Cuba, I approach a vendor and ask him point-blank, “Do you have a sink-faucet-with-handles-for-hand-washing?” The mix of regional names and the many ways of referring to the same object across the island make me want to emphasize what I mean. The man bursts out laughing at my excessive specificity. “I’m all out, but I’ll get more tomorrow,” he replies.

I start heading back. On the way, I pass the Boyeros and Camagüey market, where food and basic goods are sold in dollars. Inside, the air smells of spoiled meat, probably thawed by the long power outages. The refrigerators are practically empty, and an employee asks me to run a calculation on my phone’s calculator because they’re not allowed to bring cell phones into the store where they work.

The cell phone we carry in our pockets is becoming increasingly useless. Workers at the hard-currency stores aren’t allowed to bring them inside, and when I continue on my way home, mine barely works. Near the Sports City, nostalgia hits me. On the same grounds where The Rolling Stones played live ten years ago, grass now grows, and a couple of stray dogs stare at me with eyes pleading for food. Only a few electric tricycles pass by on the avenue, and very occasionally, an almendrón — a classic American car.

I’m already crossing Cerro Avenue. From a nearby doorway, a man offers me “all kinds of medications.” While state-run pharmacies are practically empty, Havana’s streets have become a very well-stocked pharmacy. What customers are offering and seeking most are antidepressants, anti-anxiety medications, and mood stabilizers. It seems that three out of every five people walking the streets are under the influence of some drug.

Only a few electric tricycles and, very occasionally, a classic American car pass by on the avenue. / 14ymedio

It’s hard to believe that a regime that tries to control every aspect of life doesn’t know that in Havana it’s easier to get sertraline* [Zoloft] than pork, diazepam* than coffee, amitriptyline* than eggs. A friend says it’s “state policy” to keep people drowsy and sedated. Some people spend part of their salary on a good supply of pills that will transport them to another place where the garbage on the corner doesn’t pile up so much, prices don’t rise every day, and their children aren’t packing their bags to emigrate.

I turn left at Tulipán. I spot my building with its enormous water tank. I reach for my cell phone to call home. Three tries and nothing. Each time, the voice says, “The number you are calling is switched off or out of coverage,” but I have to keep trying. “We are having a blackout,” the voice on the other end finally tells me when I get through. Isn’t there some kind of pill that makes me grow wings so I can get to the 14th floor without climbing the stairs? I fantasize and start humming that song that goes, “cause I try, and I try, and I try, and I try.”

*Translator’s ntoe: All these drugs are anti-depressants

Previous Havana Chronicles

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Publishing Houses Are Dying in Cuba, in Contrast to the Abundant Literary Production of the Diaspora

On the island, printing presses remain paralyzed due to a lack of electricity, paper, and resources

In a landscape of blackouts and paper shortages, the literary map of March was drawn, above all, from exile. / Collage

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 12, 2026 — The energy crisis, which has paralyzed printing presses, suspended book launches, and reduced print runs to symbolic numbers, has left many provincial publishing houses empty and has turned the publication of a book into an exceptional event in Cuba. Against this backdrop of blackouts and paper shortages, the literary landscape of March was shaped, above all, by exile and the diaspora.

In Havana, editors and proofreaders describe a routine marked by uncertainty. Power outages force work to stop for hours, computer equipment frequently breaks down, and printing shops can barely meet even the most urgent orders. Adding to this precarious situation is the lack of transportation and fuel, which hinders the distribution of the few copies that do manage to come off the presses. Thus, the book printed on the island has become an increasingly scarce commodity.

Meanwhile, in other cultural spheres, new releases were announced that keep the discussion about Cuban identity and its intellectual legacy alive. One of the most talked-about titles in March was El Monte’s New Itineraries, by researcher Alberto Sosa, presented as the first volume dedicated entirely to the study of El Monte (1954), by the Cuban author and ethnographer Lydia Cabrera.

Considered one of the most influential texts in Caribbean cultural history, Cabrera’s book intertwines ethnobotany, popular oral and Afro-Cuban traditions, and has exercised a notable influence on disciplines as diverse as anthropology, theater, and even the science fiction literature in the region. Sosa’s work aims to examine this legacy from a contemporary perspective, highlighting its continued relevance in spiritual and medicinal practices of the Hispanic Caribbean.

Obejas’s new work “dismantles the myth and makes it flesh,” by placing its characters in recognizable Havana settings.

Another noteworthy publication this month was Humo y otros cuentos [Smoke and Other Stories], by Cuban-American writer and translator Achy Obejas. The volume brings together stories that explore memory, desire, and violence from an intimate, urban perspective. According to Puerto Rican novelist and essayist Yolanda Arroyo Pizarro, Obejas’s new work continue reading

“dismantles the myth and makes it flesh,” by placing its characters in recognizable settings in Havana, Los Sitios, Vedado, and Old Havana, where the city ceases to be a mere backdrop and becomes a force that shapes the decisions and silences of its inhabitants. In these stories, exile appears as an emotional and narrative experience that is constantly rewritten, a wound that opens and closes with each memory.

In the realm of poetry, March was marked by the announcement of a publishing project aimed at rescuing silenced voices. Poet Katherine Bisquet reported that she is working on selecting authors for the anthology Poemas escritos en la cárcelDesde los primeros presos de Castro hasta la Primavera Negra [Poems Written in Prison: From Castro’s First Prisoners to the Black Spring], a work in progress that seeks to highlight the literary production of Cuban political prisoners. The project aims to gather texts written under conditions of confinement and censorship, where writing became a form of resistance and a symbolic space of freedom. The initiative has sparked interest among cultural organizations and human rights defenders, who see poetry as a tool for preserving the memory of repression.

Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo presented his book ‘Olvidos y obituarios’ (Forgotten Things and Obituaries), a volume that collects chronicles and short texts characterized by their experimental and provocative style.

Also in March, in Madrid, writer and photographer Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo presented his book Olvidos y obituarios [Forgotten Things and Obituaries], a collection of chronicles and short texts characterized by their experimental and provocative style. His prose, which the author himself describes as a “vocabulary,” combines wordplay, irreverent humor, and cultural references that engage with the Cuban literary tradition. For essayist Miguel Correa, these pages embody the discourse of those marginalized by the official narrative, while critic Gustavo Pérez Firmat has noted that, behind the linguistic acrobatics, one perceives “a sadness bordering on despair.”

The contrast between the vibrant creativity abroad and the paralysis of the publishing industry on the island was starkly evident on March 31st, during the official commemoration of Cuban Book Day. The ceremony, held at the José Martí Memorial in Havana, had a tone more political than cultural. While the event commemorated the founding of the National Printing Office in 1959, the main address was delivered by Michel Torres Corona, director of the Nuevo Milenio Publishing Group and host of the television program Con Filo, who transformed the day into an exercise in ideological reaffirmation before officials from the Ideological Department of the Central Committee of the Communist Party and the Ministry of Culture.

Far from being a fiesta for readers, the event left the impression of a cultural sector trapped between material scarcity and political subservience. Bookstores with empty shelves, book fairs canceled due to power outages, and publishing houses barely operating make up the current landscape of the book industry in Cuba.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban State Security Intensifies Harassment of Anna Bensi and Her Family Following a Visit From U.S. Mission Head Mike Hammer in Havana

The influencer reports threats against her sister and the blocking of her WhatsApp account

“It was a great pleasure to finally meet Anna Sofía Benítez and her mamá,” Hammer wrote after the meeting. / X / U.S. Embassy in Cuba

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, April 9, 2026 / Mike Hammer, head of the U.S. mission to Cuba, visited content creator Anna Sofía Benítez Silvente, known online as Anna Bensi, at her home in Alamar, Havana, on Tuesday. The meeting took place amid the ongoing criminal proceedings against the young woman and her mother, Caridad Silvente, and the continued harassment of her family by Cuban authorities.

“It was a great pleasure to finally meet Anna Sofía Benítez and her mamá. They told me about their situation and that they are under house arrest,” Hammer wrote after the meeting. The diplomat added that the young woman told him that “all she has done is express her ideas, her faith, and her aspirations as a Cuban who loves her country.” “She is a brave young woman who speaks her mind. She is admirable,” he concluded.

The pressure on her inner circle intensified just hours after the visit. This Thursday, her sister, Elmis Rivero Silvente, a U.S. citizen who has been visiting Cuba for several days, was summoned to the Immigration Unit in the Playa municipality under the pretext of an “interview for immigration control of her stay,” according to Cubanet. During the questioning, officers tried to determine if she had coordinated Hammer’s visit to the family home in Alamar.

According to the same media, the conversation quickly escalated into threats. Rivero stated that the agents warned him that both Anna Bensi and her mother could end up in prison and asked him to speak “especially” to his sister “to make her shut up, to stop denouncing the regime and speaking freely.” The officers also attempted to portray the diplomat’s visit as a provocation and even alluded to a supposed US invasion of Cuba, in another attempt to frame a case of political harassment within the regime’s defensive rhetoric. continue reading

Hammer arrived accompanied by Leslie Núñez Goodman, counselor of the Office of Education, Culture and Press of the diplomatic headquarters

Hammer has spent over a year traveling around Cuba, meeting with activists, religious leaders, independent journalists, and opposition members. His visit to Anna Bensi is part of this series of meetings with Cubans under surveillance, pressure, or persecution for political reasons.

The meeting on Tuesday also took place during a power outage. Hammer arrived accompanied by Leslie Núñez Goodman, counselor at the Office of Education, Culture, and Press of the diplomatic mission. Also present at the residence were the young woman’s mother, her sister Elmis Rivero Silvente, and Pastor Rolando Pérez, known as el Pregonero de Cristo [Herald of Christ].

Anna Bensi has become one of the most visible young voices on social media in Cuba. Through platforms like Instagram and TikTok, she has denounced abuses, expressed her religious convictions, and defended a vision of the country openly contrary to the official narrative. According to her own account, her exposure began to grow with a video in which she denounced the obstacles she faced in receiving her university degree after graduating. Later, she also ventured into music with “Mi Tierra” (My Land), a song dedicated to Cuba and Christ, which has already appeared on Billboard’s recommendation list.

The mother and daughter were reportedly prosecuted after recording and posting a video showing two men in civilian clothes delivering an official summons to Caridad Silvente. Authorities allege that one of the men, a non-commissioned officer from the Ministry of the Interior, felt “threatened” after his identity was revealed. The accusation, however, reinforces the impression that the case is not intended to protect individual rights, but rather to punish the public exposure of agents linked to the repressive apparatus.

The young woman said she felt “disgusted by this whole situation, by all the repression,” but stressed that her faith, her conviction, and her ideals “remain stronger than ever.”

Far from softening her discourse, Anna Bensi has responded with more directness. This Wednesday, she reported that her WhatsApp account had been suspended. “It won’t let me log in; when I request the code, it doesn’t arrive on my number. And when people message me, it appears as if I’ve delivered the messages,” she wrote. The young woman said she felt “disgusted by this whole situation, by all the repression,” but emphasized that her faith, her conviction, and her ideals “remain stronger than ever.”

During the meeting with Hammer, she insisted that she doesn’t believe she’s doing anything wrong. “I’m calm because I’m convinced I’m doing the right thing, that I’m on the right side,” she stated. She also expressed her desire for a Cuba where young people don’t have to emigrate to aspire to a decent life and where they can express themselves without fear of repression.

At the end of the visit, Hammer presented Anna Bensi with a small bell as a symbol of the 250th anniversary of the United States Declaration of Independence. The young woman, in turn, sang them a song in English. The gesture does not alter her legal status nor stop the harassment. But it leaves an image that will be difficult for the regime to neutralize: that of a 21-year-old woman, monitored and prosecuted for speaking out, receiving in her home, in the midst of a blackout, a foreign diplomat interested in hearing precisely what the regime is trying to silence.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.