Category: Translator: Regina Anavy

Data obtained by the Cato Institute reveal that “two thirds of the migrants admitted to the detention centers of the Immigration and Customs Control Service (ICE) during this fiscal year had not been convicted of any crime” and that “most do not pose a serious threat to public safety.”

The Cato Institute stresses that “violent criminals, such as murderers, rapists and pedophiles, accounted for less than 7% of ICE’s arrests.” The figures confirm that immigration authorities increased the number of arrests of persons without criminal convictions from 448 per day to 927 per day in the first two weeks of June.

Cuban real estate agent Denis Duran Davila was arrested after going to the court. The case of this young man went viral on social networks after his mother knelt before ICE agents to beg them not to deport him. Attorney Wilfredo Allen stated that his client, a person who “has no criminal offenses, is producing, giving to society and following the rules of the game, was arrested.”

The wife of Hermes Sanchez Lopez confirmed her husband’s arrest after attending the court in Miami. She pointed out that the migrant entered the US in 2020 and has no record, and ICE transferred him to Alligator Alcatraz.

ICE arrests have been reported by several groups, such as Detention Resistance in San Diego. Barbara Stone, an American, is a member of the group and was arrested last Tuesday for recording a video with her cell phone of the transfer of a migrant. A female ICE officer reported the 71-year-old woman for pushing her.

Stone was handcuffed and held for eight hours. Upon being released, she told NBC 7 that her cell phone had not been returned. She showed a bruise to the media and said she felt “mentally and physically traumatized.”

Ruth Méndez, another Detention Resistance volunteer, noted that “fear is very, very real here. Every American should know that this is how their taxpayers’ money is being spent, and it’s really a shame. The people who are really suffering are those seeking asylum.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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More than half of respondents (56.9%) said they make these payments “always or often,” with Havana leading the way (66.6%). By region, it is as follows: West (58.8%), East (55.8%) and Center (51.9%).

The most informal “priced” services are obtaining medicines, surgical procedures and diagnostic tests with medical equipment

The most informal “priced” services are obtaining medicines (57.6%), surgical procedures (27.9%) and diagnostic tests with medical equipment (10%). Even interventions such as cesarean sections, abortions or treatment of fibroids require the disbursement of sums between 25,000 and 45,000 CUP (65 to 117 dollars, depending on the black market exchange rate), without counting the inputs that must be purchased from outside the system.

The paradox is brutal. Cuba allocates just 2.1% of the state budget to health and social assistance, but maintains 24,000 doctors working in 56 countries, which in 2022 reported revenues of $4.882 billion, according to official data. Of these, between 75% and 90% of the salaries paid by the recipient governments remain in the coffers of the Cuban State.

Meanwhile, national pharmacies have a shortage of more than 50% of the basic list of medicines, and hospitals show signs of abandonment, with collapsed ceilings, rodents, closed rooms and poor hygiene, documented in multiple independent reports.

The report intersperses the figures with shattering testimonies: an anesthesiologist who operates with stored supplies “for my own family,” a neonatal nurse who admits delaying care to patients without “recommendations,” or a patient who had to give two pigs to the doctors for a hernia operation. Others, like Alexis Dominguez, are waiting for urgent surgery while paying up to $150 just to be put on a list.

The situation of women is even more outrageous. The chapter dedicated to gynecology and obstetrics documents payments for cesarean sections, abortions, regulation of periods and even a minimum medical protocol during delivery. A young woman, for example, paid 10,000 pesos to have her cesarean section performed because her baby was in danger, after 36 hours of labor. “Paying gives you the ability to be demand,” she says bluntly.

The research highlights that the most alarming thing is not the existence of corruption, but its normalization. Almost 83% of respondents believe that corruption in health is “widespread” or “very widespread,” and more than 52% say they have stopped seeking medical care due to illegal payments.

The report qualifies this phenomenon as a form of institutionalized violence, which is exercised not only by action but also by omission

The report qualifies this phenomenon as a form of institutionalized violence, which is exercised not only by action (improper charges, mistreatment and negligence) but also by omission (inefficiency, endless waiting and lack of resources). “What used to be a right is today a privilege,” she summarizes crudely.

The authorities, for their part, have chosen to minimize the problem. Miguel Díaz-Canel acknowledged in April 2025 that there are “negative trends” such as the illegal sale of services, but he limited himself to calling for them to be addressed “forcefully.” In the absence of a structural strategy, the government only punishes isolated cases, without admitting that corruption is the direct result of low wages, lack of resources and chronically low investment by the state.

The study concludes that the Cuban SNS is not being privatized in the classical sense, but in practice. Health no longer depends on the state, but on the patient’s pocket or contacts. And what is more worrisome, even newly graduated doctors are deserting, invalidating their degrees rather than practicing in these conditions. Between 2021 and 2023, more than 63,800 health professionals left the system.

“Your health service is free… but it costs money.” The poster at the entrance of some hospitals might seem like a cruel joke. But in Cuba, where pain and disease have become a product of the black market, that irony is already an undeniable truth.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Authorities mention compliance with Law 150 Natural Resources and Environment and the standards on air and waste emissions. They also highlight achievements such as sleeve filters that reduced dust emissions to 1.4 mg/m³ monitoring systems and restoration projects with the reforestation of the Cuban pine and international partnerships.

But independent media testimonies and Facebook posts contradict this narrative. Testimonies abound with images of black dust on skin and clothes, and reports of cases of respiratory disorders, mainly in infants. All this describes an alarming reality despite the alleged environmental measures.

“It’s like we’re breathing poison”

Journalist Mario J. Pentón collected heartbreaking statements: “Every day we have to endure a substance that falls from the sky. You clean and then everything’s dirty again. What comes out of your throat is black. It’s like breathing poison. These people are slowly killing us,” wrote a resident of that area, in the province of Holguín. “Today Moa’s Facebook page was lit up, with many people complaining about the same thing. There is despair, frustration and a growing rage,” he added.

The ministry highlights the existence of four environmental monitoring stations in residential areas and epidemiological surveillance protocols. According to Joel Queipo Ruíz, first secretary of the Communist Party in Holguín, there has been no identifiable increase in medical care for respiratory or allergic conditions in recent weeks. But citizens claim the opposite: children suffering from chronic cough and persistent dust on their skin and clothes. The official explanation does not match the daily reality in Moa.

Allegations of a “slow death” in Moa are not new

Allegations of a “slow death” in Moa are not new. Independent studies recall years of exposure to toxic gases, lower life expectancy compared with other Holguín municipalities, and a high prevalence of respiratory and dermatological diseases. In addition, recent flood waters from the Cabaña river aggravated exposure to pollutants in neighborhoods such as Ecrin, Cabaña and La Veguita, where neighbors suffer from both the climate crisis and industrial pollution.

The response of the Ministry of Energy and Mines is simplistic and reactive. An isolated incident does not explain a chronic crisis. They talk about technology and monitoring without showing tangible results. There are no real comparisons of pollutant levels before and after, nor public health data to support their position.

Viral photos, citizen voices and local health reports reinforce the perception of being in the forefront of an announced ecocide. The government boasts about laws and open dialogue. However, the authorities’ indolence in the face of decades of environmental deterioration, the lack of verifiable data and the urgency of the testimonies reveal the absence of real commitment.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Despite institutional pressure, García enjoyed broad public support from the start. “They gave him a very long sentence, when in Santa Clara, as elsewhere, not even a shop window was broken and nothing happened at all,” his brother-in-law Jonatan López wrote on the social network X after hearing the sentence.

In May 2022, authorities announced that García would be transferred to an open regimen camp in El Yabú, a change that never materialized. Shortly thereafter, while going with his father Nedel García Pacheco to the prison of Guamajal to collect some belongings, both were intercepted on their way home. State Security agents transferred them to the 5th Santa Clara Unit for a “conversation,” and the minimum severity measure was revoked.

Throughout his sentence, García was steadfast in his convictions. In an interview with Cubanet, he said: “How am I going to regret the proudest act of my life, of all Cubans? It was the happiest day in history, the day when the people rose up against the oppressor.”

Now 27, Andy has returned home. One of his first gestures upon leaving was to visit the tomb of his paternal grandmother, who died during his imprisonment. He has also been able to rejoin his maternal grandparents, whose health has deteriorated in recent years.

“Andy is free, he owes nothing to the regime, and he’s going to take his time to be with the family,” said his mother. The family does not rule out continuing pressure from State Security, which in these cases usually tries to prevent former political prisoners and their relatives from talking to the independent press.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

“This is a story of today, and a movie that contains a call to action. People come out of the cinema feeling that they can do something,” said Luengo

Although the song has already become a mass phenomenon, winning two Latin Grammy Awards – as song of the year and best urban song – both the Spanish artist and the Cuban singer agreed that it is now the turn of the documentary, which arrives in the US after its premiere in Europe.

“What we hope will happen is that thousands of people will send messages to Cuba saying ’You are bright, brave people. We’re with you’ (…), and that they identify with the pain of the people they see in the documentary,” said Romero.

“If previously the largest group that came out on the streets were Cubans, what we want to achieve is that this coming July 11 the groups that come out are not only Cubans but also citizens of every country demanding freedom for the people,” he added.

And although both argue that the musical theme “was historic” and managed to open the eyes of the world and demonstrate the strength of the Cuban people, they admit that there is still a long way to go.

“We are talking about a defenseless people, a people who have been oppressed for 56 years. Without water, without electricity, without food, it is very difficult to face a machine like the dictatorship that has all the weapons,” said the Cuban artist.

Among them are different forms of repression that the artists themselves personally suffered. It was the case of Romero, who left Cuba several years ago, and Maykel Osorbo, another of the interpreters of Patria y Vida, who was sentenced in 2022 to nine years in prison for “disobedience, resistance and contempt.”

“We are always asked at the end of the film if Maykel is still in prison,” recalled Luengo.

The documentary itself is banned in Cuba, which the Spanish artist interprets as a win: “That means we have done our job well”

The documentary itself is banned in Cuba, which the Spanish artist interprets as a win: “That means we have done our job well.”

In contrast, with the premiere in Miami they want the thousands of Cubans living in this city to go to the theaters “to feel it and mourn,” and take other people with them to show them what is happening in Cuba.

“It is a common malaise, not only of the young people, not only of the people who have left, but also of the people who are still there, practically unable to sleep [because of the power outages],” summed up Romero, before issuing a final warning to the Cuban government.

“Now the dictatorship has nothing to hold on to. Every time there are stricter laws, they inflict more and more fear, and that only makes you understand one thing: they are very afraid of the Cuban people because they know what they are capable of doing,” he said.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The collapse of Cuban coffee is a palpable reality. Consumers notice it in the disappearance of the product in the bodegas, in the increase of the price of the bean on the informal market and even in the quality of what they manage to buy. According to the National Bureau of Statistics and Information, production in the sector has fallen by 51% over the last five years.

“From Miami comes La Llave and Bustelo coffee, which they like very much because they have the traditional Cuban roast, and when people drink it they remember what the coffee here used to be like,” says the seller. “But also in recent years, other cheaper brands come in, and although they are of lower quality, for any Cuban they are glorious compared to the bodega coffee”.

El Morro, El Dorado, La Carreta and Cubanazo are some of the names that have also slipped from Florida into Cuban coffee shops. In the large community of Cuban exiles, the products from shops and supermarkets fill the niches that the deep economic crisis has opened up for them in Cuba. From school uniforms for all levels of education to generators for the blackouts: goods designed and intended for the consumer within Cuba have grown in recent years.

“My cousin who lives in Hialeah says that she only buys those packages of coffee to send here because they aren’t what she likes to drink every day,” the cafeteria employee admits.” But here they do very well because people don’t have the rationed coffee, which hasn’t appeared in Matanzas since February.” Mixed or low quality, the imported coffee always exceeds by far the bitter and often unnamed coffee that is distributed through the ration book.

“Before I bought the coffee that they sold in the bodega, mixed it with peas and added a little of the good coffee,” explains Rafael, but even that possibility is a thing of the past because now the rationed coffee “neither arrives nor serves. The few peas I can buy are for eating,” he adds, in allusion to the grain that for decades served both the state and consumers to stretch the monthly coffee ration.

With a pension of 2,500 pesos per month, Rafael would need almost half his retirement – about 1,200 – to purchase a 284-gram package of La Llave. Paying this amount would be a mistake, so he carries in his head a mental map of where he can still drink coffee in a cafe that has prices of 10, 20 or even 40 pesos a cup.

“If I don’t have a sip in the morning, I get a headache, but if I drink it in a state cafeteria I’ll probably end up with a belly ache”

“I have had coffee in the kiosks at bus terminals, and it was like being struck by lightning,” he explains. “If I don’t have a sip in the morning, I get a headache, but if I drink it in a state cafeteria I’ll probably end up with a belly ache,” he says, summing up his dilemma. The state premises that still distribute the popular drink have been reduced, and the volume of his laundry has also been limited. “If you get to the water truck ten minutes after they start dispensing it, it’s already gone,” Rafael complains.

There is, however, the option of going to a better place with higher prices. “I can no longer afford the coffee at the Sala White, much less the Hotel Velazco, and I do not count on those in the Paseo de Narváez. I don’t have the 200 pesos to spend,” laments Nilda, another matancera who needs her daily dose of caffeine. “It looks like they made this one early, because it’s lukewarm. That’s what there is for the poor,” she asserts.

The employee keeps the sugar bowl under the counter and administers only one spoon per cup. She is not allowed to add more because the most emblematic product that comes out of the Cuban fields also suffers a drop in production. “A pound is 270 pesos,” explains the worker. At one side of the stove, where the coffee sits on a burner, is a package with the label “Florida Crystals,” containing sugar from those cane plantations that, in Florida and at the hands of Cuban-American entrepreneurs, also supply the island.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

But EFE is fixed on a fundamental detail: these data only reflect official prices and do not take into account “the country’s black market, which is more varied and dynamic” than the state. In addition, the experts have stressed that, while at the macroeconomic level CPI control is positive in normal situations -“it reduces uncertainty for firms and investors, facilitates financial operations and helps to define contracts and make long-term decisions for greater predictability”- Vidal said recently, in Cuba it has been achieved because the impoverishment of the population has reduced their purchasing power and, thus, price pressure.

Food, one of the most influential sectors in the CPI, rose 1.28% last month – only education, with a 1.44% rise, exceeded it – resulting in a not negligible 6.77% so far this year. Despite the containment of inflation, it is very remarkable that Cubans are paying 12.79% more for food. In fact, almost all the products whose price varied substantially involved food, especially the increasingly desired chicken eggs, the scarcity of which has caused them to rise by 12.9 per cent.

It is followed by other agricultural products such as tomatos (10.13%), potatos (5.9%), peppers (3.95%), onions (3.6%) and rice. The latter, one of the most basic items in the Cuban diet, cost 3.9% more in June than in May. On the opposite side are fruits such as mango (-4.9%), lemon (-2.4%), oil (-2.16%) and raw sugar (-1.9%).

The restaurant and hotel sector, another segment to be evaluated jointly with food, also saw a significant increase last month

The restaurant and hotel sector, another segment to be evaluated jointly with food, also saw a significant increase last month. The increase is only 0.99% in June, but the annual figure rises to 11.42%, and the year-on-year figure to 21.77%, a magnitude so important as to be the second largest growth in a year. Lunch and dinner (1.53%), breakfast (1.76%) and snack (0.12%) all rose last month; also noteworthy is the impact this sector has on the increase in the price of rum, 1.63%, and soft drinks, with 0.95%.

The document closes with a sector dedicated to cleaning and hygiene products, which have had important increases. The most prominent is toothpaste, which costs 6.6% more than the previous month. Deodorant (1.85%), manicure (1.58%), shampoo (1.15%) and conditioner (0.63%) are also in this sector.

In all categories, except alcohol and tobacco, there were slight but moderate increases. Although the annual figures are better than in previous years, some sectors still reflect very significant data for the already penalized pockets of citizens: miscellaneous goods and services (14.44%), housing services (13.69%) and food and non-alcoholic beverages (12.79%). With single-digit rates, clothing and footwear (8.92%), recreation and culture (7.17%), transport (4.97%), health (0.90%) and the mystery of communications (0.38%), have been in the line for at least five years and now, despite the tarifazo.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The most prominent example was that of the Base 654 Business Unit in Bayamo, where a pattern of systematic subtraction of rice, peas and sugar was detected

The most prominent example was that of the Base 654 Business Unit in Bayamo, where a pattern of systematic subtraction of rice, peas and sugar was detected. According to the authorities, those involved even filled bags with sand to hide the lack of food for more than 256,000 consumers in Granma province. Eight people are currently in pre-trial detention, including the director of the entity, a commercial specialist and other warehouse workers.

In another case, in the Suchel company, personal care products were stolen and placed on the informal market. Similar events were also mentioned in solid waste collection entities in the municipalities of Plaza de la Revolución and Centro Habana, and in a subsidiary company of Copextel in Camagüey. The authorities stated that in all these cases investigations were initiated by popular complaints or internal audits, with the participation of the Comptroller General, the Public Prosecutor’s Office and the Ministry of the Interior.

The structure of the program was more geared towards reaffirming the official narrative, which presents the state as a victim of dishonest employees, rather than providing a true exercise in accountability.

Professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández expressed her disappointment at what was presented as an “unprecedented crusade”. Although the driver Humberto López showed “almost childish enthusiasm at inaugurating this new stage of the program,” the expectation of addressing major corruption cases -such as that of former minister Gil, the shady operations of Cimex or the opaque finances of Gaesa- was quickly frustrated. Instead of digging into the heights of power, the program was limited to “exposing deviations and improper management in base entities and municipal enterprises, presented as if they were the core of the problem.”

Professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández expressed her disappointment at what was presented as an “unprecedented crusade”

López points out that the program’s approach reinforces a narrative of horizontal surveillance: citizens are invited to report what is happening in their immediate environment, without questioning the higher gears of the system. Despite some revealing assertions, such as the admission of structural failures in internal control mechanisms and the need for a “separation of functions”, she stresses that these failures are a reflection of the vertical political order where there is no “separation of powers”.

Corruption in the base is a symptom, not the source. As long as one does not look upwards with the same impetus, the attempt to show transparency will be, as in this first program, insufficient and disappointing.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.