From Havana and exile, voices from civil society warn about the implications for the Island of the ruler’s arrest
“When chemotherapy is required, chemotherapy must be applied. Anything else is pure hypocrisy or total complicity,” said Ferrer. / Wikimedia Commons
14ymedio, Havana, January 4, 2026 — Various voices from Cuban civil society have been reacting since Saturday to the capture of Nicolás Maduro by U.S. troops. Activists and independent journalists have welcomed the arrest of the leader and are calling for the process in Venezuela to lead to a real, peaceful, orderly, and verifiable democratic transition.
For opposition figure Ángel Moya, the capture of Nicolás Maduro is a positive step, and he recalls that the ruler “gave the order to murder and imprison hundreds of thousands of Venezuelans fighting for freedom, justice, and human rights.” The former prisoner of the 2003 Black Spring recommended that U.S. President Donald Trump “demand the immediate release of political prisoners” and guarantee “security for opposition members and for exiles who decide to return,” including María Corina Machado and Edmundo García.
For his part, dissident Manuel Cuesta Morúa, president of Cuba’s Council for the Democratic Transition, noted that the events reopen the debate over sovereignty, since chavismo, the historian also argues, usurped the popular will expressed at the ballot box in last July’s elections.
In Cuesta Morúa’s view, an opportunity has opened for the Venezuelan people to reclaim their democratic process, although he underscored the importance of respecting international law. The activist also warned that, for Cuba, Maduro’s fall would have serious implications: the loss of a key ally, an essential economic lifeline, and international backing for its authoritarian model.
“Cancer is not cured with paracetamol”
José Daniel Ferrer, leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba and recently exiled to Miami, described the U.S. military action to capture and prosecute Maduro for drug-trafficking-related crimes as “necessary and positive.” Ferrer maintained that as long as the Cuban regime persists, freedom and human rights will continue to be at risk in the region. “Cancer is not cured with paracetamol. When chemotherapy is required, chemotherapy must be applied. Anything else is pure hypocrisy or total complicity,” he warned.
Academic Alina Bárbara Hernández opted for caution and announced on her Facebook account that she needs to reflect a bit more before commenting on what happened: “I’m taking a little time to publish my analysis of what’s going on.” Nonetheless, she shared a text by Cuban digital creator José Manuel González Rubines, who made it clear that after the U.S. operation, “Maduro is no longer in power and, in all likelihood, will be tried in the United States,” and that “his coterie of satraps handed him over and, with him, handed the country over to a foreign military intervention and a “supervised transition.’”
Meanwhile, writer Jorge Fernández Era called for caution in the face of propaganda and anticipated possible unexpected turns in the Venezuelan political landscape. For its part, the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights, based in Madrid, celebrated the arrest and demanded the immediate release of political prisoners and the restoration of democracy.
In a statement from the Independent Trade Union Association of Cuba, Secretary General Iván Hernández Carrillo emphasized that any legitimate outcome must lead, without ambiguity, to a transition with clear rules, a public timetable, and national and international verification, culminating in the installation of the government chosen by Venezuelans.
In this newspaper, Yoani Sánchez wrote on her blog: “What happens in the coming hours is crucial for both nations, but it is already clear that the boastful and arrogant Nicolás Maduro is a thing of the past. The Cuban dictatorship will be watching him closely in his next appearances, like someone looking in a mirror.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Military escalation casts doubt on the future of the medical brigades
Independent organizations have been denouncing the labor conditions of these missions for years. / Archives
14ymedio, Havana, January 3, 2026 — From the early hours of this Saturday, when news broke of the United States’ intervention in Venezuela, one of the questions that began circulating in Cuba was what would happen to the Cuban doctors who remain on mission in that country. The Ministry of Public Health assured, in a brief message circulated on social media, that all collaborators are safe. Nevertheless, beyond that official statement, the immediate future of one of the Cuban regime’s main sources of hard currency remains undefined.
After the military action took place, a retired nurse from Havana told this newspaper that a colleague in Venezuela assured her that “they have the Cubans on mission confined to barracks.”
In addition, a doctor stationed in Caracas told 14ymedio that, despite the messages of calm conveyed by their coordinators, nervousness is evident: “The bosses keep saying that everything is fine and that we have to wait for what Havana says, but they are very nervous.” At that moment, the U.S. president was about to begin a press conference from his residence in Mar-a-Lago, Florida. “I can’t talk much because we’re all trying to listen to Trump’s speech, but what I can tell you is that it makes me nervous that I’m about to finish my mission and I’ve already bought the kids’ clothes. Imagine if they move us somewhere else and I can’t take anything with me.” continue reading
“The bosses keep saying that everything is fine and that we have to wait for what Havana says, but they are very nervous”
Another Cuban collaborator, from Zulia, commented that “everything is calm in the streets, but there are people who are very happy.” Several Venezuelan reporters, who maintained a live broadcast on X for more than ten hours, also reported crowds forming at markets and gas stations to buy supplies, amid fears of business closures.
The unease has been strongly reflected on social media, especially in comments responding to the official call for a demonstration at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune in Havana. Meanwhile, on social media numerous users demanded that priority be given to the safety of medical personnel and their return to the Island. “They are not military; they deserve to be with their families,” wrote one participant. Other messages expressed anxiety and irritation over the lack of foresight. “Now they’ve got the families of those who are over there going crazy here,” another comment noted.
However, not all opinions agree. There are also messages defending the continued presence of the brigades in Venezuela and arguing that, in a context of crisis, the doctors’ work is even more necessary. “In this imminent war, Cuban health brigades in Venezuela will be more necessary than ever,” states one of the comments, appealing to the continuity of the mission as part of a political commitment built over many years.
Beyond the opposing views, a possible interruption of the medical missions in Venezuela would have direct consequences for Cuba’s already fragile economy. Amid inflation, shortages, and the deterioration of basic services, the loss of one of its main sources of hard-currency income would worsen the internal crisis.
A possible interruption of the medical missions in Venezuela would have direct consequences for Cuba’s already fragile economy
Although Cuban authorities say they are maintaining constant communication with the mission, so far no plans for relocation, shelter, or return to Cuba have been made public, nor has it been explained what would happen if the conflict intensifies.
The presence of Cuban healthcare personnel in Venezuela dates back more than two decades and has been central both to the political relationship between the two governments and to the Island’s economy. Through these agreements, the Cuban state receives significant income, while professionals work under state contracts that limit their pay and their personal lives.
Independent organizations have been denouncing the labor conditions of these missions for years, including the withholding of salaries, political control, and restrictions on personal freedom. In a scenario of military intervention and high regional tension, these complaints take on an even more critical dimension.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Los más infames de 2025 (Ilustración: Mary Esther Lemus)
The Most Notorious of 2025 Cubanet, Luis Cino, Havana, 30 December 2025
Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez. Photo: Cuban News Agency (ACN)
1-Miguel Díaz-Canel Bermúdez
As he has done since taking office, the most inefficient and unpopular ruler that Cuba has ever had repeats in first place. This past 2025, Díaz-Canel has enthusiastically added to his track record, further increasing his total disconnection from reality: faced with the catastrophic situation in the country, in almost-daily meetings, all he managed to talk about was “creative resistance.”
The hand-picked ruler demonstrated his lack of charisma and empathy when, during his pointless and choreographed tours of the eastern provinces in the wake of Hurricane Melissa, he lost his composure before complaints from several victims. And this year he also threatened once again to make those protesting in the streets over power outages and water shortages feel “the full weight of the law”; a mere handful of people, according to him, whom he described as being “confused by the narratives created by enemy propaganda,” and even “lowlifes and criminals.”
2-Alejandro Gil Fernández
Alejandro Gil Fernández, Photo: Cuban News Agency (ACN)
The man sentenced to life imprisonment—Gil, the now-former Minister of Economy—once so hated by the people (as was Marino Murillo Jorge*) because of the chaos and inflation unleashed by the failure of the Ordering Task**, now is to be pitied. In the most significant purge since “Case Number One of 1989,”*** Gil was chosen as a scapegoat, and the blame for ill-conceived decisions—approved by the regime’s top leadership at the most inopportune moment—was placed squarely on him. But he wasn’t only blamed for that: among other charges, Gil was accused of “espionage.” It is unknown for whom he was spying. This remains unknown because the two trials against him were held behind closed doors. Therefore, the corrupt individuals involved in the case, who must be numerous and highly placed, also remain unknown.
Gil had more luck than Arnaldo Ochoa and Tony de la Guardia and avoided the firing squad. But, given how much he knows, he will most likely die in prison: he’ll have a heart attack or be “suicided”.**** Just like José Abrantes, the former Interior Minister who was purged in 1989. But, in Gil’s case, they likely won’t even announce his death.
3-Vicente de la O Levy
Vicente de la O Levy Photo: Video capture, Canal Caribe
With help from the services of his sidekick, journalist Bernardo Espinosa of the jet-black dyed hair, Energy and Mines Minister de la O has comfortably beaten other scoundrels for this ranking on the list by the many and lengthy blackouts (planned or not) occurring on his watch, the energy generation deficits, the thermoelectric plant breakdowns, the National Electric System failures, and the unconvincing explanations that nobody understands.
4-Manuel Marrero Cruz
Manuel Marrero Cruz (Photo: Estudios Revolución)
Prime Minister Marrero, despite habitually staying closer to reality than Díaz-Canel, got himself into a straitjacket when trying to explain (but only superficially and with a dearth of detail) the so-called “Government Plan to Correct Distortions and Restart the Economy.” For the most part, he left us Cubans dumbfounded by his prattle about “dollarizing now so that we can gradually de-dollarize later.”
5-Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla
Bruno Rodríguez Parrilla (Photo: Cuban News Agency – ACN)
Besides his attacks on the US Secretary of State, the Cuban-American Marco Rubio, and his accusations of piracy against Washington for its operations in the Caribbean—Foreign Relations Minister Rodríguez also made time to complain about his compatriots’ hate speech and incitements to violence via social media, and declared himself to be all for moderation and respect. He, no less, who represents before the world a regime that advocated revolutionary violence, preached hatred, and which today–through official spokespersons as well as the so-called “cyber catfishers” *****–dedicates itself to insulting its adversaries and muddying their reputations. And the chancellor knocked it out of the park when he denied that in Cuba there are political prisoners or people who are going hungry.
6-Raúl Castro Ruz
Raúl Castro Ruz, Photo: Prensa Latina
Fidel’s hermanísimo [‘Supreme Brother’] and successor to head the Castro network, Raúl Castro has returned this year to frustrate those who believed the rumors of his demise. It has happened so many times before, that when it finally occurs for real, nobody will believe it. But the fact that the nonagenarian Army General continues to cling to the world of the living is no longer news. What is novel is that he’s no longer content to have one foot in the stirrup, but rather, given how screwed up everything is, he has decided to show that he is the one in charge. After all, isn’t he, by dynastic right, the “Leader of the Revolution”?
Castro already proved that he is determined to leapfrog over institutional processes, and anything else, whenever he deems it opportune. Such as when he postponed until further notice the IX Congress of the Communist Party (PCC), which was supposed to take place in April, 2026–a decision that was not his to make, but rather up to Díaz-Canel, First Secretary of the PCC.
7-Marta Elena Feitó Cabrera
Marta Elena Feitó Cabrera in the National Assembly of People’s Power. Photo: Cubadebate
Once the Minister of Social Security, Feitó resigned in July. This followed the great controversy provoked by her brazen insensitivity in declaring that the indigents seen on the streets rummaging through the garbage and panhandling are not beggars, but rather people in costume seeking easy money or hunting for recyclables.
The sad thing is that many of the parliamentarians who applauded these shameless statements of the then-minister, such as Yosuán Palacios, later applauded Díaz-Canel when he lambasted Feitó and left her with no other choice than to resign.
8-Sandro Castro Arteaga
Sandro Castro Arteaga during the podcast, ‘‘Solo gente bonita’’ (Only nice people). Photo: video capture
The grandson of the deceased “Maximum Leader,” indifferent to the embarrassment he must cause his family, Castro continues performing his clown show. The most recent episode involved “Vampicash,” a convertible currency exchange, which Little Prince Castro—fancying himself “Mama’s Boy in Chief”— tried to establish before the National Bank announced the official floating rate.
9-Oscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga
Photo: Cuban News Agency (ACN)
The nephew of Fidel and Raúl Castro (he is the grandson of Ángela, a sister of theirs) Pérez-Oliva rose fast like foam this year. From Vice Minister of Foreign Commerce he went on to Minister and, more recently, to Vice Prime Minister of the Republic, one of the highest State positions. Additionally, he was elected deputy to the National Assembly of People’s Power, which makes him presidential material.
Many believe that this engineer, a member of the dynasty albeit he doesn’t bear the surname Castro, will be the one who takes the place of Díaz-Canel. If this comes to pass, it is to be supposed that next year (if the regime lasts that long), Pérez-Oliva will rise higher on this list also.
10-Luis Carreres Ortiz y Belissa Cruz Pupo
The actors Luis Carreres Ortiz and Belissa Cruz Pupo. Photos: MINCULT [Ministry of Culture]/ TVCThe actor from Santiago, who was so funny in his role as the coarse Voltímetro in the lamented TV show Vivir del Cuento [“To Live By Lies”], Carreres lost his charm and a considerable portion of his fan base recently when—more than acting appeasing and compliant—he declared himself against the anti-Castro exile and the street protests in Cuba.
A similar loss of public favor happened to the actress Belissa Cruz. Not even lending aid alongside her colleague Alejandro Cuervo to the victims of Hurricane Melissa has managed to improve her standing after she appeared in a TV spot and cynically suggested that Cubans should solve their energy problems by buying their own electrical plant instead of protesting the blackouts. And Cruz made matters even worse when she tried to rectify her comments but ended up complaining about her critics.
Translated by: Alicia Barraqué Ellison
Translator’s Notes
* Marino Murillo Jorge is the president of Tabacuba, the Cuban state-owned enterprise that oversees all aspects of the Island’s tobacco industry.
** The “Ordering Task” (Tarea Ordenamiento) was a set of measures that include eliminating the Cuban Convertible Peso (CUC), leaving the Cuban peso as the only national currency, raising prices, raising salaries (but not as much as prices), opening stores that take payment only in hard currency which must be in the form of specially issued pre-paid debit cards, and a broad range of other measures targeted to different elements of the Cuban economy.
*** “Case Number One of 1989” refers to the trial and execution of General Arnaldo Ochoa and other officials on charges of drug smuggling and treason.
**** “….[to be] suicided” is a colloquialism used by Cubans when referring to someone, usually a prominent figure, who is reported by official channels to have committed suicide but whose death is popularly suspected to have been perpetrated by the government.
***** “Catfishing” is pretending to be someone else online, i.e., stealing someone’s identity. In this context, the term refers to fake, pro-government, social media accounts operated by Cuban government-recruited trolls. See Freedom House’s Cuba: Freedom on the Net 2024 Country Report.
Havana reacted quickly, but it did so following a familiar, almost automatic script.
The Cuban regime’s alliance with Nicolás Maduro is not merely ideological; it is, above all, about energy and survival. / EFE
14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, 3 January 2025 — In the early morning hours of Saturday, as darkness descended across large zones of the island, the political landscape of the Cuban regime’s main ally was being shaken. The United States carried out an attack on military installations in Venezuela, and shortly afterward, President Donald Trump announced that Nicolás Maduro had been captured and removed from the country.
Havana didn’t delay in reacting, but it followed a familiar, almost automatic script. From his account on X, President Miguel Díaz-Canel denounced “the criminal attack by the US on Venezuela” and demanded an “urgent” response from the international community. “Our zone of peace is being brutally assaulted,” he asserted. “State terrorism against the brave Venezuelan people and against our America,” he added in the hasty message, resorting to a rhetorical repertoire that is activated in Cuba whenever Washington makes a move on the continent. The biological clock of Cuban power was calibrated to respond before the sun rose and uncomfortable questions arose.
The speed of the pronouncement contrasts sharply with its lack of nuance. For Havana, the narrative has been clear from the first minute: imperialist aggression and violation of sovereignty. The old reflex of closing ranks with Caracas has once again prevailed, even though the regional and global context is very different today than it was a decade ago.
While the Cuban government is refining its condemnation, the reaction on social media has been less solemn and more down-to-earth.
While the Cuban government is finalizing its condemnation, the reaction on social media has been less solemn and more down-to-earth. As soon as the news broke, groups on Telegram and WhatsApp erupted. “Venezuelan oil is gone!” a young woman wrote to her family, bluntly and without slogans, putting her finger on the wound that really hurts on the Island. In a country plagued by daily blackouts, where the energy crisis is measured in hours without power and food spoiling, Maduro’s capture was immediately interpreted in domestic terms: what will happen now to the fuel that, for better or worse, keeps the Cuban electrical system afloat?
That popular interpretation says more about the current situation in Cuba than any official statement. The alliance with Caracas is not merely ideological; it is, above all, about energy and survival. That is why Havana’s inflammatory rhetoric sounds increasingly defensive, like someone shouting to ward off a very real fear.
Another phrase has also been repeated in the phone calls between friends that began before dawn: “Cuba is next,”a retiree from eastern Cuba said an audio message sent by Messenger, with a sense of finality from one who has been waiting for decades for the fall of Castroism.
The diplomatic and political alliance between the two regimes has been very close since the beginning of this century, which is why the “extraction” of the Venezuelan president leaves Havana more isolated in a regional landscape where it has lost much influence in recent years.
What happens in the coming hours is crucial for both nations, but it is already clear that the boastful and arrogant Nicolás Maduro is a thing of the past. The Cuban dictatorship will be watching him closely in his next appearances, like someone looking in a mirror.
COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
The opposition leader called for continued vigilance until the democratic transition is complete.
“This is the moment for the citizens. A transition that needs all of us,” Machado stated. / EFE
EFE/14ymedio, Madrid, 3 January 2025 — Venezuelan opposition leader and Nobel Peace Prize laureate María Corina Machado called on citizens this Saturday to remain “vigilant, active, and organized” until the democratic transition is achieved, following the arrest of Nicolás Maduro and the collapse of the political leadership exercised by Chavismo. In a statement released through her official channels, Machado affirmed that “what had to happen is happening” and maintained that the country is entering a decisive stage after years of confrontation and resistance.
In her message, the leader stated that Maduro “from today onward faces international justice for the atrocious crimes committed against Venezuelans and against citizens of many other nations,” and asserted that, given his refusal to accept a negotiated solution, the United States government decided to act. “The time has come for popular sovereignty and national sovereignty to prevail in our country,” she declared.
Machado affirmed the beginning of a process aimed at restoring institutional order, freeing political prisoners, and laying the foundations for national reconstruction. “We have fought for years, we have given everything, and it has been worth it,” she said, while promising to work so that millions of Venezuelans who emigrated can return to the country.
The opposition leader maintained that Edmundo González Urrutia, whom the Unified Platform recognizes as the legitimate president following the elections of July 28, “must immediately assume his constitutional mandate.” She added that González Urrutia must be recognized as commander-in-chief of the National Armed Forces by all officers and soldiers, and affirmed that the citizenry is prepared to uphold the popular mandate. “Today we are prepared to take power,” she stated.
A process begins aimed at restoring institutional order and laying the foundations for reconstruction.
In the statement, Machado made specific appeals to different sectors. She asked Venezuelans within the country to remain vigilant and organized to carry out instructions that will be communicated “very soon” through official opposition channels. She asked Venezuelans abroad to remain mobilized, to activate governments and citizens around the world, and to engage them in the great operation of building a new Venezuela.
“This is the time for citizens. A transition that needs us all,” stated Machado, who closed her message with a call for unity, active calm, and sustained mobilization in what she described as decisive hours for the future of the country.
On Saturday morning, US President Donald Trump held a press conference in which he addressed the situation in Venezuela. Trump stated that the United States would temporarily assume control of Venezuela to prevent any official linked to Maduro from attempting to replace him or perpetuate structures of the previous regime. He explained that this measure would ensure control of the process and prevent a power vacuum. He also indicated that Washington would recoup, through oil production, the resources that—according to him—the United States lost in infrastructure during the years of the dictatorship.
Amidst anticipation and tension, Venezuela thus enters a transitional phase marked by uncertainty, citizen mobilization, and the redesign of political power. “Venezuela will be free,” Machado concluded.
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“Maduro’s security ring was full of Cubans,” according to Marco Rubio, who issued a warning to Havana.
Vice President Delcy Rodríguez’s role could only be limited to facilitating an orderly exit
Trump described the situation in Cuba as “grave” and an example of political and economic failure that “we’re going to end up talking about.” / Screenshot
14ymedio, Havana, 3 January 2025 — “We are going to run Venezuela” until “a safe, proper and judicious transition” can be ensured, US President Donald Trump declared this Friday from his Mar-a-Lago residence in Palm Beach, Florida. During a lengthy press conference, the president offered details about the capture of Nicolás Maduro, the immediate future of the South American country, and the role the United States will play in the post-Chavista era. Secretary of State Marco Rubio went further, issuing a direct warning to the Cuban regime: “They should be worried.”
US President Donald Trump has said the US will “run” Venezuela until a “safe, proper and judicious transition” can be ensured
The operation that precipitated this historic turning point began in the early hours of January 3, when U.S. armed forces carried out a large-scale military action on Venezuelan territory. The stated objective was the capture of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, both accused by Washington of narcoterrorism and other federal crimes. The operation, dubbed “Operation Absolute Resolve” by official sources, began around 10:46 p.m. Caracas time (9:46 p.m. in Havana) and combined targeted airstrikes with a ground incursion by special forces into the Venezuelan capital.
According to the White House, the initial bombings were aimed at neutralizing anti-aircraft defenses and command centers, clearing the way for the entry of elite units. After this first phase, U.S. special forces penetrated the perimeter where Maduro was located and captured him and Flores within minutes. There were exchanges of fire with forces loyal to Chavismo, although neither Washington nor Caracas has confirmed any casualties. The United States stated that it suffered no losses among its troops, although it acknowledged that an aircraft was hit by anti-aircraft fire and returned to base damaged. “Maduro’s security ring was full of Cubans,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio asserted. continue reading
Once detained, Maduro and his wife were transported by military helicopters to an extraction point in international waters, where the U.S. Navy ship Iwo Jima was waiting. Images released by Trump himself showed the Venezuelan president in handcuffs and in U.S. custody. According to the president, during the transfer they were informed that they would face legal proceedings in federal courts in New York, where both had been indicted since 2020 on charges related to drug trafficking and criminal conspiracy.
Trump asserted that the country will remain under US supervision until a political transition deemed safe and orderly by Washington is established.
Venezuela, Trump asserted, had become a “narco-state” under Maduro, exporting drugs, violence, and instability for years. The capture of the Chavista leader, he maintained, puts an end to “decades of impunity.”
The president acknowledged that he did not inform Congress beforehand about the scale of the operation. He justified this by citing security reasons and the need to prevent leaks. “If it leaks, the mission fails,” he said, while emphasizing that he acted within his authority as commander-in-chief.
Trump was particularly explicit when referring to Venezuela’s immediate future. He asserted that the country would remain under US supervision until a political transition deemed safe and orderly by Washington was established. He warned that any attempt by Chavista factions to fill the power vacuum left by Maduro could trigger a second, “much larger” military operation.
The president did not rule out a prolonged military presence, including the possibility of ground troops if the situation warrants it. He also announced that U.S. companies would play a central role in revitalizing Venezuela’s oil industry, whose revenues, he explained, would finance the country’s reconstruction and support the interim administration.
Adding to the confusion are Trump’s allusions to Delcy Rodríguez, whom he referred to as part of Maduro’s inner circle, and to opposition leader María Corina Machado. The president stated that Rodríguez’s circle had expressed a willingness to cooperate with the United States. However, in her subsequent public statements, Rodríguez has continued to condemn the situation and reiterate that Maduro is “the only president of Venezuela.”
Trump also mentioned Machado with condescending remarks, noting that she is “a very nice woman,” but without presenting her as a clear figure to lead the transition. Statements by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who avoided identifying any specific opposition leadership, have contributed to the uncertainty surrounding who the United States can count on to guide the transition process.
The Secretary of State confirmed that Washington maintains communication with leaders of the democratic opposition, including María Corina Machado
For his part, Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed that there had been exploratory contacts from Rodríguez’s camp, although he stressed that these were neither negotiations nor political recognition. Rubio was emphatic in stating that the vice president is not considered a suitable figure to lead a democratic transition and that, at best, her role could only be limited to facilitating an orderly exit. Any attempt to perpetuate Chavismo, he warned, would be met with further actions.
On the diplomatic front, Rubio coordinated contacts with Venezuelan actors and international allies. The Secretary of State confirmed that Washington maintains communication with leaders of the democratic opposition, including María Corina Machado, whom he described as a key figure in the opposition movement. He indicated that the talks focus on an orderly transition and institutional reconstruction, though he avoided specifying whether Machado would hold a formal position.
The Cuban chapter was also present at the press conference. Trump described Cuba as a historical ally of Chavismo and part of the network that sustained Maduro for years. He called the situation on the island “grave” and an example of political and economic failure that “we’re going to end up talking about.” Rubio was even more direct: “Take note. What has happened in Caracas should serve as a warning.”
Without announcing specific measures, Trump hinted that Cuba is part of the regional analysis following Maduro’s fall. His words suggest a hardening of rhetoric and a possible review of policies toward governments allied with Chavismo.
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The ineffectiveness of multilateral organizations in the face of institutional collapse and external intervention
This is not about absolving any leader or nation of responsibility, but about exposing the damage caused by the lack of consensus. / EFE
14ymedio, Federico Hernández Aguilar, San Salvador, 3 January 2025 — The new year began with Venezuela cornered by the United States military presence. Finally, in the early hours of January 3, Nicolás Maduro and his wife were extracted from Caracas. The political and social situation in the South American country had become so manifestly undefendable—a diagnosis also applicable to Cuba and Nicaragua—that US intervention appeared to be the only viable solution. Out of a sense of historical responsibility, however, it is worth asking ourselves why this extreme scenario came to pass.
The threat of one nation against another violates one of the basic principles of international law: non-interference. No country should feel justified in interfering in another’s affairs. Both the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and that of the Organization of American States (OAS) establish “non-intervention in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of states” as a pillar of peaceful coexistence.
Although both documents acknowledge this principle, neither of the two declares it to be absolute. It admits the existence of valid reasons for interference in the domestic affairs of a nation, provided that the intervention is carried out by a multilateral organized force whose criteria must prove these reasons: real dangers to peace, the defense of a country under attack, and when a state has demonstrated its inability to protect its own people from monumental crimes.
Since the creation of the UN, hundreds of armed conflicts have broken out around the world.
According to Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council is the body charged with “taking the initiative” in all matters concerning the pursuit and maintenance of world peace. If the organization were successful in this mission—the very purpose for which it was created, let us not forget—fraternity and cooperation would be the defining characteristics continue reading
of international relations, and preventive diplomacy would always be at the forefront of addressing any hint of conflict.
Historical reality has proven quite different. Since the creation of the UN in October 1945, hundreds of armed conflicts have erupted around the globe. In fact, according to the most recent edition of the Global Peace Index, there are currently 59 active state conflicts, “the highest number since the end of World War II.” Furthermore, the rate of peaceful resolution of these conflicts is lower than at any other time in the last half-century.
The internationalization of disputes has also grown exponentially. At least 78 countries are currently involved in tensions that transcend their territorial borders, and a total of 106 nations have increased their military capabilities. In 1970, only six countries possessed substantial influence over other states, while now that number has risen to 34. The fragmentation of global power has not only weakened good neighborliness but has also demolished it.
The UN’s evident failure stems from many factors, beginning with the veto power held within the Security Council, even by those countries that carry out acts of aggression against others. Russia, for example, blocks any resolution on the war in Ukraine; the United States obstructs any decision on the conflict in Gaza; and China typically defends the interests of its allies. Why do these three states possess such power? Because, along with the United Kingdom and France, they were the victorious nations of the last major war, securing for themselves a permanent seat on the Council. To make matters worse, the non-permanent members of this body have included Gaddafi’s Libya, Musharraf’s Pakistan, Al-Bashir’s Sudan, and Mubarak’s Egypt.
The UN could have been far more effective if the veto system between major powers had an intelligent technical counterpart. But that is not the case either. For decades, the organization has been promoting and imposing large-scale “progressive” agendas, causing more divisions than necessary and fueling a multilateral bureaucracy that never provides a clear accounting of its work. The OAS operates with very similar limitations, unable to achieve the two-thirds majority needed in its Permanent Council to properly implement its Democratic Charter (another shining example of a worthless document).
The organization has spent decades promoting and imposing “progressive” agendas on a large scale.
In consequence, lacking a global organization with sufficient authority — operational, legal and moral — to manage conflicts, authoritarian leaders feel free to intimidate their own people or to attack neighboring countries. Thus, we see Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro establishing a 25-year dictatorship in Venezuela, or Vladimir Putin invading Ukraine, all under a cloak of impunity.
The encirclement of the Maduro regime by the US military would have been unnecessary if a supranational entity existed with the capacity to act promptly against tyrannies, with defined criteria, concrete actions, and well-defined limits. But in the chaotic landscape of humanity, when those who should guarantee peace and individual rights display their exhaustion and venality, it is difficult to expect change to occur without upheavals.
This is not about absolving any leader or nation of responsibility, but about exposing the damage caused by the absence of objective and viable consensus around the eternal challenge of peace.
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U.S. special forces entered Caracas at dawn and removed the dictator without causing any fatalities
First photograph of Maduro after his arrest, shared by Trump. / Donald Trump Truth
EFE/14ymedio, Madrid, January 3, 2026 — U.S. President Donald Trump provided details this Saturday to Fox News about the capture of Nicolás Maduro in Caracas. In his first statements to the media, the president said that the Venezuelan leader “was in a house that was more like a fortress.” When U.S. troops arrived, “everything happened very fast and he didn’t manage to get to” the secure room.
According to Trump, Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, “have been indicted in New York. They were taken first to a ship, the Iwo Jima, and will continue on to New York. The helicopters took them. A good flight, I’m sure they loved it.” Although the president declined to reveal details ahead of a press conference scheduled for this morning, he indicated that it was a capture operation carried out “down to the last detail,” in which “everything was rehearsed.” They even “built a house identical to the one they went to,” with armor plating and reinforced security measures, as well as the hallways and stairways they needed to pass.
Trump’s remarks help complete the picture of what happened early Saturday morning, when Washington carried out bombings on Venezuelan territory. “We were going to carry out the attack four days ago, but the weather didn’t allow it,” Trump explained to Fox journalists. The president emphasized that U.S. special forces suffered no fatalities during the operation.
“I should say that two guys were injured but returned and should be fine. But no one was killed. We didn’t lose any aircraft; they all returned safely. There was one helicopter that went down, but continue reading
we brought it back to the United States,” Trump added. He is expected to provide more details in a broadcast scheduled for 11 a.m. Saturday from his residence at Mar-a-Lago in Florida.
The elite Delta Force pulled Maduro and Flores out of bed
According to U.S. media, the operation was carried out by a unit of the elite Delta Force, which pulled Maduro and Flores out of bed and took them to a helicopter.
Maduro was protected in a residence that “had steel doors and also what they call a ‘secure space’ made of solid steel.” However, the Venezuelan leader was unable to access that secure area within the house. For years, accounts have circulated about the presence of Cubans within Maduro’s closest protection circle, but so far Havana has not confirmed whether any Cuban military personnel were killed or injured.
As for what will happen next, Trump stated: “We are making that decision now. We can’t give someone else the opportunity to come out and take his place. So we’re making that decision now; we will be very involved in that.” Amid the surprise and confusion following the attack, Venezuela’s state media have entered a loop repeating recent statements by Vice President Delcy Rodríguez from Moscow and the brief remarks by Diosdado Cabello and Vladimir Padrino after the U.S. attack.
Fox News aired a segment of a press conference in which a reporter asked Trump whether it was true that “Maduro offered everything in his country, all the natural resources. He even recorded a message for you in English, offering mediation.” The president nodded and added: “He has offered everything, you’re right.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Alain Núñez also has a social security number and yet he has been at IAH Polk in Livingston for eight months
Despite having committed no crime, Cuban national Alain Núñez has been detained by immigration authorities for the past eight months. / Telemundo video screenshot
14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2025 — Cuban national Alain Núñez has been detained for eight months at the IAH Polk adult detention center in Livingston, Texas. The migrant arrived in the U.S. in 2021 and, according to what he told Telemundo, has “a work permit and a social security number.” He also attended his credible fear interview and is awaiting a decision.
Núñez says authorities have not offered him an explanation for his detention. He said he voluntarily went to IAH Polk months ago for an immigration hearing and was arrested. “I don’t understand why I’m still being held,” he says from his cell at the detention center run by Community Education Centers (CEC), a company that has been accused of mismanaging its reintegration centers in New Jersey.
“My wife is pregnant and this situation has devastated her,” Núñez said, adding that his wife “has had to go to psychological therapy to cope” with the situation.
The interview with Núñez revealed the six-meter-wide by eight-meter-long space where IAH Polk holds groups of eight migrants. The video call shows four bunk beds that occupy almost the entire cell. During the conversation, the sound of the toilet being flushed can be heard in the background; they have had to cover it with a blanket to avoid being seen naked.
The facility was flagged in 2011 by the NGO Detention Watch Network for having “inappropriate and unsanitary cells where eight people are crammed together.” Some of the inmates complained about how “degrading it is to drink water from the drinking fountains located directly above the toilets.” continue reading
Furthermore, the same report notes that “the medical and nursing staff did not speak Spanish, and this, according to the detained men, has led to cases of medical negligence, misdiagnoses, and incorrect prescriptions for treatments.” Recommendations were issued but have not been followed.
Cuban Juan Manuel Fernández Ramos told ‘El País’ that the IAH Polk adult detention center is “a hell” for migrants. / El País
Last July, Cuban Juan Manuel Fernández Ramos told the Spanish newspaper El País that IAH Polk was a “hell” for migrants. The 30-year-old had been imprisoned for six months. Authorities arrested and fined him for speeding after drinking beer.
Fernández left the island on a raft and settled in Tampa, where, before his arrest, he worked for three years as a delivery driver for Costco and had wedding plans. The Cuban claimed he fought his case in court, but the judge was emphatic in his ruling, telling him that his political asylum was not eligible. The only option was “voluntary” departure.
During his stay, he has endured days of unbearable heat. “It’s not normal heat. We’re trapped inside; there’s no air coming in,” the migrant says. On several occasions, they have had to remove their stiff red and orange uniforms and are left in their underwear.
Fernández says that deportation “is not voluntary,” and that the appalling conditions force detainees to sign. “I want to get out of here. No one can endure being here for so many months. This is the worst thing that has ever been done.” Last year, 1.9 million people opted for self-deportation, according to data from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.
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The solution extends across several provinces despite the challenges of inhabiting steel structures under the Caribbean climate
Recycling shipping containers to create housing in Guantánamo. / Venceremos
14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2025 — Four news stories published this Friday in Cuba’s official media, each different but all on the same topic, make it clear how the government plans to address the housing crisis, primarily caused by a lack of resources: by converting recycled shipping containers into homes. This solution, already being implemented in provinces such as Sancti Spíritus, Las Tunas, and Guantánamo, appears to be more than just a localized measure and is being extended across the entire island.
In this last phase, 70 container-homes are currently being manufactured : as Venceremos lists, 15 in the Buenavista settlement of San Antonio del Sur; 20 in the Cabaña Mariana community of Guantánamo; and 35 in the area near the airport in Imías. All of them, the newspaper emphasizes, “are intended for families affected by total collapses caused by Hurricanes Oscar and Melissa, as well as by the intense rains of September.”
The program, the provincial newspaper notes, “is part of the state housing investment plan and stems from the repurposing of shipping containers used to import solar panels for photovoltaic parks. Once their logistical function is fulfilled, these metal structures become available, and it was therefore proposed to use them as an alternative housing project with technical and regulatory support at the national level.”
It is a project that is also “advancing” in Sancti Spíritus, where a total of 105 homes are planned. Escambray reported, this Friday, that in that province all municipalities have “the required documentation,” foundation work has begun in three of them, and 164 containers “have been released,” of which 50 have been delivered to the Ministry of the Armed Forces continue reading
for recycling, and 38 to workshops of other state agencies.
These houses made from shipping containers will be between 32 and 70 square meters.
In Santa Clara, the local development project (PDL) Reluxes Herrerías is assisting in this effort, according to the newspaper Venceremos. The project is about to unveil an experimental prototype, begun last November and based on a design from the Ministry of Construction, to which it is closely linked. Mario Eduardo Valdivia Beyra, coordinator of the PDL—whose stated purpose is to retail basic hardware products but which has also focused extensively on repairing state-owned property, such as bathroom fixtures and garbage collection bins — said that they are prepared to deliver ten homes per quarter during 2026, “although the number could be subject to specific supply issues.” He added that they have a skilled workforce of 42 employees to achieve this.
He also announced that after the final approval of the prototype, they will begin large-scale implementation. He indicated that Reluxes Herrerías is responsible for the metalworking, while the Construction and Assembly Company will handle the site selection.
These container homes will range in size from 32 to 70 square meters (344 sq. ft. to 753 sq. ft.), he reported, and will have “several rooms, including a kitchen, bathroom, dining room and two bedrooms with closets, as well as doors and windows that will provide greater ventilation.”
The technology, he acknowledged, “is expensive,” although he assured that they have “a number of resources available to reduce costs and continue the project with the support of other economic actors.” The official also alluded to the biggest concern raised by Cubans regarding this type of housing: how to withstand the heat in a steel structure that was not designed to house people but to transport goods. Steel, specialists explain, has good weather resistance, but it conducts both heat and cold, so to be converted into a dwelling, it needs a durable insulation system.
View of one of the container homes inside. / We will overcome
“The thermal insulation lining the interior walls ensures a comfortable temperature, and the roof is placed above the container,” said Valdivia Beyra, who did not specify the price or the exact type of insulation material to be used. Instead, he guaranteed: “The homes will be of high quality and finish, so that the families who will live in them will have the minimum necessary conditions.”
In Matanzas, Girón announced, 132 of the 142 shipping containers that previously transported equipment and materials for the Chinese photovoltaic parks currently under construction in the province will be converted into homes. The state-run newspaper acknowledges that this is “a novel and unexpected alternative in Matanzas,” but notes that it has already been implemented in several other provinces.
“Before carrying out any action on the construction site or in the factory, several specialists study the behavior of the terrain, where they analyze the conditions of the chosen sites. This includes the accessibility of electricity and drinking water; in the latter case, to determine if it is necessary to create elevated tanks, cisterns, and septic tanks,” according to this Friday’s report from the newspaper.
In this province, the design of these homes is being handled by the Matanzas Architecture and Engineering Projects Company and the Community Architects group. The former is specifically working in the Río San Juan residential area, while the latter is responsible for the rest of the municipalities, including the provincial capital.
Regarding the construction, several firms have been involved since October, including the Varadero Tourism Construction and Assembly Company, the Matanzas Construction and Assembly Company, the Industrial Technical Services Company (Zeti), the Mario Muñoz Sugar Company, the Southern Provincial Maintenance and Construction Company, and the Matanzas Noel Fernández Forming Company, known as the Cube Factory.
Officials promise that these types of houses take only 15 to 20 days to build. The announced structure for these homes is similar to that described for other provinces, and similar caveats are mentioned: “in certain areas, changes may occur.” This can happen, says Girón, because “self-financed companies can develop other models without affecting the state budget, since they have the power to make an investment.”
Regarding the price, the estimated cost per home is 900,000 pesos.
Regarding the locations for these homes, Guillermo López-Calleja Pérez, the official in charge of the Comprehensive Projects Directorate, mentioned an area on San Sebastián Street, where “eight-meter plots will be set aside so that families can gradually continue building.” He clarified that “the best option for this type of project is to use areas with pre-prepared foundations,” meaning state-owned land, “already prefabricated,” such as the site of the meat processing plant in La Jaiba, another of the areas selected for the settlement. Recycled land for recycled houses.
The Matanzas official did specify some of the heat-insulating materials, such as fiberglass, henequen fiber, and bagasse cardboard from Cárdenas, “with 100 sheets available,” he assured. Regarding another understandable concern, the corrosion of the structure due to humidity, Daniel Arencibia, from Community Architects, stated that “waterproof paint will be applied” and a covering will be placed on top, “an element that protects them from the elements and humidity, but also acts as thermal insulation.”
According to Danay Ordúñez García, director of Housing in Guantánamo, these houses are not donations, although they are “state-owned housing with public funding.” This means that “the beneficiary assumes the cost of the container according to the approved budget, while the urbanization and other associated expenses are covered by the State.”
Regarding the price, the estimated cost per home is 900,000 pesos, the official said, adding that the payment mechanism would be established “later with the banking system through negotiation and mutual understanding, following the usual procedures of the housing program.”
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On December 30, a man from Sancti Spíritus murdered his ex-wife and another Cuban man, both in Missouri ,before committing suicide.
The first femicide of 2026 on the island occurred on January 1st
Yuleidis Sánchez Rodríguez was murdered with a knife in Altamira. / Periódico Cubano
14ymedio, Madrid, January 2, 2025 — There is no respite from gender-based violence, which begins the year as it ended. 2026 had barely begun when the first femicide of the year in Cuba was reported: that of Yuleidis Sánchez Rodríguez, from Altamira, in Santiago de Cuba. Several sources on social media claim that the 43-year-old woman was stabbed by her ex-partner on the Altamira Tourist Highway, although other versions indicate it happened on 14th Street in Luis Dagnes.
Sánchez had left home shortly after midnight to take food to some relatives when the assailant attacked her in the street. The two wounds, to her neck and leg respectively, proved fatal within minutes, leaving her three children orphaned. Her only son is currently serving his mandatory military service in Havana, which is why the funeral was delayed.
The suspected killer surrendered to police after several hours on the run. Among the hundreds of comments the incident has generated was one from an acquaintance of the victim, who stated that back in July the deceased had told her she was being threatened by the suspected killer, who said he would cut her face. “She had already reported him and the police were looking for him, but he hadn’t turned up. That was a premeditated murder,” she exclaimed.
Sánchez is the first Cuban woman murdered this year, at least the first publicly reported case. The most recent is presumably Elizabeth Hernández-Sánchez, although in this case the crime was committed on the other side of the Florida Straits and also resulted in the death of another Cuban national, Yeisir Buster Concepción. Both were allegedly murdered continue reading
by Randy (Randys) Ramírez, Sánchez’s ex-partner, from Sancti Spíritus.
Elizabeth Hernández-Sánchez will be buried on January 5th. / Gofundme
The incident occurred in Missouri on December 30th at approximately 3:00 a.m. According to official information from the Warren County Sheriff’s Office, several deputies responded to a report of a shooting near South Stracks Church Road and State Highway M, where they found two people critically wounded by gunfire, who later died. The victims were identified as Yeisir Buster Concepción, 42, originally from Céspedes, Camagüey, and Elizabeth Hernández Sánchez, 33, born in Sancti Spíritus. Hernández Sánchez was the mother of three children, two of whom were fathered by her ex-husband and alleged killer.
Both were attacked while traveling together, presumably by Ramírez, who had previously threatened them with death, a fact that is being investigated by the authorities. The assailant appeared before the police who had arrived at the scene, but pulled out a gun and shot himself.
Local press reports say that around twenty officers are working on this case, which has disrupted life in the quiet town of Warrenton.
Hernández’s sister has started a GoFundMe campaign to “cover funeral expenses, as everything happened so suddenly.” So far, they have already raised more than half of the $6,000 the family is seeking. The funeral is expected to take place this coming Monday, and although it hasn’t been explicitly stated, it is assumed it will be in the US and that Elizabeth’s body will not be returned to Cuba.
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The star of Manuela and Lucía left a unique mark on national cinema
Adela Legrá was, in her own right, the quintessential Cuban peasant woman. / Excerpt from Lucía (1968)
14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2026 — Adela Legrá’s intense gaze in Lucía (1968) is one of the most recognizable images in Cuban cinema. Early Friday morning the actress, discovered by Humberto Solás in the mid-1960s and who left a unique mark on national cinema, passed away in Santiago de Cuba. She was 86 years old when she died, and her name will forever be linked to two essential films: Manuela (1966) and Lucía.
Humberto Solás found her in Baracoa while preparing a medium-length film for a competition organized by the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry dedicated to the guerrillas. He wasn’t looking for an actress in the usual sense of the word, nor someone capable of “composing” a character. He needed a face and a body that would sustain the story without filters, without learned gestures. That same aspiration would be formulated years later by Robert Bresson, one of the great masters of modern cinema, in his book Notes on the Cinematographer (published in 1975), when he wrote: “What I am looking for is not acting, but presence. Not actors who act, but human beings who are.”
Adela Legrá embodied this idea almost literally. Her performance was not based on psychology or expressive calculation. There was something more direct, more physical about her. There was no clear distance between the woman and the character: the camera simply followed her. The rage, pain, or determination did not seem “acted”; they emerged as part of the same vital impulse. She was, in her own flesh, the quintessence of the Cuban peasant woman. continue reading
Her performance was not based on psychology or expressive calculation. There was something more direct, more physical about it.
This led to the creation of Manuela (1966), a film shot with formal freedom, handheld camera, and a method that allowed for improvisation. In it, Legrá moved with uncommon naturalness. Her energy was raw, sometimes overwhelming, and her direct gaze avoided any complacency.
Two years later, Solás called on her again for the third episode of Lucía. Considered one of the best works in the history of Cuban cinema, it is a classic that has transcended decades and is still studied today.
Throughout her career, Adela Legrá appeared in many other films, including Rancheador (1976), El brigadista (1978), Aquella larga noche (1979), Polvo rojo (1981), Miel para Oshún (2001), and Barrio Cuba (2005).
With her death, Cuban cinema loses an irreplaceable actress. Her gaze remains, and will always remain, present. Her body will lie in state in the coming hours at the El Calvario funeral home in Santiago de Cuba, according to the state-run media outlet Cubadebate.
Translated by GH
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The burning of the effigy once again brings together satire, catharsis, and tradition in neighborhoods of Sancti Spíritus
The burning of the effigy of the old year is not exclusive to Sancti Spíritus or Cuba, but on the island it has acquired a very particular character. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Mercedes García, Sancti Spíritus, January 1, 2026 – As evening falls on December 31st, in some neighborhoods of Sancti Spíritus, it is already clear that the year won’t pass in silence. Among scraps of wood, old clothes, cardboard, and empty bottles, the effigies of the “old year” begin to take shape—those makeshift figures that traditionally serve to concentrate frustrations, jokes, and collective catharsis before being set ablaze. There is no manual or single design: all it takes is a human-shaped body and the certainty that, when it burns, something symbolic will also go with the flames
In one of the doorways of the neighborhood, a mannequin stands as if guarding the street. It wears worn boots, blue pants, and—a far from innocent detail—a white sweater with the phrase “I Love This Island” printed next to a Cuban flag. The irony is obvious. In a country marked by mass exodus and social weariness, that message seems less like a slogan and more like an open question. “We made it like that on purpose,” a neighbor confesses as he adjusts the wire around its neck. “Loving the country doesn’t mean you don’t want to burn away all the bad things that happened,” he clarifies, listing everything from the long blackouts of 2025 to the chikungunya that left him with a sore knee.
In a country marked by mass exodus and social fatigue, that message seems less like a slogan and more like an open question / 14ymedio
A few meters further on, two nearly identical mannequins share the sidewalk. Both have exaggeratedly inflated bellies, short arms, and a rigid posture reminiscent of government officials: all belly, no brains. No explanatory sign is needed. Passersby look at them, smile, and whisper. Political satire finds a rudimentary but effective outlet here, protected by the alibi of tradition.
The burning of the effigy of the old year is not exclusive to Sancti Spíritus or Cuba, but on the island it has taken on a very particular character. Here it is mixed with local humor and the need for catharsis. Burning the effigy is a way of saying goodbye to the bad: the shortages, the lines, the broken promises, the exorbitant prices, and also the accumulated fears.
As night falls, when the street darkens continue reading
and someone lights a match, the atmosphere changes. The fire catches quickly. Flames devour the clothes, the wood crackles, and the effigy, seated in an old metal chair, is enveloped in an orange light that illuminates the nearby facades. There is applause, nervous laughter, and the occasional sarcastic comment. It’s not a solemn bonfire; it’s more of a domestic ritual, improvised, but full of meaning.
Political satire finds a rudimentary but effective channel here, protected by the alibi of tradition. / 14ymedio
While the effigy burns, in other parts of Cuba others perform their own rituals. At midnight, many throw buckets of water from their front doors to “wash away the bad.” Others, more optimistic or desperate, walk around the block with an empty suitcase, convinced that this will attract a trip in the coming year. Every gesture, however small it may seem, is a gamble on hope.
When only ashes and a lingering smell of burnt fabric remain, the street regains its calm. The effigy is gone, but the gesture remains. In Sancti Spíritus, as in so many places across the country, burning the effigy of the old year doesn’t change reality overnight, but it allows for something equally necessary: to say, without speeches or slogans, that there was too much weight to carry and that at least tonight, the decision was made to release it into the fire.
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Three determining factors shape the scenario for 2026: institutional deterioration, external isolation, and political stagnation
The exodus of athletes continued, reflecting a country losing talent at the same rate as the decline of sports, and, most dramatically, baseball. The blackouts, with several successive collapses of the national power grid, were more than just long hours without electricity each day: they became the everyday metaphor for a political project that doesn’t illuminate, only spreads darkness around it. Not even the new photovoltaic parks managed to alleviate the electricity crisis.
On the international stage, Havana faced increasing isolation and palpable nervousness in the face of Washington’s encirclement of Nicolás Maduro ‘s regime, one of its last remaining external pillars of support. Signals emanating from Caracas foreshadow turbulence and potential outcomes continue reading
that could leave the Cuban leadership without one of its most strategic allies.
Hurricane Melissa added a natural disaster to a year already marked by the erosion of institutions, unable to assist those affected, and the exponential growth of poverty, fueled by rampant inflation that primarily impacts food prices. Protests over the lack of electricity and water became an increasingly direct expression of popular discontent. Meanwhile, the military conglomerate Gaesa consolidated its economic and financial control by opening dollar stores selling food and basic goods.
Without a reformist roadmap, the population views the future like someone staring at the sea on a dark night: they cannot make out the shore, but they know it exists.
By 2026, the outlook appears even bleaker. Without a reformist roadmap, the population views the future like someone staring at the sea on a dark night: they can’t make out the shore, but they know it exists.
However, Cuban society has reached this point with something it previously lacked: a widespread awareness of its own strength, tested in the streets by the banging of pots and pans and cries of “Freedom!” This is not naive optimism, but rather an understanding that even in the longest nights there are cracks through which light can seep. And these cracks, opened by ordinary people, can mark the beginning of a change that no longer depends solely on those in power.
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This newspaper accompanied many farewells, convinced that remembering is also a way of narrating the present. / Collage
Throughout 2025, numerous farewells took place. The obituaries published during these 12 months in 14ymedio have not only been a record of the end of those lives, but also a way to contextualize the legacy they left behind. It is worthwhile now to take stock of those goodbyes, including the Cubans who passed away—those closest to us, those who directly touched the heart of the country—and international figures whose passing also left its mark on public debate
The death of Paulito FG in a traffic accident marked one of the most shocking moments of the year. An idol of popular dance music, his persona epitomized the transition from timba to the big stage, coupled with a remarkable professional ability to maintain contact with the public for decades. Alongside him, the passing of Edesio Alejandro brought to a close a fundamental era in Cuban film and theater music: a restless, experimental composer, capable of breaking molds in an increasingly narrow cultural landscape.
In acting and film, Mario Limonta and Luis Alberto Ramírez represented different generations, yet were equally recognizable to Cuban audiences. Ramírez also joined the tragic list of those who have died from the viruses circulating on the island, a public health crisis that marked 2025 and claimed several victims in the cultural world. The death of José Antonio Chávez, remembered for his impressive work with the Camagüey Ballet, was also attributed to this same cause.
2025 was the year in which these deaths forced us to look back, to measure trajectories and to ask ourselves what remains when the voices are silenced
Theater and film also lost Manuel Marzel, a discreet but constant filmmaker, and television said goodbye to Aris Teresa Bruzos, the endearing Evarista from Vivir del cuento, whose popularity made her part of the daily life of millions of Cubans.
In the field of visual arts, the death in Madrid of Waldo Balart marked the end of an era for one continue reading
of the most important abstract artists on the island and in the world, known for his kinetic style and conceptual rigor. Zenaida Armenteros, a key figure in Afro-Cuban culture, also passed away; her work as a researcher and promoter left a significant mark on the preservation of traditions.
The disappearance of Eduardo Torres Cuevas, historian and essayist, signified the loss of one of the most influential voices in official cultural thought. His work helped construct the historical narrative of the Revolution, and his death reopened debates about memory and power.
Independent journalism and the Cuban opposition also lost key figures. Manuel Ballagas, a controversial and exiled chronicler, left behind a body of work marked by denunciation and critical analysis of the system. Wilfredo Vallín, a lawyer and human rights defender, was a central figure in the creation of civic spaces outside state control, while the death of reporter Juan González Febles forced a rethinking of independent journalism.
In exile, Yndamiro Restano, a pioneer of opposition thought, and Luis Conte Agüero an emblematic voice in Cuban politics and radio for decades, both died. They were joined by Salvador Lemis , a playwright and cultural promoter whose work was marked by the tension between the absurd, social metaphor, and the exploration of identity.
Among the figures directly linked to power, the death of Ricardo Cabrisas closed the chapter on one of the men who for decades “reassured” foreign investors and negotiators, the technocratic face of a system in crisis. Osmany Cienfuegos, brother of Commander Camilo, also passed away; his life was spent in official positions and gradually distancing himself from the center of power.
The year was also marked by the death of Pope Francis.
In exile, the death of Lincoln Díaz-Balart served as a reminder of the diaspora’s influence on American politics and the role of Cuban-American congressmen in Washington’s agenda toward Havana. Meanwhile, the painter Humberto Calzada left behind a body of work recognizable for its silent architecture and timeless interiors, where human absence becomes the central theme. Through stillness and formal rigor, the artist constructed one of the most robust visual poetics in contemporary Cuban art.
The year was also marked by the death of Pope Francis, a figure who, through his actions and words, influenced the relationship between Cuba and the Vatican and deepened a path of rapprochement with the Castro regime. Mario Vargas Llosa, an essential novelist and essayist whose ideas and controversies resonated for decades in Latin America, also passed away. His work was banned for decades from official publishing houses and public tributes on the island, although just a few days ago, the Ateneo de La Habana organized a literary discussion about the Peruvian writer for the first time, with the participation of Leonardo Padura.
The world of film and fashion lost some globally renowned names: Robert Redford, actor and director; Claudia Cardinale, an icon of European cinema; Diane Keaton, a role model for several generations; and Giorgio Armani, creator of an aesthetic that transcended the catwalk. In music, the death of Ozzy Osbourne brought to a close the story of one of rock’s most extreme figures.
From science and environmental activism, Jane Goodall left a legacy of research and defense of nature that transcended disciplines. In Latin American politics, the passing of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro and Pepe Mujica served as a reminder of two very different ways of wielding power, both influential in the region.
Thus, 2025 was the year in which these deaths forced us to look back, to measure trajectories, and to ask ourselves what remains when voices are silenced. In this exercise of memory, this newspaper accompanied many farewells, convinced that remembering is also a way of narrating the present.
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