To Have Internet Despite Etecsa, Cubans Need a Bamboo Cane and 10 Meters of Cable

Cuban antennas are made of aluminum and plastic, and have become the queens of rooftops.

Next to one of Etecsa’s tower-antennas, the homemade devices look a bit pathetic.

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Miguel García, Holguín, 3 December 2024. At first glance, they look like gadgets from a science fiction movie. Made from aluminum and plastic pieces and perched on top of a long bamboo pole, these antennas for amplifying 4G signal have become the queens of the rooftops in Cuba. Born of scarcity and ingenuity, they are the stars of the latest chapter in the Cuban fight against Etecsa, the communications monopoly on the Island.

Walking around Holguin in search of an antenna can, in fact, become a plot out of Star Wars or Dune. The setting is a planet in ruins: ramshackle buildings, oppressive heat and unfriendly faces. When you finally get – by way of acquaintances and contacts – the details of an “inventor”, you have to pay between 4,500 and 5,000 pesos to take home the gadget along with its cable.

You have no choice. No antenna means no internet, and no internet means no entertainment. The weight of reality without that little six-inch screen – a portal to entire galaxies of escape – is too suffocating. If the antenna is effective, the mental anesthesia is greater.

Getting the device in parts is another adventure. The coaxial cable costs 110 pesos a meter and it takes quite a bit of height -about 10 meters, if you add a house and the almost three meters of the rod- to get an improved signal. The pole, a long bamboo cane or a branch similar to the one used to cut guavas in backyards, can be obtained in one of the fields near the city. continue reading

Coaxial cable costs 110 pesos a meter and it takes a lot of height to get a better signal / 14ymedio

Next to one of Etecsa’s antenna-towers, the home-made devices look a little pitiful. But what they lack in technology they make up in numbers: most neighbourhoods have two or three of these stakes, with the device on top: a shaft with small circular brass attachments, pointing to the source of the signal. In theory, although antenna manufacturing is not an exact science, it works.

The Cubans raising their antennas today are the successors of those who, until very recently, painstakingly sanded aluminum tubes, made a booster and hoisted heavy devices to pick up U.S. television. Many did not even understand English, but that succession of commercials, talk shows and car dealership ads was enough to thrill anyone who looked at the Panda’s screen.

There were plenty of “radio aficionado” groups, who took advantage of a kind of state-sanctioned loophole to traffic in cables and parts under the guise of being radio enthusiasts. Adapted to the times they live in, Cubans now form “antenna groups” on WhatsApp or Facebook, where, like in space taverns, they share ideas and tricks to perfect their inventions.

What happens in Holguín happens everywhere in Cuba. Even if the coverage is on the ground, if you place the phone on the attachment connected to the antenna -a rustic base with a small metal contact-the cell phone acquires superpowers. Or at least the Cuban equivalent of a superpower: having Internet despite Etecsa.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Yunaikis de la Caridad Linares, 11J Prisoner, Faces Isolation and Threats in Havana Prison

Yunaikis de la Caridad Linares Rodríguez / Cubalex

Cubalex, 14 November 2024 — Cubalex warns about the serious situation of Yunaikis de la Caridad Linares Rodríguez, political prisoner and protester of the Island-wide mass demonstrations on 11 July 2021 (’11J’), who is currently in solitary confinement in a punishment cell in the women’s prison El Guatao, in Havana.

Although a few months ago she was transferred to a less severe regime, the authorities are now threatening to return her to the most severe regime or even add a new case to her sentence, according to Maykel Osorbo’s official Facebook page.

Yunaikis faces serious health problems, including asthma and thyroid disorders, conditions that are severely affected by the harsh prison conditions. The lack of adequate care and the hostile prison environment put her physical and emotional health at risk.

Since her arrest, Yunaikis has been subjected to threats, beatings and psychological torture. In addition, the authorities have encouraged other prisoners to attack her, subjecting her to a constant environment of violence and intimidation. Denial of benefits and reprisals are systematic practices used in Cuba against persons imprisoned for political reasons.

Update on the situation of Yunaikis de la Caridad Linares Rodríguez

Yunaikis decided to go on strike on November 13 as a form of protest, demanding to be removed from the punishment cell where she is being held.

Prison authorities have responded by threatening to tighten her detention regime, which would prevent her from accessing the passes granted to visit her family. They have also threatened to add a new case to her sentence, increasing the pressure and risks to which she is subjected.

Her life is in grave danger due to constant harassment by the authorities, who have incited other inmates to attack her, creating an environment of violence and intimidation.

According to activist Anamely Ramos on Facebook , Yunaikis was allowed to make a call in which she announced that she had been taken out of the punishment cell yesterday and transferred to a more severe regime.

Translated by GH

Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) Estimates Cuba’s Per Capita GDP Fell in 2023

In Latin America, the Island is the State that spends the least on non-contributory pensions for those over 65 years of age.

Inequalities “disproportionately” affect some sectors, such as women, children and the indigenous or Afro-descendant and rural population. / 14ymedio.

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 14 November 2024 — Cuba lost 0.8% of its gross domestic product (GDP) per capita in 2023, according to data from the report “Social Panorama of Latin America and the Caribbean 2024: challenges of non-contributory social protection to advance towards inclusive social development”. Presented this Tuesday by the ECLAC’s [Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean] Executive Secretary, José Manuel Salazar-Xirinachs, the report shows that the Island is still bringing up the rear in the region, in a group of four countries in which the figure was negative, although in a better situation than Peru (1.4%), Argentina (2.1%) and Haiti (3.1%).

The region’s per capita GDP did not show a large variation, barely a 1.4% increase, especially encouraged by the better data from Panama (5.9%), Costa Rica (4.5%) and Paraguay (3.5%). This figure, according to ECLAC, “reflects the economy’s capacity to generate income to meet the needs of the population. The availability of employment and labor force participation are direct determinants of household income. Inflation, especially food inflation, has an impact on the purchasing power of families, particularly those in a situation of economic vulnerability”.

Their amounts did not cover the per capita household income deficit.

The report, however, focuses on how the countries evaluated protect their most vulnerable populations, although it does address poverty and inequalities – with an absence of data for Cuba, which does not provide them – as well as care for ageing populations and how states are addressing continue reading

this challenge. On this occasion, ECLAC has focused on non-contributory benefit systems, which should ensure that the most vulnerable population is cared for.

The agency has studied the non-contributory pensions of 14 countries, among which Cuba is not included, and concluded that “despite their positive impacts, their amounts did not cover the deficit of household per capita income in relation to the poverty line”. The island, however, as documented in the report, has a system created in the 1970s (1979, in fact), like those of the Bahamas, Chile, Costa Rica, and is thus among the first, the pioneers being Uruguay, in 1919, and Argentina, in 1948. ECLAC admits that the legal existence of the system “does not guarantee the effectiveness or efficiency of these non-contributory social protection programs, but it does seem to provide them with greater legal stability compared to those based on administrative or ministerial decrees”.

Despite the lack of data from Cuba, which prevents us from knowing more about the endowment, coverage and other details, as well as comparing them with other countries, ECLAC does have a record of the contribution made by the State to non-contributory pensions for the over-65s as a percentage of total public spending. The result is that the regime is the one that allocates the least – together with Antigua and Barbuda – of the 24 countries with data, an amount below 0.005, compared to the regional average of 0.42, in which Trinidad (2.8%), Guyana (1.6%) and Bolivia (1.5%), stand out above the rest.

Panorama Social de América Latina 2024 / ECLAC

According to ECLAC, in order to make progress in eradicating poverty “it is necessary to establish an investment standard for non-contributory social protection of between 1.5% and 2.5% of GDP or between 5% and 10% of total public spending”. However, after studying the contributions of 20 countries, including Cuba, it is clear that they do not reach 0.8% of GDP or 3% of public spending in 2022.

Another noteworthy data that appears in the report for Cuba is that of inflation, precisely because of its absence. ECLAC considers that this figure is relevant “especially that of food” because “it impacts on the purchasing power of families, particularly those in a situation of economic vulnerability”.

Although official data indicates that in Cuba it stood at 31%, it is believed to be much higher in the informal sector. ECLAC does not include the figure in this report precisely because it considers that the island belongs to the block of “countries with chronic inflation”, together with Argentina, Haiti, Suriname and Venezuela, which could distort the statistical averages.

In general terms, the report contains good news for the region, which is the fall in poverty to 27.3% of the population in 2023, the lowest rate recorded since 1990 (172 million people), as well as in extreme poverty, which decreased by 0.5% (66 million people). The improvement is due especially to Brazil, and to a lesser extent Paraguay, the Dominican Republic, El Salvador and Colombia.

However, inequalities are growing in a continent greatly affected by unequal wealth distribution and where poverty “disproportionately” affects women of working age (22.2%), minors (40.6%), indigenous people (42.3%) and Afro-descendants (20.4%), and those living in rural areas (39.1%).

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

At Least 23 People Arrested in Cuba in Protests Over Blackouts

The ’14ymedio’ newsroom in Nuevo Vedado was without electricity for 106 hours.

A police patrol and an unmarked vehicle of the State Security arrived in Nuevo Vedado to silence the neighbors. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger

Since that day, it has also registered a total of 68 protests. Of these, 12 took place after Rafael, hit western Cuba, on November 6, giving a total of 14 people detained. The most recent took place in Villa Clara, where at least eight people were arrested in Encrucijada municipality between Thursday and Friday, for a street protest that reached the headquarters of the Assembly of People’s Power.

One of those arrested is José Gabriel Barrenechea Chávez, of whom, according to the legal NGO Cubalex, his family has had no news about his situation since Friday, when he was arrested. The independent journalist, a contributor to 14ymedio, has been harassed and persecuted by the regime since 2019, and which has him “regulado” (on a travel restriction list), preventing him from leaving the country.

In a communiqué published this Sunday, Justicia 11J – which has compiled information on political prisoners since the historic demonstrations of 11 July 2021 – lashes out against the informative note issued by the Attorney General’s Office on Saturday, which justified the “criminal proceedings for crimes of attack, public disorder and damage” carried out against defendants – whose number and names are not specified – for “acts of aggression towards authorities and inspectors of the territories which have caused injuries and disturbances of order”, and who have been remanded in custody.

The Prosecutor’s Office does not refer to the total of 18 detainees in Encrucijada, Camajuaní and Manicaragua.

The US-based organization expresses its concern precisely because the Prosecutor’s Office does not refer to the total of 18 people arrested in Encrucijada, Camajuaní and Manicaragua. In the last of these, six people continue reading

were arrested for demanding they get their electricity supply back during the previous general blackout on October 18. Nor do the authorities refer to the young man arrested in Jimaguayú, Camagüey, for the same reason. The judicial body only vaguely refers to Havana, Mayabeque and Ciego de Avila.

In the records of Justicia 11J, explains the NGO, until now there was no information on arrests in Mayabeque, where a noisy “cacerolaza” (pot-banging) demonstration took place on October 19.

The initiation of these criminal proceedings, denounces Justicia 11J, “is directly related” to Miguel Díaz-Canel’s statements on social networks on October 20, when he stated: “We will not accept nor will we allow anyone to act by provoking vandalism and much less to disturb the tranquility of our people. And this is a conviction and a principle of our Revolution”. With these words, according to the NGO, he made evident “the continuity of the repressive nature against public expressions of discontent in the country”.

In Nuevo Vedado, Havana, where on Friday the neighbors had banged cauldrons for more than 60 hours of blackout, the pans were heard again. Amid the darkness, while other electric circuits around the neighborhood still had power, including the one at the Plaza de la Revolución, residents began a new protest with shouts and banging of spoons, which this time did not go unnoticed by the authorities.

The initiation of these criminal proceedings, claims Justicia 11J, “is directly related” to the statements made by Miguel Díaz-Canel on networks last October 20.

Shortly after the cacerolazo began, a police patrol car and an unmarked State Security vehicle arrived in Nuevo Vedado to silence the residents. In a video filmed from the 14ymedio newsroom, one of the agents and the other car could be seen advancing down the street, where the cauldrons could no longer be heard.

On Sunday around 3:45 p.m. the power briefly returned -it lasted 10 minutes- to the 14ymedio newsroom in Nuevo Vedado, after 103 uninterrupted hours of blackout, and three hours later the service was definitely reestablished.

Justicia 11J had denounced other arbitrary detentions in the town of El Eucalipto in the municipality of Ciro Redondo, in Ciego de Avila, where last Thursday the inhabitants took to the streets with cauldrons and chanting “put the current on” in protest for more than 24 hours without electricity.

One day after this protest, Adiane Hernández Calderón, Yordanka López González and Diosbany Almaguer were arrested for the crime of “public disorder” and transferred to the prison in Ciego de Ávila. However, the NGO protested that these persons “did not even participate in the protest” but the authorities labelled them as “promoters” because “they were photographed by government officials while they were observing the demonstration”.

In the Barreras neighborhood of Guanabacoa, Havana, Deisy Romero and her daughter, Yudeisis Diaz Romero, Keren Probance, Xiomara Llanes Armas and her daughter Aylet Maria Piñeiro Llanes and Rusbel Machado Perez were summoned after a protest over blackouts on Saturday night.

Justicia 11J stated that Llanes Armas and her daughter must appear this Sunday at Police unit 14. It also pointed out that Llanes Armas was “assaulted by Major Pavón (who signed the summons), while he was trying to snatch the percussion utensil [cauldron] that she took to the cacerolazo”. The woman has acute post-traumatic bursitis and muscular contusion, it concluded.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Public Health Collapses in Cuba / Iván García

“Today is the second time that pieces of the ceiling have fallen in the postoperative room of the Calixto García hospital in Havana. Slabs fell from the false ceiling. The first time, three weeks ago, some debris fell on a doctor and a patient” / X

Iván García, 12 September 2024 — After midday, Dr. Geiser, 28, arrives sweating at the ramshackle doctor’s office in the neighborhood of Santos Suarez, in the municipality of Diez de Octubre, south of Havana. Before putting on her white coat and attending to patients, she keeps a bag of soft bread, two avocados and five pounds of pork ribs she bought at a farmer’s market on her way to work.

The family doctor’s office is supposed to open at nine o’clock. But the shortage of supplies and medicines is one of the reasons why Ismary, the nurse, sleeps until eleven o’clock in the morning and, after eating a snack, walks the two kilometers between her home and the office. When she arrives, six patients are waiting in the anteroom. The place is in a dilapidated state. The floor is dirty, most of the plastic chairs in the foyer are broken, and a white light bulb hanging at an angle from the ceiling threatens to fall.

There is no lighting in the nursing room. There is only iodine and mercurochrome on the medicine shelf. A small piece of equipment for sterilising needles and aerosol nozzles, donated to them, has long since broken. In the lobby hangs an outdated poster showing public health statistics in 2003. “It seems like a century ago. The health service in the last twenty years is a disaster when you compare those numbers with today,” says a man with a burn on his right arm. continue reading

In 2003, according to the poster, Cuba’s public health institutions had 286 hospitals, of which 83 were general, 34 clinical-surgical, 26 paediatric, 18 gynaecobstetric, 18 maternal and child, 64 rural and 43 specialised. In addition, there were six cardiocentres, 289 maternity homes and 1,961 well-stocked pharmacies. The infant mortality rate was 4.8 per 1,000 live births and life expectancy for both genders was 77.79 years, while for women alone the number exceeded 80 years of age. Some 99.1 per cent of the population was served by the family doctor’s offices, which were part of the primary health care structure.

A lot of water has flowed under the bridge since then, says a MINSAP (Ministry of Health) official, “infant mortality is over nine per thousand live births and in many provinces it rises as high as twelve or thirteen percent. More than a third of the hospitals have been closed or do not provide the services for which they were designed. Sixty percent of the family doctor’s offices are no longer functioning. The number of doctors, nurses and health technicians has fallen by more than 75,000 compared to 2003.”

As an example, “Between 2022 and 2023 alone there are 46,000 fewer health workers. Out of that number, 12,000 are doctors. Fifteen years ago, community polyclinics had weekly consultations with medical specialists. Today, patients have to travel, even from one province to another, to be seen, and consultations are usually every two months. Stomatology clinics are either closed or run informally as private entities. Life expectancy has fallen to 73 years for men and 76 for women. Food and medicine shortages contribute to this decline. Only emergency surgery is being performed. Hospitals are short of everything from disposable needles to adhesive tape. It’s an absolute disaster,” he says.

Dr. Geiser tries to do her job with hardly any medical supplies. “We can carry out some treatments thanks to the help of neighbors who have donated a little cotton and gauze. When people come for injections, they bring their own disposable needles. Most of the treatments I prescribe are based on green medicine. It’s very painful to treat the child of a low-income family or an old person who gets a pension of 1,500 pesos and who can’t buy the antibiotics for treatment in private businesses because they don’t have the money.

On a piece of paper from a school notebook, Dr. Geiser writes down the medicines to be taken and the treatment to be given. The pens are given to her by her patients. “We keep things going thru sheer willpower. My salary of 6,000 pesos is equivalent to 20 dollars. The nurse’s salary is 4,000 pesos. We open the clinic two or three times a week. The rest of the days we have to go out on the streets, to get food for our homes. Although it’s wrong, most doctors and health workers earn extra money by treating patients on the side. It’s the only way to avoid starving. The other way is to find work abroad.”

“Although the government keeps 80 percent of the salary in foreign currency that they pay you, you can at least get between 7,000 and 10,000 dollars, depending on the length of your stay and the country you go to. The best destinations are Italy, South Africa, Qatar, Mexico. The worst are Haiti and Venezuela. If you want to get a good posting, you have to pay two or three thousand dollars under the table”, explains the doctor.

Although medical service exports managed by the government bring in billions of dollars annually, most of the hospitals serving the population in Cuba are in fair or poor condition. Hygiene leaves much to be desired, as does medical care. Patients admitted to medical facilities must bring sheets, towels, a fan, drinking water and a bucket for washing, among other things.

According to the MINSAP official, “between 2008 and 2015, between 7 and 11 billion dollars were earned every year from export of medical services. Enough money to maintain the quality of the health system on the island. But GAESA (a military-run conglomerate) uses that money to build hotels and other businesses.”

According to figures for the first six months of 2024 published by the state-run National Statistics and Information Office (ONEI), the leisure and tourism sector received a budget fifteen times higher than agriculture, livestock and forestry. And 17 times more money than Public Health and Social Assistance, which received 769 million pesos. Although there were 46,000 fewer health workers in 2023 than in 2022, the regime has more than 22,400 Cuban health workers in 59 countries. And it is negotiating new contracts with other countries.

The shortage of medicines, poor diet, and the ageing population, with nearly 25 percent of the population is over 60 years of age, all contribute to the progressive deterioration of the health of the population. For over ten years, more people have been dying in Cuba than being born.

Dania, a psychologist with two decades of professional experience, says that “suicides and suicidal behaviour have increased by 23% in the last four years in the Diez de Octubre municipality, the most populated in Havana and the third most populated in the country after the municipalities of Santiago de Cuba and Holguín. A worrying fact: if a decade ago most of those who took their own lives, or attempted to do so, were elderly people, mainly men who lived alone, in recent years the suicide rate among young people and adolescents between the ages of 12 and 35 has skyrocketed.”

“Historically, suicide in Cuba is among the first ten causes of death. The rate per hundred thousand inhabitants has remained above 12 and 15 percent. But since 1972, the level has grown to be among the highest in the world and the fourth highest in Latin America. In 1982, a grim record was reached when suicides increased to 23.2 percent. We do not have updated figures now. But I see many cases of patients who have made an attempt on their lives due to frustration and lack of future”, the psychologist points out.

For the Castro regime it is more important to build hotels than to buy medicines.

 Translated by GH

In the Middle of a National Blackout, the Cuban Regime Hands Out Electric Motorbikes to Olympic Medallists

Cuban boxer Arlen Lopez was one of the medallists who received an electric motorbike. / Video Xinhua/Image Capture

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 22 October 2024 — Vehículos Eléctricos del Caribe (Vedca), a Chinese-Cuban joint venture based in Havana, presented the medallists and coaches who took part in the Paris 2024 Olympic Games – and the Paralympics – with a batch of electric motorbikes. The reward for so much “sacrifice and abnegation” is ironic: it comes in the middle of a national blackout.

The president of the National Institute of Sports, Physical Education and Recreation (Inder), Osvaldo Vento, thanked China for the “gesture” and claimed that the motorbikes – which have been proving to be dangerous and unsuitable for the tropics for months – will help mitigate the transport crisis that affects athletes as much as other Cubans.

The information was reported by the Xinhua news agency, but the official press on the island did not report on the ceremony to accept the Chinese “gift”, which took place on 18 October. A video released by Xinhua shows that diplomatic personnel from the Asian giant – including the ambassador himself, Hua Xin – as well as Vedca executives and representatives of Inder took part in the ceremony.

Winner of bronze in Paris, boxer Arlen Lopez said he was “surprised” by his motorbike and welcomed Beijing’s “show of support” for Cuban sport. Vento, with rhetoric also in tune with the country’s electrical disconnection, assured that he accepts Chinese “support” at a “time when dreams and aspirations can be obscured by challenges”. He promised that, in future, athletes would be “provided with resources” that would allow them to “train more efficiently and focus on achieving new and important goals”. continue reading

For Hua Xin, the motorbikes represent the “historic ties of cooperation between the two nations” and he welcomed the fact that a group of Cuban coaches travelled to China to train Chinese boxers. It paid off: China won three gold medals and two silver medals in boxing, a sport which is one of the island’s specialities.

Also at the event were Yarisleidis Cirilo, bronze medallist in canoeing in Paris, and double Paralympic long jump champion Robiel Yankiel Sol. The athletes were given the keys to LT 4202A1 and LT 4202 motorbikes, priced between 1,200 and 1,600 dollars, according to the costs listed on Vedca’s Facebook profile.

Inder president Osvaldo Vento thanked China for the “gesture”. / Video Xinhua/Image Capture

A month after the Olympics ended, the Cuban medallists received cakes, syrup, rum, balloons and applause from the leaders and “the people”. The delegation had protagonists – Mijaín López, Erislandy Álvarez, Yusneylis Guzmán López, Luis Alberto Orta Sánchez, Gabriel Rosillo, Milaimys Marín, Yarisleidis Cirilo Duboys, Rafael Alba and Arlen López – whose gifts fell far short of what their emigrated colleagues received.

The shortages gave rise to regrettable episodes, such as the sale of the Samsung Galaxy Z Flip 6 mobile phone given to triple jumper Andy Hechavarría for his participation in Paris. He was asking $900 for the phone, which had logos referring to the event. After a few hours, the Holguín native claimed in a Facebook post that “a neighbour had hacked” into his account. “He put my photo and everything. That means that he got into my profile to steal photos of me and information, because, look, none of those publications appear on my current account,” he claimed.

For its part, Vedca was established in 2019 through an international economic partnership contract between the Chinese company Tianjin Dongxing and the Cuban company Minerva. According to the official media Cubadebate, it operates with a workforce of 60 workers, including engineers, technicians, sheet/metal workers, welders and electricians, who assemble nine models of motorbikes – including the three-wheeled LT4 203 – and two models of tricycles: the C-400 with a load capacity of 400 kilograms and the C-800A with a capacity of 800 kilograms.

According to the company’s sales promotion manager, Deans Daniel Rodriguez Arias, so far this year the company has earned $2,043,000 for its products. “By 2024, it should get to around six million. By 2025, we project a turnover of over eight million. Sales in shops abroad with delivery to Cuba, for example, should generate external revenues of more than one million dollars, which is also a contribution to the country,” he calculated.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

How Do the Cubans Live Who Don’t Receive Any Dollars? / Iván García

Taken in Camajuaní in 2023, published in El Estornuso in April 2023

Iván García, 22 August 2024 — At half past two in the morning, the blackout. Luciano opened the last drawer of the wardrobe, took a piece of cardboard and went to the room where his 8-year-old son was sleeping. His wife was already cooling him with a fan. The mosquitoes buzzed like aeroplanes in his ears. An hour later, the boy burst into tears because of the heat. She brought him water and started to tell him children’s stories in an attempt to calm him down.

Luciano, his mother, his wife and his son live in a dilapidated building in the municipality of Sandino, some 220 kilometres west of Havana. They live a hard life, like most Cubans. They have no relatives abroad to send them dollars. Luciano’s family comes from a village in the mountainous Escambray region of the former Las Villas province.

“My parents owned a small farm where, in addition to growing coffee, they kept pigs, sheep and chickens. The authorities accused my father of helping guerrilla groups fighting against the government and sentenced him to twelve years in prison. They confiscated everything from him and forcibly transferred my mother, alone, to a captive village in the municipality of Sandino. My father was released from prison after serving half of his sentence, he died twenty years ago,” says Luciano, who was born in Pinar del Río.

“I remember my mother working as a tobacco picker and collector. She is 86 now and suffers from osteoarthritis and urinary incontinence. I earn my living as a day labourer growing rice and crops. In the good months my salary is 8,000 to 10,000 pesos, but that money isn’t enough to feed four people. That’s why I go fishing in the lagoon, where there are plenty of trout, some I take home, the others I sell”, says Luciano and explains that the problem is not only food, but also the shortage of drinking water, which only comes every forty days. continue reading

“Every two days I have to carry dozens of buckets of water from a turbine two kilometres away to the third floor of the building where we live. Several neighbours go in a cart and make two or three trips. A miserable life. In their free time, the men pass the time with cockfighting or a group of friends drinking a couple of bottles of rum and relieving their frustrations. In these villages there is no future. The younger people go off to the city or they emigrate. We are left, the oldest assholes, who never try to do anything to change our destiny.”

His flat is in urgent need of a lick of paint. There are dark patches on some parts of the ceiling due to damp caused by leaks from broken pipes. The termites have shattered the Miami-style windows. The most valuable object is an old Haier refrigerator, that the dictator Fidel Castro bought for a knock-down price in China when he implemented the so-called ’energy revolution’ in 2006, which was supposed to save the country’s electricity. Eighteen years later, the fridge is hardly working. The gaskets of the equipment have come loose and Luciano’s solution was to screw a crude metal clip on the door that allows the fridge to be opened and shut.

The furniture in the flat is ancient. The television set, with a 21-inch screen, has cathode ray tubes. In the kitchen hang two slotted spoons, two cast-iron pans, and a rice cooker that has lost its enamel. The three beds in the two rooms need to be replaced, as do the mattresses. “When the old woman urinates, as we don’t have disposable pads, we have to carry the mattress up to the roof of the building to dry it out in the sun. And when the water crisis hits, we relieve ourselves in nylon bags, which we then dump in the fields.

Luciano believes that in 2014 they were still eating well, by Cuban nutritional standards. “We had bread with tortillas and coffee with milk for breakfast and what was left over from dinner for lunch. We ate pork frequently, fish, chicken and sometimes beef, which I bought under the counter and a pound cost 25 or 30 pesos. Nowadays, a pound of beef is not less than 1,200 pesos. We couldn’t go to a hotel in Varadero, but we had breakfast, lunch and dinner seven days a week. Now we can only eat once a day.

According to a study carried out last July by the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights, extreme poverty on the island is close to 90 percent of the population. According to surveys by the Food Monitor Program, Cuban families currently spend almost all of their income on food, whether they have a low or a good income, whether they receive dollars or not. Nutrient deficits, lack of food hygiene, and the stress associated with food insecurity are “is having adverse consequences for the health of Cubans,” the organisation says.

Likewise, the “phenomenon of hidden hunger”, used by the FAO to describe prolonged undernourishment, is “very common in Cuban society”, which consumes more carbohydrates and sugars while going without fresh fruit and vegetables, as well as meat and dairy products, which has led to high rates of diabetes, high blood pressure and gastritis, among other ailments, said Food Monitor.

But it is not only food that is missing in Cuba. Basic services such as electricity, liquefied gas and public transport hardly work. Blackouts outside Havana often last eight to ten hours a day, or more. The shortage of medicines is more than 65 percent. Rubbish piles up for days in the streets, especially in the capital, which is dirtier and more abandoned than cities in other provinces. Due to breaks in the aqueduct, 50 per cent of the drinking water that is distributed does not reach homes or is lost through leaks. Hospitals are a mess. Patients must bring disposable syringes and cotton wool, among other supplies. And if you want good care, you need to give money or gifts to the doctors and nurses.

“The water supply cycles in the neighbourhoods of Holguín exceed 55 days,” says Yoss from Holguín. From Santiago de Cuba, Rudy says that in several areas of that city they have been without drinking water for more than 60 days. “The houses are full of containers. Those who have dollars build huge cisterns. For lack of water, despite the tremendous heat, there are people who bathe every two days. It’s as if they were in a war.

Many Cubans see no way out of the country’s structural crisis. For Luciano, from Pinar del Río, there are three options: “Emigrate, continue to put up with it or take to the streets to protest. Either we put on our trousers, like the Venezuelans, or this government starves us to death”.

Translated by GH

The Private Sector in Cuba Up Against the Wall / Iván García

A private business in Havana. Taken from El Toque.

Iván García, 26 August 2024 — Three years ago, in the summer of 2021, just a month after thousands of Cubans took to the streets to shout for freedom, the grey-haired ruler Miguel Díaz-Canel, handpicked by dictator Raúl Castro to run the country, authorised the opening of small and medium-sized businesses on the island. It was a measure that had been “studied” for ten years with the typical eagerness of communist regimes, where urgency is an unknown concept.

Yoel, 56, was not taken by surprise by the ’new regulations for economic actors’ announced on 19 August and due to come into force a month later, on 19 September. He always knew that a private entrepreneur is a presumed criminal in the eyes of the government. “Those of us who live in Cuba learned to negotiate to survive in the midst of scarcity,” he says, driving a second-hand Toyota Corola.

“From when I was a child in my house, people used to buy food and clothes on the black market. It was the most normal thing in the world. Hands up anyone who didn’t buy a cheap pair of jeans, a litre of oil or five pounds of beef “under the counter”. When there wasn’t a shortage of bread, there was a shortage of butter. People learned to live by their wits’. Nobody asks where what they are buying came from. They guess. And from a State Security officer to the neighbourhood informer, they are forced to resort to illegalities in order to survive. There are thousands of laws to prohibit and control offences. But nobody takes any notice of them. It’s an unwritten understanding between government and society. They let you do it until they think you’ve crossed the line. Then media campaigns are unleashed against illegalities and police raids and summary prosecutions of those operating in the private sector begin.

“In these 65 years we have been humiliated with various labels: outlaws, hucksters, or leaches on the backs of poor people. Some of these traders have been imprisoned, others have emigrated or have taken a step back until the dust settles. It’s a merry-go-round that repeats itself over and over again”. In his opinion, there is a revolving door on the island where people move from legality to the underground with astonishing ease. He gives an example. “When I was 17, I used to buy dollars, which was illegal and if you were caught you could be sentenced to four years in prison. With those ’illegal dollars’, an Angolan partner bought me clothes in shops for continue reading

foreign technicians, which I then resold on the street.

“I have collected money for the bolita (illegal lottery) and sold beer and bread and steak. Like many Cubans, I have done everything, trying to live as well as possible. When in 1993 they authorised self-employment, I had some money saved up thanks to those little tricks. There is a myth that most of the businesses that emerged in the country were opened with dollars sent by family members living in the United States. In some cases this was true, in others it was not. Many ’bisnes’ in the depths of rural Cuba have been financed with money earned from the sale of food, clothes or construction materials on the black market.

According to Yoel, “these attacks on MSMEs and the self-employed were to be expected. You would have to be very naïve to believe that a government that is anti-capitalist is going to let private businesses prosper. They allow them because the system has broken down. Private business is an umbrella under which these scoundrels protect themselves. They accept us, but with the boot on our backs, a lot of regulations, very high taxes, an army of inspectors who inspect you and when they feel like it, they put you in jail”.

“Opening a business allows you to earn money and live without the crumbs from the state. Most of us are double bookkeepers and under-declare when paying taxes. It’s a war. They screw you with decrees, threats and lies. And we pretend to comply, but then we do whatever we want. When they order businesses to stop, people know what to do. Either they get out of Cuba or they continue to do the same thing informally. Since the emergence of self-employment in 1993, everything has been a government bluff. The private sector is designed for survival, not to make lots of money. These openings serve as international propaganda to sell themselves as reformers.

“We are labelled as entrepreneurs out there. But almost none of us have studied business administration or marketing techniques. In my case, I was a go-getter who worked my way up to owning several businesses. If I see that things are getting hot, I will know that it is time to get on the plane. But behind me, other ’entrepreneurs’ will emerge. Until the system, which is incapable of generating wealth, changes, that will be the the way it goes,” says Yoel.

The owner of two small stores in the old part of Havana, a guy who knows his way around the sewers of the corrupt local bureaucracy, thinks that “it is likely that the government will try to clamp down on MSMEs. This campaign is aimed primarily at autonomous private businesses, which compete against MSMEs run by front men for high-ranking government officials or retired military officers. The reason is simple: they are more efficient and have developed a network of suppliers that works.

“The state, used to receiving dollars from exports, tourism, sales in foreign currency shops and the banking system, thought that we would not be a problem, not least because we could not access foreign currency. But we have been creative. The sales cycles are faster. We have accounts in foreign banks. And to replenish our supplies, we buy dollars on the street at the informal market price. The state-owned companies can’t compete with us even on a tilted playing field” says the entrepreneur.

Dunia, a hairdresser, agrees that “the new regulations are a declaration of war on the private sector. Some will leave the country or shut up shop. Others will start working under the counter. Every Cuban knows that to live in any comfort we have to fend for ourselves. The state can’t even guarantee the seven pounds of rice it provides through the ration card. The government should concern itself with dealing with poverty, not fighting the people who create wealth.

An official of the ONAT, the institution that governs private labour, revealed to Diario Las Américas that the regime’s intention “in addition to more rigorous supervision of the non-state sector, is to recover the two billion that the banking system has stopped receiving. From now on, priority will be given to the opening of state-owned MSMEs. (Micro, Small, and Medium-sized Enterprises). Especially in the commerce sector and in companies that are at a standstill or generate losses for the state. There is the intention that political and mass organisations, such as CDR (Committees for the Defense of the Revolution) and FMC (Federation of Cuban Women), can open MIPYMES that allow them to finance themselves with small shops in the neighbourhood, as well as private stores, where they can sell food and confectionery at lower prices.

Gustavo, an economist, considers that “these new measures show that the government is living in a surreal world. This interference in private property, the idea that MSMEs should be chained to bankrupt state-owned companies and the earmarking of a voluntary reserve to finance vulnerable sectors is a crazy project. And it will fail. No entrepreneur is going to allow the authorities to use his or her capital to finance Cuba’s failed economic model. For entrepreneurs to use the inefficient national banking system for their purchases abroad is nonsense. For the state to implement MSMEs is absurd. It doesn’t exist anywhere in the world.

The government is well aware of this. Its strategy is to supplant autonomous MSMEs with entities under the control of relatives and government officials. It was already happening. Now the mask has definitely come off.

Translated by GH

Cuba, Fewer Teachers and More Indoctrination in Schools / Iván García

Photo: From the ceremony for the start of the 2024-2025 school year in Santa Clara. Taken from Radio Sancti Spiritu

Iván García, Desde La Habana, 10 October 2024 — As always on the island, the official story is far removed from reality. A secondary school methodologist in a Havana municipality says that in meetings with senior officials from the Ministry of Education, political slogans predominated in an attempt to camouflage the disaster in the planning of the 2024-2025 school year.

“Whatever our level of seniority, we Cuban civil servants are manipulated by the communist party, which tells us what has to be done. It’s all a stage and we are the actors. At first you try to rebel. But then you see that you can’t change anything. You have two options: either you bend to the system or the system devours you. I chose to bend. Colouring reality, telling lies and looking for ways to make a profit from my position. I give informal help sessions, and charge 400 pesos for each class. It’s unethical, but most teachers do it.”

In the opinion of the methodologist, Education Minister Naima Trujillo Barreto, “is an official with dyed blonde hair who, when the directors complain, appeals to revolutionary principles, to creativity and sticking her ear to the ground, the same discourse as Díaz-Canel and his entourage. She, like her comrades in the party, must be told what they want to hear. At that meeting, problems were downplayed. Statistics on the teacher shortage, the number of schools repaired and the narrative that the so-called Third Improvement of the Education System is going well was sold to the public.”

On Tuesday 27 August, the minister and her court attended the Round Table, a doctrinaire programme of political fiction that distorts the harsh reality faced by Cubans. In front of the television cameras, Trujillo Barreto pointed out that a tour of the country had identified many problems that would be dealt with over the next few days, but “there is a lot of commitment and deep interpretation of all the issues worked on in the national seminars. Many people are working hard in the territories and are committed to ensuring that the course is as successful as we can make it,” said the minister to the flattering smile of Randy Alonso, a submissive state journalist.

Among the priorities for the new school year, according to the regime’s aides-de-camp, is a programme of “cultural decolonisation, learning history (Castro’s version) as well as the development of language skills, innovation and digital culture”. Dennis, a computer teacher, smiles when asked about education in the country. “For some time now, government institutions have been competing to see who can tell the biggest lie. You continue reading

can’t talk about innovation and digital culture when schools in Cuba don’t have access to the internet, except for universities, and its use is rationed, and computer classes are suspended because the equipment is from the year dot and most of it is broken or doesn’t work”.

A pre-university teacher explains what the ‘cultural decolonisation and history learning’ programme is all about. “We were given a seminar as part of the course. The authorities consider that there is a regression in the teaching of history to children and young people. They claim that the use of social media, watching US serials and films, promotes a ‘hegemonic cultural discourse that distorts revolutionary values’. Imagine standing up in a classroom and talking such nonsense that nobody believes, when most students have plans or dreams of emigrating. They don’t see that it’s ridiculous.”

A primary school teacher comments that the education directors in his municipality, “proposed to us that among the activities to encourage love for the revolution and its leaders, we should organise visits to the local museum and the Fidel Castro Centre, which is located in Vedado. These people live in Narnia. They don’t know that the municipal museum has been closed for two years. And how am I going to get dozens of children to Vedado with no transport in the capital? Unless the Ministry of Education provides buses to take us there and back. These are things they say to make themselves look good to the government, but they know that they can’t be done in current conditions in the country.”

An education official notes that “the official version of the new school year is totally out of touch with reality. In the municipality where I work, only ten percent of the schools have been repaired. Almost all of them have closed toilets, almost none of them have water, and a large part of the school furniture is in a bad state. A very serious problem is the lack of teachers. According to the Ministry of Education, there is a shortage of 24,000 teachers on the island. It is probably many more than that. Half of the teachers do not have teaching qualifications. Some are professionals who are hired to teach at the primary, secondary and pre-university levels.”

“Others are ‘instant teachers,’ as they are called, because they are pulled out of their training in the second or third year of their degree. There are cases of teachers who finish a class shift in one school and have to walk a kilometre to another school to teach because there is no teacher for a certain subject. Due to the shortage, recruitment rules have been relaxed. I have had to rehire people who for various reasons have been expelled from education. In addition to this disaster, school supplies are not complete. We have not received the new books. They say they will arrive before the end of the year. They said the same thing last year and they never arrived,” says the official.

When you talk to relatives of pupils at all levels of education, the list of complaints is long. Reinier, the father of two primary school children, says that this year, his children are due a new uniform, “but they haven’t arrived at the shop. I have had to spend 5,000 pesos on four shirts and 10,000 pesos on four pairs of trousers, 15,000 pesos in total. And my salary as an accountant in a company is 6,400,000 pesos. Thanks to my brother who lives in Miami I was able to buy the uniforms. He also sent me tennis shoes, backpacks and school supplies. I can’t complain.”

But many parents in Cuba do not have relatives abroad. This is the case with Sonia, who admits to being extremely stressed. “My daughter is a pre-university student, I have no relatives in the US and I had to scrape together the money to buy her a mobile phone, a bag and a decent pair of trainers, because the boys made fun of her shoes in school and she had a complex. Not to mention that I have to give her money to buy something to eat when she gets out of school. And I have to pay 200 or 300 pesos for a tutor, because some teachers aren’t very good. Then the school has the nerve to ask parents for ‘help’, whether it’s detergent to clean the classrooms or let’s raise money and buy a fan so the kids don’t get so hot.”

But the issue that parents are most unhappy about is the regime’s intention to have students work for a fortnight in agriculture or fixing tiles and monuments. Diario Las Américas asked eleven families if they would allow their children to do it. All eleven answered No.

“It’s no longer enough for them to indoctrinate in schools, talking about Fidel and telling their version of history. Now they want to go back to the fateful schools in the countryside, where children were separated from their parents, working for free in agricultural work. That era is over. Times have changed,” said Maritza, a housewife and mother of two secondary school students.

In Cuba, education is supposed to be free. Luisa, grandmother of a grandson in fifth grade, thinks it’s quite expensive. “What with buying two uniforms, a pair of tennis shoes, a backpack, a lunch box, pencils, notebooks and pens, I’ve already spent 250 dollars. In a country where there is nothing, students want to go to school in Adidas or Nike tennis shoes. The schools look like catwalks. Luckily my daughter, my grandson’s mother, sends me dollars from the US for these expenses and to prepare good snacks for him.”

A pesar de tener un nivel de vida un poco mejor, Luisa reconoce que es muy deprimente la vida actual de los cubanos. “En los barrios apenas ves muchachos jugando en las calles. Y han aumentado los niños, como mi nieto, que sus madres han emigrado y son cuidados por sus abuelos». Dentro de un tiempo, los progenitores sacarán del país a sus hijos. Y en Cuba solo quedarán los más viejos.

 Despite having a slightly better standard of living, Luisa acknowledges that life in Cuba today is very depressing. “In the neighbourhoods, you hardly see any children playing in the streets. And there are more children, like my grandson, whose mothers have emigrated and who are cared for by their grandparents. In time, parents will take their children out of the country. And only the old people will remain in Cuba.

Translated by GH

We Denounce the Increasing Repression of Independent Journalists in Cuba / Cubalex

Photo taken from nuevarevista.net site

Cubalex, 4 October 2024 — Cubalex denounces the increasing repression by Cuban State Security against independent journalists on the island. In recent weeks, attacks on freedom of the press and expression have increased in a worrying manner, constituting a systematic attempt to silence critical voices and limit the right of citizens to receive free and impartial information.

The authorities have resorted to tactics that include arbitrary detention, prolonged interrogation under duress, threats of lengthy prison sentences, and psychological torture. In addition, in these interrogations journalists have been forced to be filmed without their consent, violating their rights to privacy and dignity. In many cases, working equipment and money have also been confiscated, affecting both their ability to practice journalism and their economic stability.

These actions are clearly aimed at intimidating and forcing journalists to abandon their work. They constitute a direct violation of fundamental rights protected by international human rights instruments, such as the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, commitments that Cuba should respect.

Cubalex, urgently calls on the international community, human rights organisations and all those committed to justice and truth, to demand an end to the repression against journalists in Cuba. To defend freedom of the press and freedom of expression is to defend the right of every person to know the truth about what is happening in their country.

Cubalex will continue to monitor the situation and offer support to journalists who have been affected, reaffirming our commitment to fight for the respect and protection of human rights in Cuba.

Translated by GH

11J: Analysis of Racial Bias in Cuba’s Sedition Sanctions / Cubalex

Cubalex, 5 September 2024 — In this analysis, we examine the sedition sentences handed down in Cuba following the protests of 11 July 11, 2021. Our findings reveal a worrying racial bias that results in harsher sentences for people of African descent. This trend suggests the existence of systematic discrimination within the judicial system, disproportionately affecting one of the most vulnerable groups in Cuban society, who already face multiple forms of exclusion and inequality. Below, we present a detailed examination of these discriminatory patterns and their implications in the human rights context.

Below we present the key findings of this analysis.

Key Findings:

1. Duration of sanctions for “unfavourable conduct”:

People of African descent who are classified by the State as having “unfavourable conduct” receive sanctions with an average duration of 13.02 years, while non-Afro-descendants, under the same classification, receive sanctions with an average duration of 12.0 years.

Unfavourable conduct appears to have a greater impact on the length of sanctions for people of African descent, who receive longer sentences compared to non-African descendants who exhibit similar conduct. This finding suggests that the combination of being of African descent and having unfavourable conduct may exacerbate the negative impact on sentence length, which may indicate a racial bias in the legal treatment of people of African descent.

The analysis was carried out exclusively on the basis of photographs, which allowed us to include both black and other racialised people. This method was necessary due to the lack of official data disaggregated by race in Cuba, forcing us to use visual indicators to identify Afro-descendants and racialised people. While this approach has limitations, it is crucial to highlight racial disparities in a context where access to information is restricted and where the administration of justice is not transparent. This methodology highlights the need for broader access to official data to allow for a more comprehensive analysis of inequalities in Cuba.

2. General duration of sanctions:

According to the analysis of the first instance sentences to which Cubalex had access, Afro-descendants receive sentences with an average duration of 13.63 years, while non-Afro-descendants receive sentences with an average duration of 12.61 years.

These figures indicate that, regardless of conduct, people of African descent are subject to longer sentences compared to people of African descent. This suggests that the judicial system may be affected by racial biases that influence the severity of sentences. continue reading

Surveillance and Repression Operations in Guantanamo Following Power Outage Protest / Cubalex

Cubalex, Alertas, 03 October 2024 / On Wednesday, October 2, we received information about surveillance and repression operations in Guantanamo, following a protest in the sugar town of Argeo Martinez, due to the prolonged blackouts in the area.

Juan Luis Bravo Rodríguez, member of the Union for a Free Cuba Party (PUNCLI) and manager of the Emilia Project, complained that State Security interrupted his Internet access and that his home was under surveillance.

Activist Miguel Angel Lopez Herrera was also under surveillance by State Security and paramilitary groups, and his home was attacked with stones.

Independent journalist Niober García Fournier was also subjected to surveillance, with the presence of an officer known as “Víctor Víctor” and a member of Inder around his home.

These repressive acts occurred one day after the protest in Argeo Martinez, Manuel Tames municipality, as part of the regime’s strategy to intimidate activists and prevent these demonstrations from gaining strength.

On October 1, after a 14-hour blackout, local residents took to the streets for several hours, banging pots and chanting anti-government slogans, due to being unable to prepare food.

According to information sent to Cubalex, officers of the National Revolutionary Police (PNR), State Security and provincial government authorities went to the site to try to quell the protest. The following day, vehicles carrying food arrived at the locality. So far, no arrests have been reported among the protesters.

The blog Operativos de Vigilancia y Represión en Guantánamo Tras Protesta por Apagones was published first in Cubalex.

Translated by GH

Violation of Human Rights: Jorge Luis ‘Tangallo’ Rodríguez Valdés Is In a Punishment Cell / Cubalex

Facade of Kilo 8 prison, in Pinar del Río, Cuba

Cubalex, 13 September 2024 — Political prisoner Jorge Luis Rodríguez Valdés, known as “Tangallo”, was again transferred to a punishment cell in Kilo 8 prison, in Pinar del Río, for demanding a visit that the authorities arbitrarily denied him.

Tangallo has no close relatives and State Security forbade activist Eduardo Díaz Fleitas to visit him in prison. Although they arranged for someone else to deliver basic necessities to him, the authorities also prevented this.

According to information sent to Cubalex, Tangallo demanded his right to a visit in front of the head of the provincial prisons body, and for this reason he was sent to the punishment cell.

He recently spent 27 days in solitary confinement for an alleged suspicion of tuberculosis, and earlier he spent 17 days in solitary confinement, evidencing a systematic pattern of reprisals through solitary confinement. continue reading

The frequent use of prolonged solitary confinement fails to comply with international standards, such as the Mandela Rules, which prohibit this practice. The lack of independent review increases the risk of abuses and rights violations.

In addition, prolonged solitary confinement has a devastating impact on the physical and mental health of prisoners, leading to severe psychological disorders such as extreme anxiety and post-traumatic stress disorder. These practices are considered a form of torture.

The case of Tangallo is yet another example of the inhumane conditions to which prisoners are subjected in Cuba, and of the particularly severe reprisals faced by political prisoners.

Translated by GH

Can the Police in Cuba Ask for Identification Without Any Reason? / Cubalex

Cubalex, 10 September 2024 — A user commented on Facebook that, while visiting Havana as a tourist, she was stopped by a traffic police officer on the public road at around midnight. When asked for identification, she explained that she did not have her passport at the time, but that she could show her National ID. When she took out her mobile phone, the policeman allowed her to continue without asking any further questions.

Following this experience, the user wonders whether it is common practice in Cuba for the authorities to request identification for no apparent reason.

The Cubalex legal team responds:

In Cuba, the authorities can detain a person and ask for identification without a reason. This is a frequent practice, especially in central and tourist areas, and often targets women under the pretext of combating sex work. This occurs due to a lack of adequate oversight and the absence of constitutional guarantees protecting citizens from unwarranted harassment. continue reading

In this case, it is likely that the user was allowed to continue without inconvenience because she was a foreigner. However, if she had been a Cuban citizen, it is very likely that she would have been treated differently, with stricter and more prolonged restriction.

This practice, in addition to being common, has serious implications for human rights and individual freedoms, as it can invade privacy, restrict freedom of movement and create a climate of constant surveillance. It also encourages discrimination and arbitrary treatment, undermining fundamental principles such as the presumption of innocence.

If you need more information on this issue or legal advice, do not hesitate to contact the Cubalex legal team at info@cubalex.org or request safe legal advice through our Telegram channel: +1 901-205-9786.

We provide you with free and completely confidential legal advice.

Translated by GH

Lack of Access to Justice in Cuban Prisons / Cubalex

Cubalex

Cubalex, 10 September 2024 — In Cuban prisons, persons deprived of their liberty face numerous barriers that prevent them from accessing justice and defending their human rights. Below, the Cubalex legal team summarises some key aspects of this problem in Cuban prisons.

Complaints and Retaliation

1. Retaliation for Complaints:

Prisoners who file complaints with military prosecutors often suffer violent reprisals instigated by prison authorities. They may be beaten or transferred to solitary confinement if they do not withdraw their complaints.

2. Threats and Coercion:

Prison guards threaten political detainees with transfer to prison camps with dangerous inmates in order to intimidate them. This practice is intended to discourage prisoners from engaging in human rights activities inside the prison.

3. Handling of ordinary prisoners:

Prison authorities use ordinary inmates to harass and control political prisoners. These inmates receive benefits in exchange for harassing political prisoners, creating an atmosphere of constant intimidation and violence.

Obstacles in the Judicial Process

1. Lack of medical care:

Medical care in prisons is inadequate and often intentionally denied. Prisoners who suffer severe beatings do not receive adequate medical care, and in many cases, doctors justify violence as punishment for alleged misbehaviour.

2. Restricted Access to Visitors:

Family and conjugal visits are suspended as a method of blackmail and punishment. Persons deprived of liberty who make complaints have their access to their families restricted as a reprisal, hindering their ability to receive external support and assert their rights.

3. Isolation Conditions:

Persons deprived of their liberty are subjected to long periods of solitary confinement in punishment cells without adequate justification and without access to basic resources. This practice not only violates the Mandela Rules, which prohibit prolonged solitary confinement, but also aggravates the physical and mental suffering of persons deprived of their liberty.

The following are examples of how the lack of access to justice is evidenced in Cuban prisons:

1. Interference in Complaints:

1.1 Another practice that often occurs in Cuban prisons is interference with complaints. Cubalex has reported cases where prison guards have incited other inmates to beat those who file complaints. This type of practice is done with the aim of forcing the person to withdraw the complaints. This systematic interference discourages persons deprived of their liberty from seeking legal solutions that can protect them from prisons. An example that illustrates this is the case of Lewis Calas Herrera, a common prisoner who works as “Discipline” in Company No. 1 of the Provincial Prison of Pinar del Río. According to our information, this person is used by the Chief of Internal Order, Lázaro Castillo Placencia, and the re-educator, First Lieutenant Nivaldo, to beat other inmates.

2. Critical Care Negligence:

2.1 There are numerous documented cases of neglect and denial of medical care. Many prisoners have suffered serious consequences due to the lack of timely medical care. Medical negligence in Cuban prisons was evidenced in the case of journalist Lázaro Yuri Valle Roca. Despite his multiple health problems, the authorities of the Combinado del Este on several occasions denied Yuri access to the medicines brought by his wife, putting his life at risk.

Access to justice

The lack of access to justice in Cuba is a deep-rooted and systematic problem that severely limits rights. The Cuban judicial system, being closely linked to political power, has been criticised for its lack of independence, transparency and due process.The case of journalist José Luis Tan Estrada demonstrates the lack of access to justice in Cuba in several ways.

On 14 May 2024, the Havana Provincial Court dismissed the habeas corpus application filed on behalf of José Luis Tan Estrada. José Luis Tan Estrada, like many other activists and dissidents on the island, has been the victim of a judicial system that seems to be more focused on repressing dissent than on delivering justice.

The application for habeas corpus, a legal remedy designed to protect people from arbitrary detention, was rejected without adequate justification.

Tan Estrada’s case is not isolated; a further example is that of Daniel Moreno de la Peña. The situation of Daniel Moreno de la Peña, a Cuban political prisoner who weighs just 40 kilos (88 pounds) and is on the verge of death in prison, chillingly exemplifies the lack of access to justice in Cuba. Moreno has been detained for more than 18 months without trial, without even being able to see his file, in flagrant violation of his fundamental rights.

The case of the Caimanera protesters is another alarming example of the lack of access to justice in Cuba. These individuals have been denied access to documentation related to their cases, preventing them from preparing a proper defence and seriously violating their procedural rights. According to complaints by their relatives, the trial against these demonstrators is imminent, and the lack of transparency and access to legal information exacerbates the situation of defencelessness in which they find themselves. Such practices, common in the Cuban judicial system, demonstrate once again the urgent need for profound reforms to guarantee a fair and equitable judicial process.

These examples demonstrate how conditions and practices inside Cuban prisons not only violate international human rights standards, but also prevent persons deprived of their liberty from accessing justice and receiving humane and dignified treatment. It is essential to denounce these practices and to advocate for respect for human rights in all prisons.

The post Lack of Access to Justice in Cuban Prisons appeared first on Cubalex.

La entrada Falta de Acceso a la Justicia en las Prisiones Cubanas se publicó primero en Cubalex.

Translated by GH