Actress Ana Luisa Rubio, Savagely Beaten by Alleged Neighbors

Photo by Ailer Gonzalez
Photo by Ailer Gonzalez

“Violence has reached critical levels in Cuba,” says activist Antonio Rodiles, and actress Ana Luisa Rubio, 62, just experienced it. The photo above is her face after a severe beating given to her by a group of supposed neighbors last Friday.

“I am very sore, but mostly I’m very scared,” Rubio told Diario de Cuba from her home in the Havana neighborhood of Vedado. “They will not stop.”

Rubio spent a night in Manuel Fajardo Hospital because of the beating.  Rodiles, director of the independent State of Sats project, accompanied her to the police the following day to file a complaint, the twelfth by the actress. The previous were for assault, threats, defamation, home invasion, property damage and coercion.

“The police do not do anything,” said Rubio. The result is that the attackers “feel impunity before the law.”

The actress said that on the day of the incident she went outside after a group of children knocked insistently on her door in what was supposedly part of a game.

“I went to demand some peace,” she said. “That was all, and right there a woman lunged at me, someone I have already reported on other occasions for insults and threats, but nothing ever happened… I didn’t have time to defend myself or to seek shelter, because it was one thing after another; instantly I started feeling the kicks, punches,  and blows from many people.”

She only recognized three of the participants in the beating: two neighbors and the area coordinator of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR). The rest were unknown.

In total, there were ten men and women who left her lying on the floor, alone, after the attack, according to her version.

“She called us very nervous, saying she was bloodied and needed help,” Ailer Gonzalez, artistic director of State of Sats, told DiariodeCuba.com, and along with Rodiles and activist Juan Antonio Madrazo, she accompanied Rubio to the hospital.

“They have given her a tremendous beating … they beat her badly,” she said.

Opposite the house of Rubio is a Communist Party office and in the same block an office of the CDR.

Madrazo said that when they got to the home of the actress, on Friday, responding to her request for help, they heard the coordinator of the CDR, surnamed Duran, say to a person he was talking to on the phone, “She was given a good beating, but if she comes down again, we will fuck her up.”

Police were at Rubio’s home on Saturday and she pointed to the two women and Duran among her assailants. None was arrested, Madrazo confirmed.

From television to the dungeons

Ana Luisa "then and now"
Ana Luisa “then and now”

Ana Luisa Rubio was a popular television actress on the island until the last decade when she began to engage in internal dissent.

In recent years she has been arrested several times, most recently on August 24, when she stood in the Plaza of the Revolution “to shout for justice, for freedom, for human rights,” as she said.

After the arrests, “They always take me to the psych ward” of a hospital in Havana. “The doctors have already told them not to take me there any more, that there is nothing wrong with me,” said the actress.

“They are trying to show that I’m crazy so that there is no validity to what I say,” she said. “For me this is not even just a dictatorship, this is fascism.”

Rubio has also belonged to the Ladies in White and writes the blog Aramusa28, from which she denounced the aggressions she has suffered and called for the resignation of Raul Castro.

In her view, the beating on Friday, “was arranged by State Security.”

The harassment and attacks started “long ago already, I would say years, but they have escalated,” she said. She added that in 2004 she spent nine months in a wheelchair due to an attack.

“I can’t do anything; I don’t know where to turn. My comrades do their best, but we ‘re totally defenseless” complained the actress.

The Government no longer allows her to work in state television.

“They don’t even let me breathe, I have no income at all … they censored me as an actress in 2011 for being in the Ladies in White,” she said.

Currently, Rubio rents a room in her home as a form of self-employment. But “they don’t even let, my guests are intercepted,” she said. “They’re suffocating me in a way in which have no way to eat, or breath, or even laugh.

From DiariodeCuba.com

9 September 2013

Creole Block / Yoani Sanchez

Beto was one of those who handed out beatings in August of 1994. With his helmet, his mortar-splattered pants and an iron bar in his hand, he lashed out at some of the protestors during the Maleconazo. At that time he was working on a construction team and felt like part of an elite. He had milk at breakfast, a room he shared with other colleagues, and a salary higher than any doctor’s. He spent the years of his youth building hotels, but a decade ago, when his brigade was demobilized, he became unemployed. He didn’t want to return to the village of Banes where he was born, not him, nor many others of that troop ready to build a wall or break heads.

Several of these construction workers were allowed to settle in a makeshift neighborhood in the Havana suburbs. The received the benefit of permission to build a “llega y pon*” — a shantytown — near Calle 100 and Avenida Rancho Boyeros. A crumb, after so much ideological loyalty. Without the perks and high wages, many of these bricklayers had to survive on what they could find. Beto set up a workshop for fabricating “creole bricks.” Other neighbors in his makeshift neighborhood also dedicate themselves to building materials: sand, stone powder… bricks. With the new relaxations giving permission for the repair and building by one’s own efforts, the business of “aggregates” prospers, involving more people every day. The producers, transporters, brigade leaders, and finally the men who load the sacks on the trucks. A chain of work — parallel to the State’s — more efficient, but also at higher prices.

Beto doesn’t like talking about the past. In his shirt full of holes he walks between the stacks of Creole blocks coming out of his little factory. When he sees one that has cracked or that has a broken corner, he shouts at one of his employees who mixes the mortar for casting the molds. He carries an iron rod in his hand, as he did on 5 August 1994, but this time it’s for knocking against the blocks, checking the strength of his product. He frequently glances over to the little house he is building at the end of this unpaved street with no drains. For the first time he has something of his own, something no one has given him. He is a man with neither privilege nor obedience.

*Translator’s note: “llega y pon” is literally “arrive and put.”

First Woman Born With HIV in Cuba Lives in Misery / Veizant Boloy

IMG_1246-300x200
Yudelsy García O’Connor

HAVANA, Cuba, September 2013 , www.cubanet.org.- Yudelsy García O’Connor was officially the first child born HIV-positive in the island. Today, and now a grown woman, she blames the Cuban government for the situation in which she lives. “They always showed me off to the world as an achievement of socialist health care,” she told this reporter.

According to the carrier of the virus, not having a legal address where she lives, they will not give her the special diet required for her health, because she has no ration card. She has tried in vain to persuade the [governmental] institutions to give her the adequate monitoring her condition warrants. “Stress is terrible for HIV patients, according to the doctors we quite often get depressed,” she said.

IMG_1488
“Profoundly Impressed”

“On several occasions I have complained to all the state institutions in Mayabeque province, I have sent letters to the Council of State, directly to President Raul Castro and the Ministry of Public Health. The answer is always the same: We cannot help you,” said Garcia O`Connor.

Yudelsy was born in the province of Guantanamo in eastern Cuba. At age 5 she was transferred to the [HIV/AIDS] sanatorium in Santiago de las Vegas, in the municipality of Boyeros in the capital. Her father, Salvador García López, who was sent to war Angola where he contracted the dreaded disease died when his daughter was just seven years old.

IMG_1491-300x224In 2002, former Unites States president James Carter visited the sanatorium, and met her in person. She was 15 years old. She later told the official Juventud Rebelde newspaper how grateful she was to the Cuban doctors and the Commander in Chief Fidel Castro.

“I decided to leave the sanatorium, at age 19, when my mother, Adoracelis O’Connor Figueredo, lost her battle with AIDS. I married another HIV patient. I wanted to start a normal life. Then the authorities abandoned me,” she added.

Today she is 27 and lives in Mayabeque province with her husband, in a house with wooden walls, damp with termites and a dirt floor, located in a rural area. “We eat what we can find in the day.”

By Veizant Boloy — veizant@gmail.com

From Cubanet

9 September 2013

Orlando Luis Pardo : “I was afraid when I had no voice, when I started talking, I lost the fear.”

int-552362Interview by Emilio Sanchez Cartas – from Los Andes Internacionales

The restless, multifaceted Pardo Lazo graduated in biochemistry from the University of Havana, but left the field after 10 years. Since then he has been working as a photographer and writer.

Pardo, who published several books in Cuba, is currently one of the leading independent bloggers. He maintains two blogs (Post Revolution Mondays and Boring Home Utopics) and founded the magazine “Voices,” the first digital publication on the island. The magazine, devoted to literature and opinion, is printed in very small quantities, and is posted on-line as a PDF and distributed throughout the island via CD and flash drive.

Emilio Sanchez Cartas: The United States presents you as a dissident blogger. Interestingly , years ago you said you said you didn’t feel yourself to be a journalist, “neither by vocation nor spirit.” So perhaps you started out hating to be a journalist and ended up being one…

Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo: I greatly respect the profession of journalist. When I say I want to have a column, I’m referring to having a space of freedom where I can exercise my opinion, with certain editorial standards, but without the hard or scientific data, statistical.

I wouldn’t work in favor of consensus: it would always be  a journalist of provocation, seeking to navigate upstream. It would be a more creative column, but grounded in reality, because I believe in the transformative power of writing. I like to exploit the social impact of writing from a position of provocation, always trying to pluralize thought.

ESC: How do you evaluate the impact of digital technology in the social and cultural life of Cuba?

OLPL: The Cuban government has just opened a hundred Internet access points, but with extreme vigilance, no guarantees. They are trying to portray an image of openings, but the truth is that a citizen can not go to a public company and contract for an internet account.

Therefore, there is no internet access in Cuba, although there are officials who do have this privilege; there are certain tourist hotels that offer the service in dollars and also a black market in the Internet. With all these limitations, the Cuban blogosphere still has a good number of blogs.

They began as a form of personal expression, perhaps as catharsis, but now I think there is a civic impact. Recently, many of us have been able to travel, to join the United Nations Correspondents Association, to appear in U.S. newspapers. We have talked and they have recognized us as interlocutors, active and thoughtful voices of Cuban civil society.

In addition to “Voices,” there is a photojournalism contest; spaces of debate like “Citizens’ Reasons” and “State of Sats” [Estado de Sats],which are filmed and posted on the web; projects of street artists, graffiti artists, independent audio visuals; the Rotilla Festival, dedicated to music, organized by the Matraka Group for ten years on a beach, until the Cuban government intervened and hijacked it; the Endless Poetry Festival, of the Group Omni Zona Franca, all month in December, house by house in eastern Havana. All these projects are outside the Ministry of Culture and will survive, because they don’t depend on the State.

ESC: At this level of writing, what are the most interesting and challenging blogs?

OLPL: I recommend reviewing three portals. HavanaTimes.org, where a score of people post, some of them from exile; Bloggerscuba.com, although it disappeared as a portal, you can find individual blogs: Paquito el de Cuba, by Francisco Rodriguez; Negra tenía que ser, by Sandra Alvarez; and La Polémica Digital, by Elaine Diaz.

And, my website, where the blogs are more controversial, Vocescubanas.com. There are the three visions. In the case of Vocescubanas, there collaborators who from anywhere in the world would opinion columns in newspapers or television programs, or be political.

ESC: Ten years ago there was the view that Cuba’s independent press, although very critical of the regime, was not known for quality journalism. Have you evolved? Where is the product of journalism on the island? Where is the questioning of the Cuban reality?

OLPL: There is no journalism. It could be erased at the stroke of a pen by the Faculty of Communication and its journalism courses, because in practice the product doesn’t exist, except outside of Cuba. We have occupied that space; some bring better tools, with skill in argument. Others do it almost without tool, but always reporting, from the news, what foreign news agencies do not want to cover.

That has a tremendous merit and a huge recognition. We have the experience of the Blogger Academy. In 2010 for almost half a year we met twice a week to talk about programs, journalistic and photographic techniques, issues of civil society and the law, anthropology. We have made an effort, because where we can’t go is to the University of Havana, as the government has set up a kind of “cultural apartheid,” where we have no room for those who disagree.

ESC: And the independent press, including bloggers and traditional journalists, is it in good condition today?

OLPL: It is in good condition, but in a committed way. Today there is an explosion because certain areas abroad welcome our reports. We lack a press that is edited and published with local efforts. We lack a newspaper — the dream of Yoani Sanchez — which can’t be legal, because the government does not support it; we lack also a radio station.

For now, some of us bloggers are covering this absence, but that could change any day with the absence of some; if some die and others are exiled, and then it would be the end. So it is a movement that needs to be supported, strengthened, empowered, from the outside. We need international solidarity.

ESC: In Cuba, to be a journalist or independent blogger involves risks. You yourself have been imprisoned. What has been your experience of fear?

OLPL: I was afraid when I had no voice; I had published several books of fiction, I was a member of the Union of Writers and Artists (UNEAC) and yet I was very afraid. As I began to speak, I lost the fear. Now I have no fear. Fear of what ? The only thing that can happen is death.

When Pope Benedict XVI visited Cuba in 2012, I was put in jail, it can be repeated at any time. The official journalists are very frightened perhaps, as are the ministers. Me, no; for me they will come once. Is that when you cross a line, and you are free. And self-censorship? Not at all. There are people who self-censor.

I worked the issue of marijuana, the Cuban Rastafarian community’s use of grass, and about the imprisonment of a Rastafarian priest, who is still in prison, Hector Riscart, the Ñaño, director of the musical group Herencia (Heritage). I investigated, did interviews. Someone advised me to stop. I did not, because I considered it a matter of civil law. Many people get panicky over the  issues of the subculture issues, pornography, racism. I ‘m willing to talk about everything, and I think I ‘m going to be very alone.

8 September 2013

National Prison Hospital Has 15 Cholera Patients / Dania Virgen Garcia

HAVANA, Cuba, September 6, 2013, Dania Virgen García / www.cubanet.org.- In the National Prison Hospital (HNR) of Combined del Este prison in Havana, there are 15 confirmed cases of cholera, according to the inmate Daniel Perez Diaz, who is admitted there.

According to Perez Diaz, on 2 September there were 15 confirmed cases receiving hospital care in the HNR. In the intensive care ward there are twelve inmates in serious condition

Patients with different pathologies admitted to the intensive care ward of HNR, were transferred to open rooms without considering the risks of contagion that this could bring. The responsibility for this was the decision of the Ministry of Interior major Dr. Alexis.

On day 2, while Dr. Alexis visited, he stopped at the bed of inmate Daniel Perez Diaz and told him he was not interested in his cure, he announced he would not give permission for any other facility to treat him, calling him “counterrevolutionary” and threatening him with beatings for furnishing information to those he called “cheap journalists.”

By Dania Virgen Garcia — dania.zuzy@gmail.com

From Cubanet

6 September 2013

Christian Liberation Movement: 25 years on the Path of the People

25-años-207x300… We must announce to Cubans that their lives, their dignity and their freedom belong to them and that no one, not Caesar, can take these things from them if they don’t give in because of fear or other reasons.

Oswaldo Paya Sardinas

Inspired by these ideas, our Christian Liberation Movement was founded 25 years ago. Born to defend the rights of all Cubans and to promote the full liberation of the person leading to the development of society.

We want to serve, we are convinced that in Cuba the changes that the people want will only occur if the majority of Cubans, freeing themselves from the culture of fear, take a liberating step to reclaim their lives. The law should guarantee the right to do away with the simulation generated by an oppressive system, like the totalitarian regime that prevails in our country. We are part of the same people, those who live inside and outside the archipelago;we are not trying to speak for a people, we are working for citizens to have a voice.

Liberation demands its right and the right of Cubans to know the truth; an independent investigation is required to make public the circumstances under which died our leaders Oswaldo Paya and Harold Cepero died, after an attack on 22 July 2012.

The dialogue that we are proposing is inclusive, where we are all represented, and in an atmosphere of trust that only respect for the law and the practice of fundamental rights can guarantee. We condemn the “Fraud Change” and the false dialogue that excludes and discriminates against those who do not submit, tools that the regime seeks to impose to preserve absolute power and control of the resources belonging to all Cubans. We demand transparency for Cuba and call on Cubans one and all to claim and build this path of changes.

Liberation with the opposition diverse and united in the Camino del Pueblo (the Way of the People), promotes a plebiscite for the sovereign people to decide the changes. Only when citizens can choose their government in free and multiparty elections, can we talk about Cuba having inexorably begun real democratic changes. So today we demand, within the history of thousands of Cubans who propose legal initiatives through a referendum, a referendum to restore the sovereignty of the people

All Cubans, all brothers, and now freedom.

Coordinating Council, Christian Liberation Movement

September 8, 2013

Unfinished Business / Erick Mota

Artwork by El Sexto

Artwork by El Sexto

Nights in Old Havana are always loud. Each carrier rocket shakes the old rocks of the almost sunken buildings. The canals with black waters, which run across the archaic streets, light up with the gleam of oxygen and hydrogen in combustion. The water, mixed with petroleum from the old Soviet cargo boats, vibrates and flutters with every take-off. Like gigantic flares, the Protons-II rockets light up the old parts of the city with every departure. They bruise the sky of Autonomous Havana and disappear into the cosmos monopolized by the Russians.

Up there they have the space stations, the satellites with nuclear warheads, the servers for the Global Neural Network, the whole Russian way of life, as those balseros(i) in Florida say. Down here illegal immigrants sleep in the corridors at Almejeira hospital and work on the platforms in Underguater for four kopeks. All of them with the hope of getting into one of those rockets that will take them to the Romanenko station. Or any other. An entire life of sacrifice just to be like one of the Russians. Another tovarish.

But you know very well that that, more than a dream, is a fantasy. That the Russians never treat anyone like an equal. That you end up being another immigrant in another place. Another foreigner in a strange land.

You, too, became a victim of that fantasy. You lived in a city in chaos, after a hurricane sank everything and forced everybody to start shooting each other. You went up there and you never looked back.

Now the chaos is organized. There are abakuas(ii) pacifying Old Alamar, Santeros(iii) in Downtown, and Babalawos(iv) in Vedado. Investors of religious corporations in Miramar, and the FULHA that watches over the old fortress in La Cabaña. FULHA: The emergent force that tried to make use of the army, police, and government, but in the end it just ended up becoming another force fighting in the midst of anarchy. Nobody rules over Havana. There is no order in this city. But, at least, there’s less chaos.

And you came back. Not looking for order or chaos. You came back because you had no choice. Because there is no better place to be than home. And Havana, even if it’s Hell, is your home.

You came down in one of the last landing capsules left. You fell in Puertohabana Bay thanks to the good aim of your Russians tovarish. You were rescued by the Marine Cost Guard. Last time you heard anything about them, they were a FULHA special unit. Now, who knows.

The FMC speedboat zigzagged through the street of Old Sunken Havana until it arrived at the Cathedral. There, in the space station pier, they left you in the hands of some guys from Russian customs. They finished the papers and offered a boat to Underguater or Vedado. You said no.

You are now legal in Autonomous Havana. When you left, you were a mere Cuban citizen. Now, you have a Russian passport that allows you to enter and leave this city-State that you barely recognize anymore.

You look at the ocean, the sunken buildings, the layer of petroleum that moves in unison with the water.

‒Should I call you a cab, comrade?

‒A boatman that will take me to Sunken Cayo Hueso will be enough ‒you say while you give a ruble to the employee of the space station that rests over the old Cathedral‒, and don’t call me comrade. Please.

READ THE REST OF THIS STORY IN SAMPSONIA WAY MAGAZINE, HERE.

Translated by Karen González

The publication of this story is part of Sampsonia Way Magazine’s “CUBAN NEWRRATIVE: e-MERGING LITERATURE FROM GENERATION ZERO” project, in collaboration with Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo, and a collection of authors writing from Cuba. You can read this story in Spanish here, and other stories from the project, here.

Self-employment or Private Property / Osmar Laffita

HAVANA, Cuba, 30 August 2013, www.cubanet.org – Resolution No. 32 of 7 October 2010, issued by the Ministry of Work and Social Security, relaxed private work with the approval of 181 activities of self-employment.

According to the newspaper Juventud Rebelde, on 17 August of this year, at the end of July licenses has been issued by the National Tax Administration Office (ONAT) to 436,342 people.

In a year and a half there was an increase of 110,395 Cubans who established these private micro-enterprises or contracted as workers of these small businesses. The government has directed — in the official press and satellite organizations, like the unions — that what, in reality, is private activity with owners and employees, is to be called self-employment.

At the end of July, the private businesses with major expansions were the snack bars and restaurants, cars and trucks engaged in carrying passengers and merchandise, and the renting of rooms and houses. These businesses account for 29% of the total.

Wage earners working for private owners

Cuba already has an incipient sector of private micro-enterprises. Of the total licenses issued by ONAT, 18% are to contract workers. Of them, 68% did not previously work for the State. Now they work as wage-earners for owners of private businesses.

The greatest number of people with licenses for self-employment are concentrated in the provinces of Havana, Matanzas, Villa Clara, Camagüey and Santiago de Cuba, which account for 65% of the licenses awarded in the country.

In the capital, at the end of July 110,000 people were engaged in private activity. In the municipalities within the capital, the greatest number of licenses were in Central Havana, with 10,479; Playa, with 9,915; Plaza, which registered 9,724; and Rancho Boyeros, which reports 9,514.

Materials on the black market

The government has not guaranteed the opening of wholesale markets so that the proprietors of these small businesses and micro-enterprises can acquire inputs to make their activities less onerous. To be able to keep their businesses open and meet their excessive tax obligations, the self-employers have not other option than to acquire resources on the black market. This means that the prices at which they sell their products and services are not within reach for the majority of Cubans, whose salaries don’t exceed 20 dollars a month.

One element that has contributed to the capitalization, expansion and sustaining of private activity in Cuba has been the sending of family remittances from abroad. In the great majority of cases, they have made it possible for locals to cover the expenses of their businesses, buying inputs under the table, or on the hard currency stores — called “Stores for Collection of Hard Currency” (TRD) — at prices with a mark-up of 250% of the actual value.

Though the government doesn’t report it, at the end of last year the remittances from Cubans living abroad, principally in the United States, totaled 2.605 billion dollars.

If this amount is added to the value of others items sent — food, medicines, appliances, clothing, shoes and trinkets of all kinds — the figure would rise to 5.105 billion dollars.

Remittances exceed revenues from tourism

Last year, remittances to Cuba greatly exceeded the revenue from tourism (2.613 billion dollars), nickel (1.413 billion), and the sale of medicines (0.5 billion). Indeed, if the costs of each item were known, the difference might be significantly greater.

The Cuban leaders, although they remain silent, know that relaxing controls on private activity has exponentially fostered the sending of remittances. This money contributes to the financing and consolidation of private micro-enterprise in Cuba, which even with its limitations, and despite all the obstacles imposed by the State, today constitutes the only moderately successful element of the reforms.

About the Author

Osmar Laffita, Holguín, 1945. Merchant marine for 20 years. In 1991 he began working in tourism and did so until 1994. In 1993 he joined the Democratic Socialist Current, and in 2007 linked to the Democratic Solidarity Party. Since then he collaborates with Cubanet and Primavera de Cuba. e-mail: ramsertgandhii@yahoo.com

From Cubanet

29 August 2013

A “Tender” Call / Fernando Damaso

The ex-spy René, recycled as a hero by decree, in a sentimental address to the people of Cuba, in prime time on National Television made a call — authorized by his superiors, because here no one can make a call on their own — for people to wear yellow ribbons and to tie ribbons of the same color around trees, houses, cars, pets, etc. this coming 12th, as a demand for the release of his four brother ex-spies and also heroes, who are serving sentences in the United States.

The following day, delving into the topic in the Roundtable program, perhaps alerted that here, unlike there, there aren’t a lot of ribbons of any color, and those available can only be bought in CUCs (convertible pesos, i.e. hard currency), declared that it can be any object of this color: a button, T-shirt, skirt, scarf, and so on. In support of his proposal, he explained that it was a tradition of the American people to do this for their loved ones, far away for whatever reason, while awaiting their return.

It strikes me that here, where national traditions have not been and are not much respected, this gentleman intends to introduce a tradition, and one that is nothing less than that of our eternal enemy.

Seeing is believing!

It might have been interesting had this tradition — with song and all — been introduced when thousands of Cubans were fighting foreign wars in Latin American and Africa, while their worried relatives awaited their return home. Then, it would have been greeted with great spontaneous acceptance.

Now, with regards to the four spies, it really touches very few, although I can say without fear of being mistaken that this yellow day will dawn in Cuba, because the herd syndrome — used on multiple occasions — will work. The Party, the authorities and all the governmental organizations and institutions are already concerned with bringing about this new ideological task.

To do this, the directors and managers of companies will demand that their workers wear the ribbons, and the most diligent are already doing so, getting the fabric, cutting it into strips, and handing them out to everyone, in order not to fail. In the schools, the principals are demanding it of the teachers and they, in turn, of the students, indicating, perhaps, that without them no one will be admitted to class.

Although this national entertainment, organized to divert people’s attention from their real problems, will not have any effect on the American people, concerned about more serious and far-reaching issues, the saga of the five-less-one will serve the so-called groups of solidarity, organized and subsidized by the Cuban government around the world, and the occasional political clueless, to demonstrate against the empire.

It is simply more of the same!

6 September 2013

Urgent Call to the UN in Support of the Ladies in White and Other Defenders of Human Rights / Moises Leonardo Rodriguez

ARTEMISA, Cuba, 4 Septemver 2013, Moisés Leonardo/ www.cubanet.org.- An urgent call regarding the increase in violence against the Ladies in White and other defenders of human rights was presented today to the United Nations High Commission on Human Rights through its Office for Latin America and the Caribbean, through the organization Martí Current.

The two-page document, addressed to the High Commissioner Mrs. Navanethen Pillay, outlines the factual basis for the request as well as the history of the escalation of repression against those who just wanted to leave the country during the exodus of 1980 and only stopped after the institutionalized violence cost Cuban lives.

The appeal has as its basis “a wave of violence around the whole island against human rights defenders who act according to the basic principles required of them under the Resolution on Human Rights Defenders (Resolution 53/144 of the United Nations).

It then refers to the arrests, beatings and death threats made to the Ladies in White and other advocates in recent times by paramilitary and State Security agents as part of the escalation against them.

The experience of the great repression against those who only tried to leave the country in 1980 is mentioned briefly to justify the fear Cuban lives are one again at risk with the rise of repression in the country.

It then warns that “Only the timely intervention of the bodies responsible for ensuring respect for and observance of human rights in all countries can reverse the current situation on the island.”

After requesting the intervention of the international organization in the human rights crisis in the country, it states that “the indifference and inaction at this time is equivalent to tolerance for what contradicts, in fact and in law, the essence of United Nations Charter and international standards of human rights that must underlie and give meaning to the mission of your organization.”

As spokesman for the senders, the petition is signed by the Initial Developer of the Current Marti organization, Moisés Leonardo Rodríguez, and concludes by giving the contacts for an answer by the Office of the High Commissioner, which will be duly informed.

The call is available here in PDF (untranslated): LLAMAMIENTO URGENTE DAMAS DE BLANCO 2013

About the Author

Moisés Leonardo Rodríguez, born Havana, 1947. He was a professor at the Naval Academy and the Enrique José Varona Higher Pedagogical Institute, among other academic endeavors throughout his life. He started in the independent press at the Decorum Working Group agency, and is a director and founding member of the organization Current Marti. He is also part of the Association for Freedom of the Press. Email corrientemartiana2004@gmail.com

From Cubanet

4 September 2013

Who Keeps Ernesto Borges Prisoner? / Lilianne Ruiz

Ernesto and his Father
Ernesto and his father, Raul Borges Alvarez

I have lost my little scissors, the ones for cutting fingernails.  For a moment I thought the world had ended because here things are very well kept.  A lot has to change to find good scissors, especially with the characteristics of the ones I thought I had lost.

I was still talking with a friend on the phone about that matter and Ernesto’s call came. He is the son of Raul Borges Alvarez, a well-known political dissident.

Fifteen years ago he was imprisoned for political reasons. In 1998, being still a captain of counterintelligence and analyst in that department, he collected files with classified information about more than 20 baited agents prepared for international espionage, and he tried to get them to a US official based in Havana.

The story was more or less this: He threw the files into the garden, near the front door. With a pole he managed to ring the bell but the door never opened. He was detained for a few hours, taken to Villa Marista and advised that the penalty was death. But that broke up the Wasp Network and the fact is that Ernesto thinks that is why they did not shoot him.

Five years ago he should have been on parole according to the law. Because the prosecutor recognized the family on the day of the trial as being military  and having no criminal background, having been judged by a military tribunal, he would only complete a third of the 30 years to which they sentenced him.

But, although after two hunger strikes last year he received a visit from the Commission to examine his conditional release, he has received no answer. Until a few days ago he was called together with his father and brother to the office of the Combinado del Este prison, where he has spent recent years, and notified that his parole had to keep waiting.

Among the arguments given by the military of Section 21, known also as “confronting counterrevolution,” was that his father Raul Borges Alvarez attended Santa Rita in order to march near the Ladies in White, which is the Movement that most effectivtely works to make visible the situation of Cuban political prisoners, and that continued its “counterrevolutionary” activities. Because father Borges is president of a Christian democratic party.

The second argument brandished to refuse conditional release was that Ernesto Borges had carried out two hunger strikes.

Some few have achieved their liberation with that recourse of the hunger strike, others like Zapata Tamayo and Villar Mendoza (recently, because history has more examples) have died because they have let them die.

Ernesto ends the call reminding me of a quote from The Social Contract, by Rousseau, “When one man is above the law, the rights of others are in danger.” He also tells me that after the second hunger strike, last year, he received a visit from a general, Chief of jails and prisons, who told him that his case was not in his hands but at “the highest management level.” What do you think?

1378487046_ernesto-borges-perez-antes-de-19981
Ernesto Borges Perez before 1998

Translated by mlk

6 September 2013

The Party Hasn’t Died, It’s Rotted Alive / Jose Hugo Fernandez

party hasn't died 19342-fotografia-g-300x152HAVANA, Cuba , September, www.cubanet.org – Out of every ten members of the Communist Youth League, when they get to the age when they should become members of the Cuban Communist Party (CCP), or, on the contrary, become politically deactivated, only two are willing to maintain their membership; and of those two, only one ends up joining the ranks of the CCP. It’s an open secret racing through Havana these days. Meanwhile, other classified information, that also passes through the gossip chain, makes it clear that the Party is down to a conga step, whether by old age or the death of its members, or the numerous requests to step down for family reunification abroad, or simply because of disappointment.

At this rate, soon the regime’s chieftains will have to order their followers to take to the streets to collect aspiring communists, just as they now stockpile little cans of beer from the trash to recycle them for industry. They should also remodel that bubbly slogan according to which men die but the Party is immortal, because although it’s not dead yet (and it just may not die on time, the Party is rotting alive.

This is a double oxymoron, I know, because in some sense if can’t die because it was born dead, nor can it rot because it was born rotten. But the fact is that its old self-image as the revolutionary vanguard of the people has been hopelessly hurled over the precipice. And despite how much they try to hide their surprise, it is a well-known secret that the chieftains are losing the very few hairs remaining on their heads realizing the way in which the number of 800,000 Cuban communists (as per Raul Castro’s own declaration in April, 2011) keeps getting smaller day by day.

Sean Penn, who has proven to be as good an actor as he is a stupid idiot in politics, said recently that in free elections in Cuba the Communist Party would win eighty percent of the vote. As soon as we stop laughing, perhaps it’s worth clarifying that, judging by the good news we hear, not even eighty percent of the remaining members would now vote for their own party, even if they do represent an insignificant number.

What’s more, if before 1959 the Communist Party earned five percent of Cubans’ votes, that percentage seems an exaggeration this days. And at the rate it’s going, it will be one as well, even in the Party nuclei.

Not that the chieftains need a party to dominate Cuba. And much less so now, when the strength of having existed so much time virtually, it is passing from a solid to a gas. However, although it no longer has any influence among the population, it continues to serve as a mask to disguise their system of monarchical power, especially to their friends and accomplices abroad, like Sean Penn, socialists from the belly button down, who insist on seeing our dictatorship as a beacon, and the people as animals in the zoo, who are attractive only when viewed from afar and behind the bars.

Certainly it is a source of embarrassment when those who, from Hollywood, or from American universities, or from their sanctums in Europe or Latin American, or even from some prestigious international organizations like the United Nations, persist in giving credit to a tyrannical edict like that which orders us, through the fifth article of the Constitution of the Republic, to see: “The Communist Party of Cuba, following José Martí and Marxist-Leninist, the organized vanguard of the Cuban nation, is the highest governing force of or our society and of the State…”

Are they really ignorant, these gentlemen, of the historic and deeply rooted lack of influence of the Party among our ordinary people? Not now, not even in what we could call its better times. Meanwhile, the more its membership expanded, the less effective and influential it was. The more it is promoted by propaganda as the vanguard of the masses, the less able it has been to attract by its virtues and examples. What the Communists here should be to the leaders of the Revolution, with regards to popular recognition and assimilation (not acclamation), has had to be paid with a fictitious existence as a political party while serving as a repressive instrument of power, more antagonistic as it becomes more omnipresent. Don’t Sean Penn and his gang know this?

Are they also unaware that always, but particularly so today, the ideas, the plans, the dogmas of the Communist Party represent the most orthodox and backward, schematic, rigid, intolerant, incontestable, sectarian, the most obsolete of our contemporary history? Do they not also know that, for most Cubans it does not and never has represented real power, but rather nothing more than the uselessness and long and tedious harangues with no substance?

I speak, of course, of the Party as an institution, as well as its representatives in government, which have little to do with much of the rank and file, usually unaware of the works of Marx, Engels, Lenin… simple ideologized game pieces, who acted and act from inertia, following orders from above, and apparently only just now, in a rush, perhaps, to reclaim their guts, having begun to think with their own heads.

From Cubanet

About the author

jhfernandez.thumbnailJosé Hugo Fernández is the author, among other works, of the novels El clan de los suicidas, Los crímenes de Aurika, Las mariposas no aletean los sábados and Parábola de Belén con los Pastores, as well as the story collections La isla de los mirlos negros and Yo que fui tranvía del deseo, and the book of chronicles Siluetas contra el muro. He lives in Havana where he has worked as an independent journalist since 1993.

4 September 2013

A Day’s Salary is Spent in Two Trips / Veizant Boloy

LA HABANA, Cuba, September, www.cubanet.org — With the 2013-2014 school year beginning, Havana’s public transport crisis is hard to overlook. Bus stops are already crowded with waiting passengers and the situation could become even worse in the coming weeks as students begin making increasing use of public transportation.

“After 2007, when the articulated buses came into service, the situation got a little better. Waiting time between buses was reduced to less than twenty minutes,” says Teresa, a route inspector in the Havana neighborhood Tenth of October. “But stops were still crowded and delays were longer than scheduled.”

On the Roundtable television show last July experts claimed the problem stemmed from the critical economic situation, which has led to almost half the buses serving the Cuban capital being idled.

Granma, the official newspaper of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, reported that at the last meeting of the Council of Ministers it was acknowledged that among the reasons fewer buses are in service are antiquated technology a shortage of spare parts, acts of vandalism and poor conditions in maintenance facilities and roadways.

The Havana Provincial Transport Agency announced that it will take steps to alleviate the situation. It has promised to reinforce inner-city public transportation along some routes in the capital. It is now providing the public with the well-known Russian-made “Giron” buses, which have survived three decades of marked decline in this sector. They will take the place of articulated and single-carriage buses made by the Chinese manufacturer Yutong.

Opinions indicate that transport workers and the average Cuban believe the island’s transportation system would benefit from a continued expansion of cooperatives beyond agricultural and into the urban transport sector. This includes cooperatives which would lease vehicles from the state as well as those that would offer technical assistance and vehicle repair services.

Guaguas* for five pesos

Examples of similar cooperatives are the so-called taxis ruteros. They offer more comfortable travel — some are even air-conditioned — for five pesos a ride.

Carlos, a laborer who works far from home, confesses, “I can’t afford this luxury. I have to make do with the one peso guagua. I make 315 pesos a month and, since I have to catch three guaguas to get to work, I have to watch what I spend.”

People like Carlos, who make barely ten pesos a day, cannot rely on the public transport system. If they want to avoid having what little they earn docked, they must get to work on time, which means leaving home up to three hours in advance.

In Cuba, public transport is a vital component in gauging the success of the “updating of the economic model” called for in the economic policy guidelines. This sector is almost completely funded through the state budget. This is the reason so many people blame the Cuban state for not meeting demand.

veizant@gmail.com

From Cubanet

September 3, 2013

Translator’s note: Pronounced wah-wah; Cuban slang for bus.