The ceremony, organized by Pasos de Cambio, brought together Cubans from cities across Spain and the rest of Europe in support of the Cuban opposition’s democratic transition roadmap.
MADRID, SPAIN — The Pasos de Cambio coalition held a signing ceremony in Madrid this Sunday for the historic Freedom Accord, with Cuban organizations from cities across Italy, the Netherlands, Germany, France, Switzerland and Spain. The Accord was originally signed on March 2, 2026 in Miami by the two largest coalitions and forces of the Cuban opposition from inside the island and in exile.
The Accord was presented by Rosa María Payá, founder of Cuba Decide and coordinator of Pasos de Cambio; Brian Infante, representative of the Partido del Pueblo; Víctor Dueñas, Director of the NewGeneration Foundation; and Rocío Monasterio, for the first time as a member of the advisory board of the Fundación para la Democracia Panamericana.
Esperanza Aguirre, former President of the Community of Madrid and former President of the Senate of Spain, participated as a guest at the ceremony and shared her experience of solidarity with the cause of Cuba’s freedom from Spain.
Rosa María Payá stated at the close of the event:
“A moving gathering today in Madrid for the signing of the historic continue reading
Freedom Accord by Cuban organizations in Europe. Thank you to all Pasos de Cambio participants who traveled from cities across Spain and Europe to support with their presence and commitment our unity in favor of Cuba’s freedom. We are determined to work together for a free and democratic Cuba. The republic that will be home to all Cubans.”
Rocío Monasterio, who signed the Freedom Accord at the Madrid ceremony, declared:
“The Freedom Accord that we have signed today in Madrid is the path to freedom for all Cubans. It is of the utmost importance because of the role played by the unity of all opposition groups, and the unity of all Cubans — because all Cubans are now part of the opposition.”
The Freedom Accord establishes a three-phase democratic transition roadmap — Liberation; Stabilization and Reconstruction; and Democratization — culminating in Cuba’s first free, fair and multiparty elections in more than seventy years. It provides for a provisional transitional government with a limited mandate, the immediate release of all political prisoners, the restoration of fundamental freedoms, and the creation of nine specialized working commissions covering the principal areas of national life.
The Madrid ceremony takes place at a moment of historic acceleration for the Cuban cause: amid unceasing civic protests in Cuba, days after the United States government announced the indictment of Raúl Castro, and following the recent visit of Pasos de Cambio representatives to the European Parliament, where Members from across the political spectrum called for the suspension of the Political Dialogue and Cooperation Agreement (PDCA) between the European Union and the Cuban regime.
The Madrid signing represents a concrete step in broadening and building the unity of Cuba’s democratic forces, and consolidates the Freedom Accord as a transition framework recognized on both sides of the Atlantic.
Pasos de Cambio is a platform of Cuban organizations, from inside the island and in exile, signatories of the Agreement for Democracy, which serves as a space to coordinate actions aimed at promoting a peaceful transition to democracy in Cuba.
By Julio M. Shiling | May 22, 2026 | This coming Monday, May 25, 2026, marks the 54 th anniversary of the death of Pedro Luis Boitel, a courageous Cuban patriot and emblematic victim of the Castro regime’s brutal political prison system. Boitel died on May 25, 1972, after enduring 53 days on a hunger strike. He had launched the protest to denounce the inhumane treatment of political prisoners and the regime’s arbitrary extension of his sentence. Despite his critical condition, authorities failed to provide adequate medical care when he was moved to the prison infirmary.
Boitel’s death was entirely preventable. The Castro-Communist regime chose to let him perish. His sacrifice remains a powerful symbol of the thousands of Cubans who have suffered torture, dehumanization, and extrajudicial killing under more than six decades of communist rule. Boitel’s story continues to expose the systematic cruelty that defined Cuba’s prisons and the regime’s ruthless suppression of dissent. A horrific fact that remains true to this day.
Last Wednesday, May 20—Cuba’s Independence Day—an important development occurred when dictator Raúl Castro was formally indicted for the 1996 murder of four humanitarian pilots and crew members of Brothers to the Rescue: Carlos Costa, Armando Alejandre Jr., Mario de la Peña, and Pablo Morales. The two civilian aircrafts were shot down in international waters while on a mission to aid Cuban rafters fleeing the island. This indictment, though long overdue, serves as a timely reminder that even the most powerful figures of the regime are not beyond the reach of justice. Time does not contain its exercise when the crime is of this proportion.
Raúl Castro’s advanced age should evoke no pity. The soul knows no calendar. At 94, he remains the same man, with the same soul. In 1959, for example, he ordered the Massacre of San Juan Hill, one of the most notorious mass executions in modern Latin American history, where 71 individuals were mercilessly shot without any due process. Hundreds of summary executions received his continue reading
endorsement. The system that he, along with his older brother, concocted oversaw the killing, torture, and dehumanization of thousands of Cubans. In the Latin American context, by way of their Marxist revolution export business, the victims list grows to the hundreds of thousands. Raúl Castro’s physical body may be decaying, but the malicious soul that drove those crimes has never changed.
As we remember and honor Pedro Luis Boitel this Monday, the recent indictment against Raúl Castro stands as a fitting prelude. It reinforces a vital truth. Justice may be delayed for decades, but it must not be ignored. Boitel was killed 54 years ago. The Brothers to the Rescue volunteers were murdered 30 years ago. In both cases, the perpetrators bear full responsibility. These anniversaries remind us that heinous crimes against humanity carry no statute of limitations.
The convergence of these two dates carries deep significance for the Cuban people. As the prospect of a free and democratic Cuba grows stronger, the nation must consciously embrace the imperative of justice. A future democratic government—or any transitional authority, even if temporarily operated by the United States—should place comprehensive transitional justice at the very cornerstone of its mission. This includes truth-seeking, accountability for the killers and torturers, reparations for victims and their families, and the moral restoration of a nation long scarred by repression.
The memory of Pedro Luis Boitel demands nothing less. His death was not in vain if it continues to inspire the pursuit of justice for all who suffered under the Castro regime. The indictment of Raúl Castro should be celebrated not merely as a legal action but as a powerful signal that the long era of impunity is coming to an end. Cubans both on the island and in exile must internalize this message. Justice is not optional. It is essential for genuine national reconciliation and the construction of a truly free society. Let us properly honor Boitel by committing ourselves to the idea that no crime this monstrous can remain forever unpunished. Justice delayed for more than half a century is still justice. This is the case, even if it is long overdue.
🖋️Author Julio M. Shiling Julio M. Shiling is a political scientist, writer, columnist, lecturer, media commentator, and director of Patria de Martí and The CubanAmerican Voice. He holds a master’s degree in Political Science from Florida International University (FIU) in Miami, Florida. He is a member of The American Political Science Association, The PEN Club (Cuban Writers in Exile Chapter) and the Academy of Cuban History in Exile.
May 1, 2026, exposed two radically opposing political realities unfolding ninety miles apart. In Havana, the Cuban communist dictatorship attempted to stage its annual revolutionary spectacle amid visible fear, militarization, and growing insecurity. In Washington, the United States escalated its confrontation with the Castro-Communist regime through a sweeping executive order targeting the financial, political, and repressive architecture sustaining the dictatorship. The contrast was striking: one government desperately trying to manufacture the illusion of monolithic support; the other formally declaring the Cuban regime a continuing threat to U.S. national security and democratic values.
In Havana, the regime had originally planned a massive May Day mobilization at the Plaza Cívica — the monumental square later renamed Plaza de la Revolución after Fidel Castro consolidated communist rule. Historically, the plaza has served as the dictatorship’s preferred stage for choreographed demonstrations of revolutionary unity, giant propaganda rallies, and displays of ideological obedience. But this year, the regime abruptly relocated the main event to the so-called “Anti-Imperialist Tribune” in front of the U.S. Embassy. The explanation offered by state propaganda was predictable revolutionary theater. The real reasons were far more revealing..
The dictatorship feared poor turnout, despite available mass mobilization mechanisms. It feared images of half-empty plazas circulating across social media and independent outlets. More importantly, it feared the possibility of social unrest and spontaneous protest, particularly after the trauma inflicted on Cuban communism by the July 11, 2021, popular uprising. Thousands of Cubans across the island openly challenged communist rule in the largest anti-government demonstrations in decades. The memory of those protests continues to terrify the ruling elite because they shattered the regime’s carefully cultivated myth of universal revolutionary loyalty.
Security concerns also weighed heavily on the regime’s calculations. The appearance of the visibly frail and decomposing tyrant Raúl Castro beside dictator Miguel Díaz-Canel transformed the event into less a celebration than a display of dictatorial continuity under siege. Castroism’s rhetoric continue reading
was openly defiant and militant, sounding increasingly similar to the revolutionary absolutism and anti-Western hostility associated with the Iranian ayatollah regime, one of Havana’s closest ideological and geopolitical partners. This was not a workers’ celebration. It was a regime fortification exercise.
The communist dictatorship explicitly organized the May Day mobilization within the framework of the newly declared “Year of Defense Preparedness” for 2026. The Castroist regime has announced weekly military exercises, civil defense operations, and plans approved by the National Defense Council for a transition to a wartime footing in the event of conflict or internal instability. The atmosphere surrounding the parade reflected precisely that mentality. It is a state preparing not for prosperity or reform, but for confrontation and survival.
Military personnel, Ministry of the Interior (MININT) officers, intelligence agents, rapid- response brigades, and uniformed security forces maintained a heavy presence throughout the event. The symbolism was unmistakable. The regime increasingly governs Cuba, not as a confident political system, but as an entrenched security apparatus managing a population it fundamentally distrusts. The omnipresent deployment of coercive forces transformed what the dictatorship claimed was a celebration of workers into a demonstration of state intimidation and internal control. Rather than projecting revolutionary vitality, the spectacle exposed a government whose primary political instinct is surveillance, containment, and preparedness against its citizenry.
At the same time, the dictatorship attempted to manufacture legitimacy through mass political coercion. Havana triumphantly announced that more than 6.2 million signatures had been collected for the “Mi Firma por la Patria” (“My Signature for the Homeland”) campaign, a regime-driven initiative supposedly demonstrating national support for Cuban “sovereignty” and resistance to foreign pressure. In a totalitarian system, signatures gathered through workplaces, schools, party committees, unions controlled by the state, neighborhood surveillance networks, and government institutions cannot meaningfully be interpreted as free political expression. Participation in such campaigns is inseparable from intimidation, social pressure, and fear of retaliation. In Cuba, refusing to cooperate with state mobilizations can carry consequences ranging from professional marginalization to harassment, interrogation, or loss of opportunities controlled by the state.
The regime intended to project strength. Instead, it revealed insecurity. While Havana staged ideological rituals and militarized pageantry, Washington moved decisively in the opposite direction. On May 1, President Donald J. Trump signed an executive order titled Imposing Sanctions on Those Responsible for Repression in Cuba and Threats to U.S. National Security and Foreign Policy. The order represents another comprehensive sanction charter directed at the Cuban regime. It significantly expands the legal, financial, and diplomatic pressure against Castro-Communism.
The executive order declares that the actions and policies of the Castro government continue to constitute an “unusual and extraordinary threat” to U.S. national security and foreign policy. It further states that the regime’s conduct is “repugnant to the moral and political values of free and democratic societies.” The sanctions provisions are sweeping in scope. Under Section 2, the United States can block all property and interests in property under U.S. jurisdiction belonging to foreign individuals or entities operating in strategic sectors of the Cuban economy, including defense, energy, mining, metals, financial services, and security. The order specifically targets not only officials of the Castro government but also individuals and entities acting on behalf of the regime, those materially assisting it, and those providing financial, technological, or logistical support.
The order further authorizes sanctions against persons complicit in serious human rights abuses or corruption connected to communist Cuba, including expropriation of private assets, misappropriation of public resources, bribery, and political profiteering by regime officials. Even adult family members of sanctioned individuals may be designated. The message is unmistakable: the United States intends to target not merely isolated actors, but the broader ecosystem sustaining the dictatorship. By extending liability beyond formal state officials to financial enablers, intermediaries, and beneficiaries of regime corruption, the order seeks to penetrate the patronage networks that have long insulated Cuba’s ruling elite from meaningful accountability.
The executive order also dramatically raises pressure on international financial institutions. Foreign banks facilitating significant transactions for sanctioned Cuban individuals or entities may themselves face severe penalties, including restrictions on correspondent banking access in the United States or the blocking of assets under U.S. jurisdiction. These secondary sanctions substantially increase the financial risks associated with doing business with the Cuban regime. In practical terms, the measures are designed to further isolate Havana from global financial networks and deter foreign actors from serving as economic lifelines for the dictatorship.
Additionally, the order imposes a travel ban on foreign nationals tied to sanctionable activities connected to the Cuban government, suspending unrestricted immigrant and nonimmigrant entry into the United States for designated individuals. It also prohibits transactions designed to evade sanctions and authorizes aggressive enforcement under existing emergency powers legislation. The inclusion of immigration restrictions underscores that participation in repression and corruption in Cuba may now carry not only financial consequences, but also personal and diplomatic isolation from the United States.
Thus, May Day 2026 became far more than a symbolic holiday. In Havana, the regime attempted to choreograph revolutionary permanence through coercion, militarization, and ideological spectacle. It visibly displayed a deep-rooted fear of its population. In Washington, the United States formally intensified its economic and diplomatic campaign against the structures of Castro-Communist repression. Two cities, two systems, and two entirely different conceptions of political legitimacy.
One clings to power through surveillance, compulsory mobilization, and security-state control. The other increasingly signals that the Cuban dictatorship’s repression, corruption, and destabilizing conduct will face mounting consequences. The juxtaposition of Havana’s militarized choreography and Washington’s expanding sanctions policy underscored the growing collision between a system struggling to preserve totalitarian permanence and an American political environment becoming progressively less willing to tolerate or normalize its existence. Havana’s pathetic May Day spectacle revealed their inability to effectively orchestrate anything convincing. It also underscored their pathological refusal to negotiate themselves out of power. The U.S. must now seize the moment and take its legitimate national security concerns to another level.
Russian oil barrels are giving the capital a respite that will be short-lived according to the Cuban government’s own data.
“Looks like they’ve been given a shot of fuel,” commented a passenger as he watched two buses pass by one after the other. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, April 22, 2026 – “Today at four in the morning I went up to the rooftop and was impressed. It had been a long time since I’d seen all of Havana lit up without dark patches everywhere,” a resident of Nuevo Vedado, whose building offers a view of much of the city, told this newspaper. The image, almost absent from the capital in recent months, sums up what happened this Wednesday. For a brief stretch in the early morning, Havana was almost completely illuminated again, and at dawn, several buses reappeared on the main avenues.
The national electrical grid managed to meet demand between 4:12 and 5:07 a.m., according to a press release from the National Electric Union (UNE). This 55-minute period without outages was a brief respite in a day marked by frequent blackouts. The UNE’s daily reports, published by Cubadebate, also indicate that such a window of uninterrupted power had not occurred since February 8th.
The change was noticeable on the streets before dawn. “I’ve seen some buses on the streets today, which haven’t been seen for a long time,” said a Havana resident who left her house early in the Cerro municipality. Another woman, at a bus stop on Diez de Octubre Avenue, summed up the scene with a mixture of astonishment and sarcasm: “There are buses on the streets today, what a miracle.”
The image of the return of electricity and buses coincided with a campaign launched by several pro-government accounts on social media the previous night. The most visible example was that of Vice Foreign Minister Josefina Vidal, who shared a post with the idea that “a fuel ship arrives in Cuba and the lights come back on,” echoing a message disseminated earlier, in Portuguese, by Mídia Ninja, a Brazilian alternative media network with an activist profile. Photos of a lit-up Havana and texts about the supposed energy relief circulated as proof of a visible improvement, at least for a few hours, in the capital. continue reading
“There are also people at the bus stops, which had been empty for a long time.” / 14ymedio
Off-screen, the perception was far less dramatic. “Looks like they’ve been given a shot of fuel,” commented one passenger upon seeing two buses pass by one after the other on a route where none had appeared in recent weeks. It wasn’t just the presence of the vehicles that was striking. “There are also people at the bus stops, which had been empty for a long time,” he added. During the worst days of the shortage, many of those corners had been practically deserted.
Since the weekend, the state press has been presenting the arrival of the Russian-donated oil shipment in Cuba as a turning point. The Russian vessel Anatoly Kolodkin arrived in Matanzas on March 31 with 100,000 tons of crude oil, equivalent to about 730,000 barrels. This fuel was processed at the Cienfuegos refinery because the Havana refinery is not operational, and according to the official version, gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and liquefied gas are already being produced and distributed from this refined product.
The authorities maintain that processing took between 12 and 15 days and that the distribution of refined products to consumption centers is being carried out in stages. These products, the government insists, will help sustain some electricity generation, transportation, and economic activity. According to this official account, diesel and fuel oil will power generating plants, while gasoline and other fuels will help move cargo, passengers, and services.
On April 18, the State newspaper Granma reported that these fuel derivatives were already being distributed throughout the country and were beginning to reduce disruptions to the electrical service. The same article added that the available fuel, although limited, would also be used for transportation and to support the economy. This is essentially the explanation that state media have used in recent days to accompany the image of a brighter capital with more buses on the road. Outside of Havana, however, the situation is far from similar, and in much of the country, blackouts continue with the same frequency, while any relief is barely noticeable.
The total amount of derivatives obtained would cover “around a third of the national demand for a month”
However, the National Electric Union’s own report qualifies the extent of the improvement. The agency reported that on Tuesday there were outages throughout the 24-hour period, reaching a maximum of 1,384 megawatts. For the evening of April 22, the forecast still predicted a deficit exceeding 1,100 megawatts. The early morning without a blackout, therefore, did not represent a return to normalcy for the system, but rather a brief respite in the midst of a crisis that remains far from over.
Even so, the government has insisted on presenting the arrival of Russian crude as a substantial relief. According to official statements reported by Cubadebate, the total amount of refined products obtained would cover “around a third of national demand for a month.” This phrase, repeated optimistically by officials, state media, and affiliated social media accounts, has become a central tenet of the official narrative in recent days.
In Havana, that discourse found a concrete, albeit brief, translation into daily life this Wednesday. In a city where blackouts and lack of transportation have become part of the landscape, 55 minutes without shortages and a few buses returning to the avenues were enough for many to believe, for a moment, that normalcy had returned to the capital.
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This video is under two minutes long. Originally posted in 2012, we reposted it in 2014 given what was happening in Venezuela. It seems even more prescient now, in 2019, so here it is again… and… now in 2025… here it is AGAIN and AGAIN and AGAIN!….
…in 2026
The subtitles appear to have stopped working. Here are the lyrics:
IMPORTED BLACKOUTS – An original song by Ciro Diaz
Ohhh…. Fucking up a little island is nothing
Anyone can fuck up a little island
With few natural resources it was easy, to drown it in misery
But Fidel Castro loves the hardest efforts
That’s why he made friends with Chavez
To see if he could fuck up Venezuela
It looked like it would be hard
Because every time they dug a hole
They found every imaginable mineral
And the oil never stopped gushing
Only a president truly idiotic
Would allow his plans to embrace
The foolish ideas of Fidel and Cuban counter-intelligence.
And just like that ten years later, the job seems to be completed
Venezuela now has blackouts, blackouts imported from Havana
Venezuela now has blackouts, our experience was useless to them
Venezuela now has blackouts, blackouts imported from Havana
Venezuela now has blackouts, if they don’t hurry they will be left with nothing.
Refuting Cuba’s National Television News: Facebook Post by Alberto Arufe Rodriguez. Friday, November 21, 2025.
Proclaimed by the people of Cuba in response to the regime’s inaction and negligence. The Cuban Nation, in exercise of its popular sovereignty and in defense of the fundamental right to LIFE and HEALTH, formally declares a National Health Emergency in light of the serious epidemiological crisis facing the country and the current regime’s manifest inability to respond effectively, transparently, and humanely to the ongoing catastrophe.
I. Considerations
1. That the Cuban people are facing an unprecedented health crisis, with the simultaneous spread of arboviruses such as dengue, zika, chikungunya, and oropuche, among others, affecting millions of citizens throughout the country, including children, the elderly, and pregnant women.
2. That hospitals and health centers are overwhelmed, unable to receive new patients, and that medical personnel are working in inhumane conditions, without basic supplies, diagnostic reagents, essential medicines, drinking water, or a stable electricity supply.
3. That the epidemiological surveillance system has completely collapsed, as laboratory tests and clinical confirmations cannot be carried out, and that the health authorities are deliberately concealing the magnitude continue reading
of the outbreak to avoid international recognition of the crisis.
4. That the regime’s refusal to declare an official health emergency prevents the arrival of international aid, humanitarian donations, hospital supplies, specialized personnel, and logistical support from multilateral organizations and NGOs, blocking all avenues of assistance to the people.
5. That the government prioritizes tourism and the economic interests of military conglomerates such as GAESA—which controls more than $18 billion in assets—over public health, concealing the health disaster so as not to affect the income of the hotel sector or the privileges of the ruling elite.
6. That the Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, although distorted in its democratic spirit, recognizes the right to life, dignity, and health of all citizens, rights that are currently being violated in a massive and systematic manner.
7. That the international community, in accordance with the principles of the Charter of the United Nations, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, and the International Health Regulations (2005), has a moral duty to intervene humanitarily when a State demonstrates its inability or unwillingness to protect its population in the face of a health emergency.
II. Declaration: Therefore, the people of Cuba, in their sovereign and inalienable right, proclaim a NATIONAL HEALTH EMERGENCY, in order to:
1. Highlight the magnitude of the epidemiological crisis and break through the information blockade imposed by the regime.
2. Call for immediate assistance from the international community, health organizations, and supportive governments.3. Protect the lives and health of Cuban citizens in the face of the criminal inaction of the state apparatus.
4. Demand the immediate opening of humanitarian corridors to allow the free entry of medicines, medical equipment, drinking water, specialized personnel, and technical assistance.
5. Request that the United Nations, the World Health Organization, the Pan American Health Organization, the International Red Cross, and independent medical organizations officially recognize the Cuban health situation as a public health emergency of international concern.
6.Urge democratic governments and international financial institutions to enable emergency assistance and loan programs administered directly by humanitarian agencies, without the mediation of the regime.
7. Call on the Cuban medical corps, both inside and outside the island, to organize solidarity networks for care, information, and supplies for the benefit of the people.
III. Moral and humanitarian justification
Health is a human right, not a concession of power. When a government turns illness into censorship, misery into silence, and death into statistics, it ceases to represent the people. Therefore, this declaration is not a partisan political act, but an act of love, life, and national dignity.
The Cuban people cannot continue to die of fever, pain, and neglect while those in power protect their hotels, their banks, and their propaganda.
This proclamation is based on a universal principle: “Where the state abandons the citizen, the citizen has a duty to raise his voice for their life and the lives of others.”
IV. Immediate demands
1. International recognition of the Cuban health emergency by the WHO, PAHO, and UN.
2. Urgent creation of an international humanitarian medical mission to assist the civilian population.
3. Guarantee of free access to health care without political conditions.
4. Transparency in epidemiological information, with the participation of independent doctors.
5. Temporary suspension of trade or financial restrictions that impede the flow of health resources to the island.
6. Protection for journalists, doctors, and citizens who report on the real health situation.
V. Final appeal
The people of Cuba proclaim this emergency on behalf of the sick who have no hospital,
– the doctors who work without syringes,
– the children who sleep with fever without diagnosis or antipyretics,
– the mothers who pray for their families,
– and the elderly who cannot even access painkillers.
We urgently call on the free nations of the world, on people of solidarity, on humanitarian organizations, and on Cubans in the diaspora to join forces and save lives.
We are not asking for political intervention, we are asking for humanitarian intervention, based on the principles of international law and the universal defense of life.
Cuba does not need speeches, it needs help. Cuba is not asking for charity, it is demanding assistance. The people cannot wait any longer.
Proclaimed in the name of the people of Cuba, for life, truth, and national dignity.
Share this message through all possible channels so that it reaches as many people, institutions, organizations, and governments around the world as possible. Do it for Cuba.
Do it for Cubans. If you can’t do anything, just spread the word.
#CubaEstadoFallido #SOSCuba
Spain, the current tournament champion, has seven Cuban players among its ranks
Ernesto Martínez Jr. joins the roster of France (Facebook)
14ymedio, Havana, September 22, 2025 —
The European Baseball Championship, which began last Saturday in Italy, Belgium and the Netherlands, has a strong presence of Cuban players. Ten players born on the island represent four different teams, including Spain, the current champion of the event, whose roster is more than 50% Cuban.
The Spanish team, which won 15-0 against Sweden last Saturday, has seven players in its ranks: catcher Omar Hernández, outfielders Frank Hernández and Félix Stevens, and pitchers Pablo Luis Guillén, Carlos Sierra, Royd Hernández and Rubén Menes. In addition, there is William Escala, born in Miami but with a Cuban father. Also, on the coaching team is Néstor Pérez Jr. from Matanzas, who played seven seasons in the minor leagues with Tampa Bay.
Spain, which seeks to defend the title won two years ago in the Czech Republic, lost its second game 9-1 this Sunday, precisely against the Czechs. William Escala, whose father is Cuban, played in this game. In Spain’s last game this Monday, they won 2-1 against Germany and are waiting to know their future, once all the games have concluded. continue reading
Noel González is on the Italian team, which began with a resounding 18-0 victory against Switzerland
Noel González, from Holguín, is on the Italian team, which began with a resounding 18-0 victory against Switzerland; he will play his second European tournament with them. After finishing ninth in the disputed edition two years ago, the Italians intend to return to the podium, something they have not achieved since 2021, which is an outstanding debt for the second team to win more times in the history of the competition with 10 championships, only behind the Netherlands, which has 24.
Another Holguín player will be part of the contest, but with the colors of France. Ernesto Martínez Jr. leads the roster and will have his second participation in a European tournament with that team. In the past, in the Czech Republic, he hit .286, with a home run and three RBIs. He is also the only player of his team with a contract in the major leagues, since the rest of the players are part of teams from the Netherlands, Italy and France.
Finally, Raxon Martínez Miranda from Pinar del Río is playing with Belgium and experiencing his first international event with that country. He was not in his team’s debut on Saturday, which lost 16-8 to Austria, although he played on Sunday against Hungary (19-9 victory) and is playing this Monday against Croatia (game in progress).
Raxon Martínez Miranda, from Pinar del Río, is playing with Belgium, experiencing his first international event with that country
Raxon left Cuba after marrying a Belgian citizen about five years ago. He has played for Belgium in the first division of baseball in the 2022 to 2025 seasons (in the first three championships with the club Brasschaat Braves and in the last one with Deurne Spartans). The 29-year-old pitcher played in Cuba’s U23 National Championship in the 2019 sixth edition and had 60 turns at bat; he scored 10, with 11 hits, two triples and four RBIs.
If Spain manages to win, it would be the third European Baseball Championship in their showcase. For this edition, the tournament — which opened in 1954 — has the participation of 16 countries. The final round will be played from September 25 to 27 in Rotterdam. The semi-finals are scheduled for Friday, September 26, followed by the bronze medal match and the final next Saturday.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
Thousands of Cuban refugees passed through this Miami building, which is now being reopened as a museum of the exodus.
The Freedom Tower, located on Biscayne Boulevard in Miami. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, María Casas, Miami, 21 September 2035 — A food delivery robot passes by the imposing facade. Around it, skyscrapers and cranes dominate the landscape. Much has changed in Miami since 1925 when the building that houses the Freedom Tower was completed, a structure that opened its doors to thousands of Cuban refugees and is now reopening as a museum commemorating an exodus that has continued unabated for six decades.
Zenaida and Manuel arrived this Saturday afternoon at the gate through which, without having met yet, they had passed as children. The news of the reopening of the Freedom Tower last week reached the ears of these two septuagenarians and, wearing a white dress for her and an impeccably ironed shirt for him, they decided to return to the place where “they gave me the first hug when I arrived here,” Zenaida tells 14ymedio. “They handed out bags of powdered milk that were a blessing,” Manuel adds.
Located on Biscayne Boulevard, the Freedom Tower underwent a profound renovation that took two-years and cost $25 million. The project included significant structural repairs but, above all, a redesign of its collections, adding extensive audiovisual material, voices, testimonies, and the ability to interact with some of the exhibits, creating a museum tailored to each visitor.
With a deep sigh, Zenaida and Manuel begin their tour. About twenty people have gathered for a guided tour, which will end with a tasty cortadito or a glass of champagne, according to their taste. In October, the tower will reopen to regular visitors, but for now, these groups, who tour its spacious halls, enjoy a more intimate and serene experience.
The project included significant structural repairs but, above all, a redesign of its collections, including the addition of extensive audiovisual material. / 14ymedio
Closed since 2023 and declared a National Historic Landmark 15 years earlier, the building retains many of the architectural elements from its original function as the headquarters and printing plant of The Miami News. Most visitors this Saturday opt for the stairs instead of the elevator and end up in a vast hall with columns and large windows. Zenaida and Manuel clasp hands; the place is familiar but much changed.
“I was very little, but I remember my mother was very distressed,” recalls the native of Manzanillo who came to the United States in 1965. Meanwhile, the guide shows several replicas of the tower placed throughout the room, which function as information stations with videos and holograms that review the most important moments of the building. “They helped my aunt fix a tooth here,” adds Zenaida.
The group is diverse. There are a couple of tourists who look like they’ve just stepped off one of the cruise ships that arrive weekly at the port of Miami, several Americans, and many Cubans, most of them over 65. The city Manuel arrived at in 1963 “wasn’t like anything here; it’s another world,” reflects the exile from Luyanó, Havana. There are also some refugees who have joined the tour with their children, who have probably never set foot on the island and whose primary language is English.
“Look, look, she looks like your grandmother,” says a woman dressed in green, accompanied by a teenager who looks up from his phone to look at one of the photos. In the image, a very thin woman with a sad expression stares directly into the lens. The young man responds with a brief “OK” and returns to a TikTok video. The group moves to another room with books full of illustrations about Florida, its original inhabitants, and the multiple cultures that have shaped the Miami that many today call the City of the Sun or the capital of Latin America.
On one of the walls, a text clarifies that to be at a “crossroads” is to find oneself at a “connective node that acts as a meeting point.” This is what the city has become, a place that in official Cuban propaganda continues to be the target of the most virulent adjectives and the most irate accusations. The island in flight has nurtured and shaped a city where all kinds of accents are now heard, and where people eat yuca with mojo sauce and arepas, fried plantains, and tacos.
“We were going to have all this in Havana,” the woman dressed in green reiterates, trying to draw the teenager away from the screen. Through the window, a huge skyscraper occupies a large part of the landscape. The guide quickens her pace and enters another room with a large screen showing a video of faces and testimonies from exile. The past in black and white, the present in color.
The group is diverse. There are a couple of tourists who look like they’ve just gotten off one of the cruise ships that arrive weekly at the port of Miami, several Americans, and many Cubans. / 14ymedio
Objects pile up in the following rooms. There are suitcases, bags, travel documents, children’s clothes, and a doll, as well as photographs of balseros, rafters. Dozens of Cubans crowded onto a flimsy boat, and others perched on a truck converted into a vessel. Also visible are shirts, a wedding dress, books, and a fan. These were the few belongings the exiles were able to take with them. Most arrived with only the clothes on their backs.
“They took everything from my father: the apartment building he rented, the pharmacy, and the cars,” Manuel tells this newspaper. “My mother even had to leave her wedding ring behind because at the Havana airport they told her she couldn’t take it out.” A prosperous businessman in Cuba, Manuel’s father arrived in the United States penniless. “He had to start from scratch, but he had a flair for business, so in less than ten years he was running several car repair shops,” Manuel says.
The most moving moment for the couple is the room that recreates the registration office of the Emergency Center for Cuban refugees, which was founded in the 1960s in the tower. The office was used to process and document exiles and provide them with medical and dental services. The chairs arranged in rows, the signs in English and Spanish, and the old telephone in the corner bring a wave of emotions to Zenaida.
“It was like that, there were a lot of women with children,” she says. “They gave my family a few dollars to start, and with that, we were able to rent an apartment that was a tiny thimble; there was barely enough room for all of us to fit in.” Within a few years, they moved to Kansas City, where shortly after, her father started a photo development and printing business. “We made good money, and when we had enough to buy a house, we returned to Miami because this was the place we liked and that reminded us of Cuba.”
Zenaida and Manuel have never returned to the island. “We’ve been gradually removing the family we had left there; the last one we brought back was a great-niece with her two children.” From Manzanillo and Luyanó, they receive snatches of stories. “My family’s house is an office used to recruit young men for military service,” she says. “The place where I spent my childhood in Havana fell into ruin,” he laments.
Many of those who left in the 1960s and 1970s never returned to the island. / 14ymedio
In one room of the museum, a Singer sewing machine draws the group’s attention. Even the teenager leaves TikTok and tries to decipher the purpose of the object that, in a display case, seems so important. Sewing was a source of employment for many of the Cuban emigrants who came to the US. “My mother paid for our studies by making everything on her machine and ended up opening a shop selling elegant dresses,” another elderly woman explains, responding to the guide’s comments.
A large wall filled with faces offers another moving experience. Visitors can choose to listen to the testimony of any of the hundreds of people who look down on them from the walls. The voice of writer Luis Felipe Rojas speaks of living without fear and the importance of telling the truth. The exile, harshly repressed in Cuba for his work as an independent journalist, maintains that his children will be better human beings because they have grown up in an environment where they do not have to pretend or feign an ideology.
Zenaida’s eyes are red, and Manuel’s pace is slower. The tour is over, and she opts for a coffee, while he enjoys champagne. Outside, it is starting to rain.
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Thanks to connectivity, Cubans feel like citizens of the world
No one has been unaware of the impact on wallets of the reduction and increase in web browsing gigabyte (GB) prices in local currency. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 3 June 2025 – Cuba hasn’t felt this much popular outrage since the economic shock at the beginning of 2021 that buried the convertible peso, sent food costs through the roof, and plunged wages. Now, with internet connection prices rising as of last Friday, social outrage has erupted again, this time against the state-owned telecommunications monopoly Etecsa. In a country already starved for food due to prolonged blackouts, making the escape represented by connecting to social media more expensive has been too much for people to bear.
The discontent is not limited by age or economic class. Complaining are teenagers, digital natives, who find social contact in WhatsApp groups, which is so difficult for them on nights without electricity and overpriced recreational venues. Anger is knocking on the door of university students, who are forced to consult most of their bibliography online, given the decrepitude of school library archives. The unease extends to working-age adults, who, through remote work, have found a way to contribute to their diminished family coffers and also to apply for scholarships, courses, or visas to leave the island. Retirees have also expressed their discomfort, as many of them are forced to maintain contact with their emigrated children and grandchildren through weekly video conferences.
Retirees have also expressed their discomfort, many of whom are forced to maintain contact with their emigrated children and grandchildren through weekly video conferences.
No one has been blind to the impact on Cuban wallets of the reductions in service and increases in web browsing rates per gigabyte (GB) in national currency. Neither the explanations from Etecsa officials nor the calls for understanding the infrastructure crisis facing the state monopoly have served to silence the critics. The company is among Cubans’ most poorly continue reading
rated entities, a sad privilege it shares with the Electricity Union, State Security, and the Ministries of Transportation and Domestic Trade. Just mention the six letters of the telephone company’s name and its customers’ faces transform into grimaces of disgust and rejection.
The official explanation for increasing the price of per gigabyte by 1,229%, or, in other words, multiplying it by 13, lies in the need to raise foreign currency to invest in the country’s disastrous telecommunications infrastructure. By favoring top-ups paid for abroad, the state monopoly seeks to raise dollars that will allow it to buy cables, new telecommunications towers, and backup batteries to maintain service when the power goes out. The argument might have worked a few years ago, but Cubans have grown weary of their depreciated currency, of the privileges accorded to those with those greenbacks bearing the faces of Washington or Lincoln, and of a state that increasingly ignores those who only have access to the national peso.
“Soon they’ll be putting a portion of the electricity bill to be paid by the exiles from abroad,” reads the caption of one of the many Etecsa posts on Facebook that have sparked thousands of comments, most of them rejecting what has already been popularly dubbed the tarifazo*. “All this has happened because the money raised hasn’t been invested in telephone service, but in repression,” warns another internet user, who complains that in his small town in the province of Pinar del Río, he has to climb onto his roof in the early hours of the morning to get a precarious internet connection. “New cars for the police, but few resources to improve the connection,” he added with annoyance.
“New cars for the police but few resources to improve the connection,” he added with annoyance.
A distant observer of the Cuban situation would soon wonder why the rise in internet access prices has managed to mobilize citizens in a way that prolonged power outages and paltry salaries have not. In a country where official propaganda remains suffocating and the regime tries to control every aspect of daily life, access to the web has become a balm and a way to escape the daily crisis. Thanks to connectivity, Cubans feel like citizens of the world. Social media is that window that lets them know that there is something beyond the empty markets and the surveillance of the political police. It helps them to believe that there is hope.
On 11 July 2021, a few months after the Ordering Task was decreed, the island’s streets were filled with thousands of people shouting “Freedom!” We must be attentive to the reaction, in the short-term, of Etecsa’s current whim, which is already generating so much indignation.
*Translator’s note: The “azo” ending in Cuban Spanish is a ’magnifier’, in this case, roughly: “the gigantic price increase thing”
Editor’s Note: This article was originally published on DW and is republished with the author’s license.
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Translating Cuba, 22 May 2025 — Once again travel, technology and internet access (lack of!) made it impossible to maintain this site from afar… but we are BACK and will catch up over the next couple of days. 22 May 2025
The Department of Homeland Security’s version is far from what Heidy Sánchez and her lawyer say.
In an interview with EFE, the Heidy Sánchez recounts details of her deportation. / EFE
14ymedio, Havana, 7 May 2025 — The story of Heidy Sánchez—the Cuban mother recently deported from Florida to Havana without her 17-month-old daughter—has sparked a wave of criticism and outrage in legal circles and among immigrant rights advocates. Now, in an interview with EFE, the 44-year-old Cuban woman recounts the details of her deportation.
Sánchez says she was taken handcuffed to a cell, where she told an officer, “What need do you have to handcuff me? You’re already taking my life, you’re already killing me, you’re separating me from what I love most in the world.” The girl, a U.S. citizen—like her father—was left in his care while her mother was transferred to various detention centers and finally sent back to Cuba, without being allowed to take the child with her or to say goodbye to her.
Sánchez has no criminal record and was treated as if she were a dangerous criminal.
Her lawyer, Claudia Cañizares, denounced that the procedure was riddled with irregularities: “Sánchez has no criminal record and was treated as if she were a dangerous criminal.” According to her allegations, the mother was never given the legal option of being deported along with her daughter, as stipulated in immigration protocols for family situations.
The case has also prompted a response from the Department of Homeland Security. Its spokesperson, Tricia McLaughlin, denied any wrongdoing and maintained that it was Sánchez herself who requested to return to Cuba “without her daughter,” leaving her in the care “of a relative.” McLaughlin added: “We take seriously the responsibility to protect children and will continue to work with authorities to ensure that minors are safe and protected.” continue reading
But the official version is far from what Sánchez remembers. She arrived in the US in 2019, crossing through Laredo, Texas, and was admitted under supervision, with the obligation to report periodically to ICE (Immigration and Customs Enforcement) offices. Initially, she was required to do so once a year, but with the change of administration, the appointments became monthly.
“I had no choice. They didn’t tell me anything, except that the decision had already been made.”
“I was complying with everything. But in April, I decided to move up the appointment because I felt something wasn’t right.” When she arrived at the ICE office, they told her: “No matter what you do, the decision has already been made. You’re leaving.” Sánchez recounts that the ICE agent in Tampa simply told her to call her husband to pick up the girl. “I had no choice. They didn’t tell me anything, just that the decision had already been made,” she said.
Amidst the confusion and fear, she barely managed to make a brief call to the child’s father. “Did they give you the girl?” was the first question he asked when he answered, concerned about the fate of the little girl, who also suffers from epileptic seizures.
She then spent 48 hours being transferred from one detention center to another, without access to her daughter or adequate legal counsel, until she boarded the plane that returned her to Cuba. “They let me change clothes only to put on the gray uniform from the center. I’m not a criminal, but that’s how they treated me.”
During those dark days, Sánchez found a moment of solace with two other mothers—one Cuban and one Honduran—who were also facing deportation. “We hugged each other like sisters. Neither of us understood why they were separating us from our children. All we did was seek a better life for them,” she recalled, her voice breaking.
Poor connectivity and power outages complicate the phone calls
From Cuba, the woman tries to communicate daily with her family in Tampa, although poor connectivity and power outages complicate the phone calls. “Every time I manage to talk, my little girl stares at me through the screen and says, ‘Mama, come.’ That devastates me.”
Sánchez’s case has rekindled the debate over immigration policies in the United States, especially those affecting mixed families, with migrant parents and citizen children. “It’s not a matter of politics. I know they’re doing their job. But what about feelings? My daughter needs me, and I need her too. That’s what they don’t want to see or understand,” she said.
Attorney Claudia Cañizares, along with Sánchez’s family, has launched a campaign to gather signatures, attract public attention, and explore all possible legal avenues to achieve family reunification. “This case demonstrates that rhetoric about security can no longer serve as a justification for inhumane practices. It’s not an isolated case, but it is a tragedy,” the attorney concluded.
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The platform assured that it will fulfill all orders placed until April 30.
The unloading area of a Tuambia warehouse in Havana. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Havana, 1 May 2025 — The e-commerce platform Tuambia announced this Thursday the “interruption of its operations” and the suspension of new orders through its website. This is a “difficult but necessary decision,” which the company attributes to the difficulties in continuing to operate “sustainably” in the current context of the crisis and financial difficulties in Cuba.
In a statement posted on its social media, the platform assured that it will fulfill all orders placed by April 30th and that it has opened lines to address “any issues.”
However, it promised that Tuambia customers will continue to have access to their purchase history through the website, and that their customer service team—at least during the closure process—will remain active.
Tuambia’s farewell message was also sent by email to all customers registered on the portal.
Tuambia’s farewell message was also sent by email to all customers registered on the portal. For weeks, the company had announced that it was discontinuing the digital wallet, where consumers could store funds for continue reading
future purchases. Last week, it also announced a 10% discount on all its products, including household appliances. In light of Thursday’s announcement, this offer indicates a clearance sale of merchandise in its warehouses.
However, the service dedicated to preparing ready-to-serve food was still operating this Thursday, according to 14ymedio‘s website. The delivery of pre-cooked food is linked to restaurants and eateries located in several Havana municipalities, which apparently continue to offer a menu ranging from Creole dishes to Asian recipes.
In recent years, Tuambia had emerged as an alternative to other digital portals selling food, basic products, and household appliances for delivery on the island. With a diverse catalog, the online store grew rapidly and expanded to all provinces, also delivering pre-cooked and ready-to-eat meals, construction materials, and pharmaceutical supplies.
On the streets of Havana, its fleet of minibuses became an increasingly frequent part of the urban landscape, and the company also became an attractive source of employment for couriers who make a living delivering goods to homes.
On the streets of Havana, its fleet of minibuses became an increasingly frequent part of the urban landscape.
On the company’s Facebook page, the post with a farewell had surpassed 600 comments in just a few hours. Some customers inquired about the possible return of operations in the near future, but Tuambia’s response was emphatic: “The store has closed its operations. We appreciate that you were part of this process.”
The company had been taking its final steps for months. Last October, in another public statement, they noted the impact of the energy crisis on the normal operation of their services. At that time, they had to suspend deliveries “to protect the preservation of frozen foods, and taking into account that they could not be received by recipients at this time if they do not have the conditions to maintain their refrigeration.”
“As soon as the energy situation stabilizes, we will resume deliveries,” they promised at the time. The long-awaited stability never arrived. In the following months, the country faced four complete blackouts caused by total disconnections from its electrical system.
In addition, the platform faced technical difficulties also caused by the energy imbalance.
In addition, the platform was facing technical difficulties also caused by the power outage. “We have implemented solutions to continue working, but we ask for your cooperation to avoid overloading the service at this time, as the high volume of messages slows our response capacity,” they stated.
According to its own figures, Tuambia has made more than 1,200,000 deliveries, benefiting, it claims, more than 360,000 homes on the island. The company was allegedly linked to former Deputy Prime Minister Jorge Luis Perdomo Di-Lella – who was dismissed last December – through his brother Yoel, a businessman with very good connections within the elite.
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Sodepaz has also begun exporting high-quality organic coffee produced in Guantanamo.
In addition to coffee, the organization has expanded its interests on the island in recent years. / Cubadebate
14ymedio, Havana, 29 March 2025 — A Spanish NGO is threatening to overthrow Italy’s control of Cuban coffee. Sodepaz, with three decades of presence on the island, is expanding rapidly—financed by Spanish government funds—and has begun exporting high-quality organic coffee produced in Guantánamo. As if that weren’t enough, as part of an optimization project, it has opened up the possibility of installing solar farms in the eastern part of the country and, if necessary, “small hydroelectric or wind systems.”
“On March 24, 2025, we will begin distributing BIO coffee from Cuba. A Caracolillo robusta coffee from the eastern Cuban province, medium natural roast, produced in the mountains of Guantánamo and Santiago de Cuba by the cooperatives of the Agroforestry Group of Cuba and processed by the joint venture BioCubaCafé,” explains Sodepaz on its website.
In addition to coffee, the organization has expanded its interests on the island in recent years, and has in its stores a variety of Cuban products such as cane sugar “from the Carlos Baliño mill in Santa Clara” (4.10 euros per kilogram), Santiago de Cuba Carta Blanca rum (12 euros), Cubay añejo rum (16 euros) and now the BIO Frente Oriental coffee (5.60 euros for 250 grams).
The new project, Innova Café Guantánamo, it is being carried out in collaboration with the province’s Center for Technological Applications for Sustainable Development (Catedes) and will last 24 months, extendable for another 12, to seek “sustainable solutions to the current situation of coffee production in Cuba’s easternmost province,” the official press explained. Neither the organizations nor the media revealed the funds allocated to deploying solar panels. continue reading
The initiative seeks to “transform the coffee value chain” through the use of renewable energy sources.
The initiative seeks to “transform the coffee value chain” through the use of renewable energy sources, as well as improve the sector’s efficiency. To this end, Catedes plans to “diagnose” coffee production and determine where solar energy is best used.
The municipalities that will benefit, at least in the initial phase, will be San Antonio del Sur, Maisí, Yateras, Guantánamo, and El Salvador. However, expansion is planned to include a total of eight coffee-growing territories in the province, alleviating “the current electricity problems,” according to the press, as paraphrased by Cadetes.
Sodepaz, more concerned about production, explained that the budget had been approved in 2024 and was intended to “strengthen production and support other projects such as ProdeCafé or MásCafé.” The latter was funded by the Italian Agency for Cooperation and Development, which has offices in Santiago de Cuba, Holguín, Guantánamo, and Granma.
Activities will also be held to promote Guantanamo coffee, which will be marketed through “fair trade networks.” According to the NGO, Spain is a major consumer of Cuban coffee, and with its help, it will be able to improve its quality.
“Innova Café is seeking immediate benefits that will include greater stability in bean processing with the development of solar dryers and heaters, reducing environmental pollution from waste, and reusing it in a way that contributes to the circular economy,” the state press added. All the equipment, it is understood, will be provided by the organization.
Frente Oriental is not the first Cuban coffee exported by Sodepaz, which also has a presence in Nicaragua, Palestine, and Haiti.
Frente Oriental is not the first Cuban coffee exported by Sodepaz, which also has a presence in Nicaragua, Palestine, and Haiti. In 2021, the organization began selling Extra Turquino Especial, made with a dark-roasted Arabica bean, also harvested in Guantánamo. The product’s launch coincided with that year’s UN vote against the US embargo, one of Sodepaz’s sworn enemies.
“Aware that there is a lack of united initiatives to break the blockade* and at the same time have an impact on the Cuban economy, these are the reasons why this project of importing, processing, and marketing Guantánamo coffee in a fair and supportive manner was born,” explains the project’s website.
Along with the rest of the agricultural industries on the Island, Cuban coffee is experiencing one of its worst periods. According to the National Statistics and Information Office production has fallen by 51% in the last five years—which has forced the Cuban government to define its priorities. The decision comes as no surprise: so while the ration stores have stopped receiving the packages, the exports — especially those guaranteed by international organizations — have not slowed down.
*Translator’s note: There is, in fact, no US ‘blockade’ on Cuba, but this continues to be the term the Cuban government prefers to apply to the ongoing US embargo. During the Cuban Missile Crisis the US ordered a Naval blockade (which it called a ‘quarantine’) on Cuba in 1962, between 22 October and 20 November of that year. The blockade was lifted when Russia agreed to remove its nuclear missiles from the Island. The embargo had been imposed earlier in February of the same year, and although modified from time to time, it is still in force.
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
🖋️Author Julio M. Shiling
