Translating Cuba – Page 38 – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

Trump Threatens Another, ‘Much Larger’ Military Operation if Chavismo Tries To Hold On

“Maduro’s security ring was full of Cubans,” according to Marco Rubio, who issued a warning to Havana.
Vice President Delcy Rodríguez’s role could only be limited to facilitating an orderly exit

Trump described the situation in Cuba as “grave” and an example of political and economic failure that “we’re going to end up talking about.” / Screenshot

14ymedio, Havana, 3 January 2025 — “We are going to run Venezuela” until “a safe, proper and judicious transition” can be ensured, US President Donald Trump declared this Friday from his Mar-a-Lago residence in Palm Beach, Florida. During a lengthy press conference, the president offered details about the capture of Nicolás Maduro, the immediate future of the South American country, and the role the United States will play in the post-Chavista era. Secretary of State Marco Rubio went further, issuing a direct warning to the Cuban regime: “They should be worried.”

US President Donald Trump has said the US will “run” Venezuela until a “safe, proper and judicious transition” can be ensured

The operation that precipitated this historic turning point began in the early hours of January 3, when U.S. armed forces carried out a large-scale military action on Venezuelan territory. The stated objective was the capture of Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, both accused by Washington of narcoterrorism and other federal crimes. The operation, dubbed “Operation Absolute Resolve” by official sources, began around 10:46 p.m. Caracas time (9:46 p.m. in Havana) and combined targeted airstrikes with a ground incursion by special forces into the Venezuelan capital.

According to the White House, the initial bombings were aimed at neutralizing anti-aircraft defenses and command centers, clearing the way for the entry of elite units. After this first phase, U.S. special forces penetrated the perimeter where Maduro was located and captured him and Flores within minutes. There were exchanges of fire with forces loyal to Chavismo, although neither Washington nor Caracas has confirmed any casualties. The United States stated that it suffered no losses among its troops, although it acknowledged that an aircraft was hit by anti-aircraft fire and returned to base damaged. “Maduro’s security ring was full of Cubans,” Secretary of State Marco Rubio asserted. continue reading

Once detained, Maduro and his wife were transported by military helicopters to an extraction point in international waters, where the U.S. Navy ship Iwo Jima was waiting. Images released by Trump himself showed the Venezuelan president in handcuffs and in U.S. custody. According to the president, during the transfer they were informed that they would face legal proceedings in federal courts in New York, where both had been indicted since 2020 on charges related to drug trafficking and criminal conspiracy.

Trump asserted that the country will remain under US supervision until a political transition deemed safe and orderly by Washington is established.

Venezuela, Trump asserted, had become a “narco-state” under Maduro, exporting drugs, violence, and instability for years. The capture of the Chavista leader, he maintained, puts an end to “decades of impunity.”

The president acknowledged that he did not inform Congress beforehand about the scale of the operation. He justified this by citing security reasons and the need to prevent leaks. “If it leaks, the mission fails,” he said, while emphasizing that he acted within his authority as commander-in-chief.

Trump was particularly explicit when referring to Venezuela’s immediate future. He asserted that the country would remain under US supervision until a political transition deemed safe and orderly by Washington was established. He warned that any attempt by Chavista factions to fill the power vacuum left by Maduro could trigger a second, “much larger” military operation.

The president did not rule out a prolonged military presence, including the possibility of ground troops if the situation warrants it. He also announced that U.S. companies would play a central role in revitalizing Venezuela’s oil industry, whose revenues, he explained, would finance the country’s reconstruction and support the interim administration.

Adding to the confusion are Trump’s allusions to Delcy Rodríguez, whom he referred to as part of Maduro’s inner circle, and to opposition leader María Corina Machado. The president stated that Rodríguez’s circle had expressed a willingness to cooperate with the United States. However, in her subsequent public statements, Rodríguez has continued to condemn the situation and reiterate that Maduro is “the only president of Venezuela.”

Trump also mentioned Machado with condescending remarks, noting that she is “a very nice woman,” but without presenting her as a clear figure to lead the transition. Statements by Secretary of State Marco Rubio, who avoided identifying any specific opposition leadership, have contributed to the uncertainty surrounding who the United States can count on to guide the transition process.

The Secretary of State confirmed that Washington maintains communication with leaders of the democratic opposition, including María Corina Machado

For his part, Secretary of State Marco Rubio confirmed that there had been exploratory contacts from Rodríguez’s camp, although he stressed that these were neither negotiations nor political recognition. Rubio was emphatic in stating that the vice president is not considered a suitable figure to lead a democratic transition and that, at best, her role could only be limited to facilitating an orderly exit. Any attempt to perpetuate Chavismo, he warned, would be met with further actions.

On the diplomatic front, Rubio coordinated contacts with Venezuelan actors and international allies. The Secretary of State confirmed that Washington maintains communication with leaders of the democratic opposition, including María Corina Machado, whom he described as a key figure in the opposition movement. He indicated that the talks focus on an orderly transition and institutional reconstruction, though he avoided specifying whether Machado would hold a formal position.

The Cuban chapter was also present at the press conference. Trump described Cuba as a historical ally of Chavismo and part of the network that sustained Maduro for years. He called the situation on the island “grave” and an example of political and economic failure that “we’re going to end up talking about.” Rubio was even more direct: “Take note. What has happened in Caracas should serve as a warning.”

Without announcing specific measures, Trump hinted that Cuba is part of the regional analysis following Maduro’s fall. His words suggest a hardening of rhetoric and a possible review of policies toward governments allied with Chavismo.

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The Globalist Failure in the Venezuelan Context

The ineffectiveness of multilateral organizations in the face of institutional collapse and external intervention

This is not about absolving any leader or nation of responsibility, but about exposing the damage caused by the lack of consensus. / EFE

14ymedio, Federico Hernández Aguilar, San Salvador, 3 January 2025 — The new year began with Venezuela cornered by the United States military presence. Finally, in the early hours of January 3, Nicolás Maduro and his wife were extracted from Caracas. The political and social situation in the South American country had become so manifestly undefendable—a diagnosis also applicable to Cuba and Nicaragua—that US intervention appeared to be the only viable solution. Out of a sense of historical responsibility, however, it is worth asking ourselves why this extreme scenario came to pass.

The threat of one nation against another violates one of the basic principles of international law: non-interference. No country should feel justified in interfering in another’s affairs. Both the Charter of the United Nations (UN) and that of the Organization of American States (OAS) establish “non-intervention in matters which are essentially within the domestic jurisdiction of states” as a pillar of peaceful coexistence.

Although both documents acknowledge this principle, neither of the two declares it to be absolute. It admits the existence of valid reasons for interference in the domestic affairs of a nation, provided that the intervention is carried out by a multilateral organized force whose criteria must prove these reasons: real dangers to peace, the defense of a country under attack, and when a state has demonstrated its inability to protect its own people from monumental crimes.

Since the creation of the UN, hundreds of armed conflicts have broken out around the world.

According to Chapter VII of the UN Charter, the Security Council is the body charged with “taking the initiative” in all matters concerning the pursuit and maintenance of world peace. If the organization were successful in this mission—the very purpose for which it was created, let us not forget—fraternity and cooperation would be the defining characteristics continue reading

of international relations, and preventive diplomacy would always be at the forefront of addressing any hint of conflict.

Historical reality has proven quite different. Since the creation of the UN in October 1945, hundreds of armed conflicts have erupted around the globe. In fact, according to the most recent edition of the Global Peace Index, there are currently 59 active state conflicts, “the highest number since the end of World War II.” Furthermore, the rate of peaceful resolution of these conflicts is lower than at any other time in the last half-century.

The internationalization of disputes has also grown exponentially. At least 78 countries are currently involved in tensions that transcend their territorial borders, and a total of 106 nations have increased their military capabilities. In 1970, only six countries possessed substantial influence over other states, while now that number has risen to 34. The fragmentation of global power has not only weakened good neighborliness but has also demolished it.

The UN’s evident failure stems from many factors, beginning with the veto power held within the Security Council, even by those countries that carry out acts of aggression against others. Russia, for example, blocks any resolution on the war in Ukraine; the United States obstructs any decision on the conflict in Gaza; and China typically defends the interests of its allies. Why do these three states possess such power? Because, along with the United Kingdom and France, they were the victorious nations of the last major war, securing for themselves a permanent seat on the Council. To make matters worse, the non-permanent members of this body have included Gaddafi’s Libya, Musharraf’s Pakistan, Al-Bashir’s Sudan, and Mubarak’s Egypt.

The UN could have been far more effective if the veto system between major powers had an intelligent technical counterpart. But that is not the case either. For decades, the organization has been promoting and imposing large-scale “progressive” agendas, causing more divisions than necessary and fueling a multilateral bureaucracy that never provides a clear accounting of its work. The OAS operates with very similar limitations, unable to achieve the two-thirds majority needed in its Permanent Council to properly implement its Democratic Charter (another shining example of a worthless document).

The organization has spent decades promoting and imposing “progressive” agendas on a large scale.

In consequence, lacking a global organization with sufficient authority — operational, legal and moral — to manage conflicts, authoritarian leaders feel free to intimidate their own people or to attack neighboring countries. Thus, we see Hugo Chávez and Nicolás Maduro establishing a 25-year dictatorship in Venezuela, or Vladimir Putin invading Ukraine, all under a cloak of impunity.

The encirclement of the Maduro regime by the US military would have been unnecessary if a supranational entity existed with the capacity to act promptly against tyrannies, with defined criteria, concrete actions, and well-defined limits. But in the chaotic landscape of humanity, when those who should guarantee peace and individual rights display their exhaustion and venality, it is difficult to expect change to occur without upheavals.

This is not about absolving any leader or nation of responsibility, but about exposing the damage caused by the absence of objective and viable consensus around the eternal challenge of peace.

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“Maduro Was in a House That Was a Fortress,” Trump Explains

U.S. special forces entered Caracas at dawn and removed the dictator without causing any fatalities

First photograph of Maduro after his arrest, shared by Trump. / Donald Trump Truth

EFE/14ymedio, Madrid, January 3, 2026 — U.S. President Donald Trump provided details this Saturday to Fox News about the capture of Nicolás Maduro in Caracas. In his first statements to the media, the president said that the Venezuelan leader “was in a house that was more like a fortress.” When U.S. troops arrived, “everything happened very fast and he didn’t manage to get to” the secure room.

According to Trump, Maduro and his wife, Cilia Flores, “have been indicted in New York. They were taken first to a ship, the Iwo Jima, and will continue on to New York. The helicopters took them. A good flight, I’m sure they loved it.” Although the president declined to reveal details ahead of a press conference scheduled for this morning, he indicated that it was a capture operation carried out “down to the last detail,” in which “everything was rehearsed.” They even “built a house identical to the one they went to,” with armor plating and reinforced security measures, as well as the hallways and stairways they needed to pass.

Trump’s remarks help complete the picture of what happened early Saturday morning, when Washington carried out bombings on Venezuelan territory. “We were going to carry out the attack four days ago, but the weather didn’t allow it,” Trump explained to Fox journalists. The president emphasized that U.S. special forces suffered no fatalities during the operation.

“I should say that two guys were injured but returned and should be fine. But no one was killed. We didn’t lose any aircraft; they all returned safely. There was one helicopter that went down, but continue reading

we brought it back to the United States,” Trump added. He is expected to provide more details in a broadcast scheduled for 11 a.m. Saturday from his residence at Mar-a-Lago in Florida.

The elite Delta Force pulled Maduro and Flores out of bed

According to U.S. media, the operation was carried out by a unit of the elite Delta Force, which pulled Maduro and Flores out of bed and took them to a helicopter.

Maduro was protected in a residence that “had steel doors and also what they call a ‘secure space’ made of solid steel.” However, the Venezuelan leader was unable to access that secure area within the house. For years, accounts have circulated about the presence of Cubans within Maduro’s closest protection circle, but so far Havana has not confirmed whether any Cuban military personnel were killed or injured.

As for what will happen next, Trump stated: “We are making that decision now. We can’t give someone else the opportunity to come out and take his place. So we’re making that decision now; we will be very involved in that.” Amid the surprise and confusion following the attack, Venezuela’s state media have entered a loop repeating recent statements by Vice President Delcy Rodríguez from Moscow and the brief remarks by Diosdado Cabello and Vladimir Padrino after the U.S. attack.

Fox News aired a segment of a press conference in which a reporter asked Trump whether it was true that “Maduro offered everything in his country, all the natural resources. He even recorded a message for you in English, offering mediation.” The president nodded and added: “He has offered everything, you’re right.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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A Cuban Migrant With a Work Permit, Detained in an ‘Unsanitary’ US Prison

Alain Núñez also has a social security number and yet he has been at IAH Polk in Livingston for eight months

Despite having committed no crime, Cuban national Alain Núñez has been detained by immigration authorities for the past eight months. / Telemundo video screenshot

14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2025 — Cuban national Alain Núñez has been detained for eight months at the IAH Polk adult detention center in Livingston, Texas. The migrant arrived in the U.S. in 2021 and, according to what he told Telemundo, has “a work permit and a social security number.” He also attended his credible fear interview and is awaiting a decision.

Núñez says authorities have not offered him an explanation for his detention. He said he voluntarily went to IAH Polk months ago for an immigration hearing and was arrested. “I don’t understand why I’m still being held,” he says from his cell at the detention center run by Community Education Centers (CEC), a company that has been accused of mismanaging its reintegration centers in New Jersey.

“My wife is pregnant and this situation has devastated her,” Núñez said, adding that his wife “has had to go to psychological therapy to cope” with the situation.

The interview with Núñez revealed the six-meter-wide by eight-meter-long space where IAH Polk holds groups of eight migrants. The video call shows four bunk beds that occupy almost the entire cell. During the conversation, the sound of the toilet being flushed can be heard in the background; they have had to cover it with a blanket to avoid being seen naked.

The facility was flagged in 2011 by the NGO Detention Watch Network for having “inappropriate and unsanitary cells where eight people are crammed together.” Some of the inmates complained about how “degrading it is to drink water from the drinking fountains located directly above the toilets.” continue reading

Furthermore, the same report notes that “the medical and nursing staff did not speak Spanish, and this, according to the detained men, has led to cases of medical negligence, misdiagnoses, and incorrect prescriptions for treatments.” Recommendations were issued but have not been followed.

Cuban Juan Manuel Fernández Ramos told ‘El País’ that the IAH Polk adult detention center is “a hell” for migrants. / El País

Last July, Cuban Juan Manuel Fernández Ramos told the Spanish newspaper El País that IAH Polk was a “hell” for migrants. The 30-year-old had been imprisoned for six months. Authorities arrested and fined him for speeding after drinking beer.

Fernández left the island on a raft and settled in Tampa, where, before his arrest, he worked for three years as a delivery driver for Costco and had wedding plans. The Cuban claimed he fought his case in court, but the judge was emphatic in his ruling, telling him that his political asylum was not eligible. The only option was “voluntary” departure.

During his stay, he has endured days of unbearable heat. “It’s not normal heat. We’re trapped inside; there’s no air coming in,” the migrant says. On several occasions, they have had to remove their stiff red and orange uniforms and are left in their underwear.

Fernández says that deportation “is not voluntary,” and that the appalling conditions force detainees to sign. “I want to get out of here. No one can endure being here for so many months. This is the worst thing that has ever been done.” Last year, 1.9 million people opted for self-deportation, according to data from the U.S. Department of Homeland Security.

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Recycled Containers, the Cuban Government’s Bet To Alleviate the Housing Crisis

The solution extends across several provinces despite the challenges of inhabiting steel structures under the Caribbean climate

Recycling shipping containers to create housing in Guantánamo. / Venceremos

14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2025 — Four news stories published this Friday in Cuba’s official media, each different but all on the same topic, make it clear how the government plans to address the housing crisis, primarily caused by a lack of resources: by converting recycled shipping containers into homes. This solution, already being implemented in provinces such as Sancti Spíritus, Las Tunas, and Guantánamo, appears to be more than just a localized measure and is being extended across the entire island.

In this last phase, 70 container-homes are currently being manufactured : as Venceremos lists, 15 in the Buenavista settlement of San Antonio del Sur; 20 in the Cabaña Mariana community of Guantánamo; and 35 in the area near the airport in Imías. All of them, the newspaper emphasizes, “are intended for families affected by total collapses caused by Hurricanes Oscar and Melissa, as well as by the intense rains of September.”

The program, the provincial newspaper notes, “is part of the state housing investment plan and stems from the repurposing of shipping containers used to import solar panels for photovoltaic parks. Once their logistical function is fulfilled, these metal structures become available, and it was therefore proposed to use them as an alternative housing project with technical and regulatory support at the national level.”

It is a project that is also “advancing” in Sancti Spíritus, where a total of 105 homes are planned. Escambray reported, this Friday, that in that province all municipalities have “the required documentation,” foundation work has begun in three of them, and 164 containers “have been released,” of which 50 have been delivered to the Ministry of the Armed Forces continue reading

for recycling, and 38 to workshops of other state agencies.

These houses made from shipping containers will be between 32 and 70 square meters.

In Santa Clara, the local development project (PDL) Reluxes Herrerías is assisting in this effort, according to the newspaper Venceremos. The project is about to unveil an experimental prototype, begun last November and based on a design from the Ministry of Construction, to which it is closely linked. Mario Eduardo Valdivia Beyra, coordinator of the PDL—whose stated purpose is to retail basic hardware products but which has also focused extensively on repairing state-owned property, such as bathroom fixtures and garbage collection bins — said that they are prepared to deliver ten homes per quarter during 2026, “although the number could be subject to specific supply issues.” He added that they have a skilled workforce of 42 employees to achieve this.

He also announced that after the final approval of the prototype, they will begin large-scale implementation. He indicated that Reluxes Herrerías is responsible for the metalworking, while the Construction and Assembly Company will handle the site selection.

These container homes will range in size from 32 to 70 square meters (344 sq. ft. to 753 sq. ft.), he reported, and will have “several rooms, including a kitchen, bathroom, dining room and two bedrooms with closets, as well as doors and windows that will provide greater ventilation.”

The technology, he acknowledged, “is expensive,” although he assured that they have “a number of resources available to reduce costs and continue the project with the support of other economic actors.” The official also alluded to the biggest concern raised by Cubans regarding this type of housing: how to withstand the heat in a steel structure that was not designed to house people but to transport goods. Steel, specialists explain, has good weather resistance, but it conducts both heat and cold, so to be converted into a dwelling, it needs a durable insulation system.

View of one of the container homes inside. / We will overcome

“The thermal insulation lining the interior walls ensures a comfortable temperature, and the roof is placed above the container,” said Valdivia Beyra, who did not specify the price or the exact type of insulation material to be used. Instead, he guaranteed: “The homes will be of high quality and finish, so that the families who will live in them will have the minimum necessary conditions.”

In Matanzas, Girón announced, 132 of the 142 shipping containers that previously transported equipment and materials for the Chinese photovoltaic parks currently under construction in the province will be converted into homes. The state-run newspaper acknowledges that this is “a novel and unexpected alternative in Matanzas,” but notes that it has already been implemented in several other provinces.

“Before carrying out any action on the construction site or in the factory, several specialists study the behavior of the terrain, where they analyze the conditions of the chosen sites. This includes the accessibility of electricity and drinking water; in the latter case, to determine if it is necessary to create elevated tanks, cisterns, and septic tanks,” according to this Friday’s report from the newspaper.

In this province, the design of these homes is being handled by the Matanzas Architecture and Engineering Projects Company and the Community Architects group. The former is specifically working in the Río San Juan residential area, while the latter is responsible for the rest of the municipalities, including the provincial capital.

Regarding the construction, several firms have been involved since October, including the Varadero Tourism Construction and Assembly Company, the Matanzas Construction and Assembly Company, the Industrial Technical Services Company (Zeti), the Mario Muñoz Sugar Company, the Southern Provincial Maintenance and Construction Company, and the Matanzas Noel Fernández Forming Company, known as the Cube Factory.

Officials promise that these types of houses take only 15 to 20 days to build. The announced structure for these homes is similar to that described for other provinces, and similar caveats are mentioned: “in certain areas, changes may occur.” This can happen, says Girón, because “self-financed companies can develop other models without affecting the state budget, since they have the power to make an investment.”

Regarding the price, the estimated cost per home is 900,000 pesos.

Regarding the locations for these homes, Guillermo López-Calleja Pérez, the official in charge of the Comprehensive Projects Directorate, mentioned an area on San Sebastián Street, where “eight-meter plots will be set aside so that families can gradually continue building.” He clarified that “the best option for this type of project is to use areas with pre-prepared foundations,” meaning state-owned land, “already prefabricated,” such as the site of the meat processing plant in La Jaiba, another of the areas selected for the settlement. Recycled land for recycled houses.

The Matanzas official did specify some of the heat-insulating materials, such as fiberglass, henequen fiber, and bagasse cardboard from Cárdenas, “with 100 sheets available,” he assured. Regarding another understandable concern, the corrosion of the structure due to humidity, Daniel Arencibia, from Community Architects, stated that “waterproof paint will be applied” and a covering will be placed on top, “an element that protects them from the elements and humidity, but also acts as thermal insulation.”

According to Danay Ordúñez García, director of Housing in Guantánamo, these houses are not donations, although they are “state-owned housing with public funding.” This means that “the beneficiary assumes the cost of the container according to the approved budget, while the urbanization and other associated expenses are covered by the State.”

Regarding the price, the estimated cost per home is 900,000 pesos, the official said, adding that the payment mechanism would be established “later with the banking system through negotiation and mutual understanding, following the usual procedures of the housing program.”

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The Last Cuban Woman Murdered in 2025 and the First in 2026, One on Each Side of the Strait

On December 30, a man from Sancti Spíritus murdered his ex-wife and another Cuban man, both in Missouri ,before committing suicide.
The first femicide of 2026 on the island occurred on January 1st

Yuleidis Sánchez Rodríguez was murdered with a knife in Altamira. / Periódico Cubano

14ymedio, Madrid, January 2, 2025 — There is no respite from gender-based violence, which begins the year as it ended. 2026 had barely begun when the first femicide of the year in Cuba was reported: that of Yuleidis Sánchez Rodríguez, from Altamira, in Santiago de Cuba. Several sources on social media claim that the 43-year-old woman was stabbed by her ex-partner on the Altamira Tourist Highway, although other versions indicate it happened on 14th Street in Luis Dagnes.

Sánchez had left home shortly after midnight to take food to some relatives when the assailant attacked her in the street. The two wounds, to her neck and leg respectively, proved fatal within minutes, leaving her three children orphaned. Her only son is currently serving his mandatory military service in Havana, which is why the funeral was delayed.

The suspected killer surrendered to police after several hours on the run. Among the hundreds of comments the incident has generated was one from an acquaintance of the victim, who stated that back in July the deceased had told her she was being threatened by the suspected killer, who said he would cut her face. “She had already reported him and the police were looking for him, but he hadn’t turned up. That was a premeditated murder,” she exclaimed.

Sánchez is the first Cuban woman murdered this year, at least the first publicly reported case. The most recent is presumably Elizabeth Hernández-Sánchez, although in this case the crime was committed on the other side of the Florida Straits and also resulted in the death of another Cuban national, Yeisir Buster Concepción. Both were allegedly murdered continue reading

by Randy (Randys) Ramírez, Sánchez’s ex-partner, from Sancti Spíritus.

Elizabeth Hernández-Sánchez will be buried on January 5th. / Gofundme

The incident occurred in Missouri on December 30th at approximately 3:00 a.m. According to official information from the Warren County Sheriff’s Office, several deputies responded to a report of a shooting near South Stracks Church Road and State Highway M, where they found two people critically wounded by gunfire, who later died. The victims were identified as Yeisir Buster Concepción, 42, originally from Céspedes, Camagüey, and Elizabeth Hernández Sánchez, 33, born in Sancti Spíritus. Hernández Sánchez was the mother of three children, two of whom were fathered by her ex-husband and alleged killer.

Both were attacked while traveling together, presumably by Ramírez, who had previously threatened them with death, a fact that is being investigated by the authorities. The assailant appeared before the police who had arrived at the scene, but pulled out a gun and shot himself.

Local press reports say that around twenty officers are working on this case, which has disrupted life in the quiet town of Warrenton.

Hernández’s sister has started a GoFundMe campaign to “cover funeral expenses, as everything happened so suddenly.” So far, they have already raised more than half of the $6,000 the family is seeking. The funeral is expected to take place this coming Monday, and although it hasn’t been explicitly stated, it is assumed it will be in the US and that Elizabeth’s body will not be returned to Cuba.
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Actress Adela Legrá Dies in Santiago de Cuba

The star of Manuela and Lucía left a unique mark on national cinema

Adela Legrá was, in her own right, the quintessential Cuban peasant woman. / Excerpt from Lucía (1968)

14ymedio, Havana, 2 January 2026 — Adela Legrá’s intense gaze in Lucía (1968) is one of the most recognizable images in Cuban cinema. Early Friday morning the actress, discovered by Humberto Solás in the mid-1960s and who left a unique mark on national cinema, passed away in Santiago de Cuba. She was 86 years old when she died, and her name will forever be linked to two essential films: Manuela (1966) and Lucía.

Humberto Solás found her in Baracoa while preparing a medium-length film for a competition organized by the Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry dedicated to the guerrillas. He wasn’t looking for an actress in the usual sense of the word, nor someone capable of “composing” a character. He needed a face and a body that would sustain the story without filters, without learned gestures. That same aspiration would be formulated years later by Robert Bresson, one of the great masters of modern cinema, in his book Notes on the Cinematographer (published in 1975), when he wrote: “What I am looking for is not acting, but presence. Not actors who act, but human beings who are.”

Adela Legrá embodied this idea almost literally. Her performance was not based on psychology or expressive calculation. There was something more direct, more physical about her. There was no clear distance between the woman and the character: the camera simply followed her. The rage, pain, or determination did not seem “acted”; they emerged as part of the same vital impulse. She was, in her own flesh, the quintessence of the Cuban peasant woman. continue reading

Her performance was not based on psychology or expressive calculation. There was something more direct, more physical about it.

This led to the creation of Manuela (1966), a film shot with formal freedom, handheld camera, and a method that allowed for improvisation. In it, Legrá moved with uncommon naturalness. Her energy was raw, sometimes overwhelming, and her direct gaze avoided any complacency.
Two years later, Solás called on her again for the third episode of Lucía. Considered one of the best works in the history of Cuban cinema, it is a classic that has transcended decades and is still studied today.

Throughout her career, Adela Legrá appeared in many other films, including Rancheador (1976), El brigadista (1978), Aquella larga noche (1979), Polvo rojo (1981), Miel para Oshún (2001), and Barrio Cuba (2005).

With her death, Cuban cinema loses an irreplaceable actress. Her gaze remains, and will always remain, present. Her body will lie in state in the coming hours at the El Calvario funeral home in Santiago de Cuba, according to the state-run media outlet Cubadebate.

Translated by GH

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Cuba: The Year Is Going Down In Flames

The burning of the effigy once again brings together satire, catharsis, and tradition in neighborhoods of Sancti Spíritus

The burning of the effigy of the old year is not exclusive to Sancti Spíritus or Cuba, but on the island it has acquired a very particular character. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Mercedes García, Sancti Spíritus, January 1, 2026 – As evening falls on December 31st, in some neighborhoods of Sancti Spíritus, it is already clear that the year won’t pass in silence. Among scraps of wood, old clothes, cardboard, and empty bottles, the effigies of the “old year” begin to take shape—those makeshift figures that traditionally serve to concentrate frustrations, jokes, and collective catharsis before being set ablaze. There is no manual or single design: all it takes is a human-shaped body and the certainty that, when it burns, something symbolic will also go with the flames

In one of the doorways of the neighborhood, a mannequin stands as if guarding the street. It wears worn boots, blue pants, and—a far from innocent detail—a white sweater with the phrase “I Love This Island” printed next to a Cuban flag. The irony is obvious. In a country marked by mass exodus and social weariness, that message seems less like a slogan and more like an open question. “We made it like that on purpose,” a neighbor confesses as he adjusts the wire around its neck. “Loving the country doesn’t mean you don’t want to burn away all the bad things that happened,” he clarifies, listing everything from the long blackouts of 2025 to the chikungunya that left him with a sore knee.

**In a country marked by mass exodus and social fatigue, that message seems less like a slogan and more like an open question / 14ymedio**

A few meters further on, two nearly identical mannequins share the sidewalk. Both have exaggeratedly inflated bellies, short arms, and a rigid posture reminiscent of government officials: all belly, no brains. No explanatory sign is needed. Passersby look at them, smile, and whisper. Political satire finds a rudimentary but effective outlet here, protected by the alibi of tradition.

The burning of the effigy of the old year is not exclusive to Sancti Spíritus or Cuba, but on the island it has taken on a very particular character. Here it is mixed with local humor and the need for catharsis. Burning the effigy is a way of saying goodbye to the bad: the shortages, the lines, the broken promises, the exorbitant prices, and also the accumulated fears.

As night falls, when the street darkens continue reading

and someone lights a match, the atmosphere changes. The fire catches quickly. Flames devour the clothes, the wood crackles, and the effigy, seated in an old metal chair, is enveloped in an orange light that illuminates the nearby facades. There is applause, nervous laughter, and the occasional sarcastic comment. It’s not a solemn bonfire; it’s more of a domestic ritual, improvised, but full of meaning.

Political satire finds a rudimentary but effective channel here, protected by the alibi of tradition. / 14ymedio

While the effigy burns, in other parts of Cuba others perform their own rituals. At midnight, many throw buckets of water from their front doors to “wash away the bad.” Others, more optimistic or desperate, walk around the block with an empty suitcase, convinced that this will attract a trip in the coming year. Every gesture, however small it may seem, is a gamble on hope.

When only ashes and a lingering smell of burnt fabric remain, the street regains its calm. The effigy is gone, but the gesture remains. In Sancti Spíritus, as in so many places across the country, burning the effigy of the old year doesn’t change reality overnight, but it allows for something equally necessary: to say, without speeches or slogans, that there was too much weight to carry and that at least tonight, the decision was made to release it into the fire.

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Cuba, The Never-Ending Crisis

Three determining factors shape the scenario for 2026: institutional deterioration, external isolation, and political stagnation

The exodus of athletes continued, reflecting a country losing talent at the same rate as the decline of sports, and, most dramatically, baseball. The blackouts, with several successive collapses of the national power grid, were more than just long hours without electricity each day: they became the everyday metaphor for a political project that doesn’t illuminate, only spreads darkness around it. Not even the new photovoltaic parks managed to alleviate the electricity crisis.

On the international stage, Havana faced increasing isolation and palpable nervousness in the face of Washington’s encirclement of Nicolás Maduro ‘s regime, one of its last remaining external pillars of support. Signals emanating from Caracas foreshadow turbulence and potential outcomes continue reading

that could leave the Cuban leadership without one of its most strategic allies.

Hurricane Melissa added a natural disaster to a year already marked by the erosion of institutions, unable to assist those affected, and the exponential growth of poverty, fueled by rampant inflation that primarily impacts food prices. Protests over the lack of electricity and water became an increasingly direct expression of popular discontent. Meanwhile, the military conglomerate Gaesa consolidated its economic and financial control by opening dollar stores selling food and basic goods.

Without a reformist roadmap, the population views the future like someone staring at the sea on a dark night: they cannot make out the shore, but they know it exists.

By 2026, the outlook appears even bleaker. Without a reformist roadmap, the population views the future like someone staring at the sea on a dark night: they can’t make out the shore, but they know it exists.

However, Cuban society has reached this point with something it previously lacked: a widespread awareness of its own strength, tested in the streets by the banging of pots and pans and cries of “Freedom!” This is not naive optimism, but rather an understanding that even in the longest nights there are cracks through which light can seep. And these cracks, opened by ordinary people, can mark the beginning of a change that no longer depends solely on those in power.

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Cuba: The Deaths That Marked 2025

A look at the year’s most significant farewells

This newspaper accompanied many farewells, convinced that remembering is also a way of narrating the present. / Collage

Throughout 2025, numerous farewells took place. The obituaries published during these 12 months in 14ymedio have not only been a record of the end of those lives, but also a way to contextualize the legacy they left behind. It is worthwhile now to take stock of those goodbyes, including the Cubans who passed away—those closest to us, those who directly touched the heart of the country—and international figures whose passing also left its mark on public debate

The death of Paulito FG in a traffic accident marked one of the most shocking moments of the year. An idol of popular dance music, his persona epitomized the transition from timba to the big stage, coupled with a remarkable professional ability to maintain contact with the public for decades. Alongside him, the passing of Edesio Alejandro brought to a close a fundamental era in Cuban film and theater music: a restless, experimental composer, capable of breaking molds in an increasingly narrow cultural landscape.

In acting and film, Mario Limonta and Luis Alberto Ramírez represented different generations, yet were equally recognizable to Cuban audiences. Ramírez also joined the tragic list of those who have died from the viruses circulating on the island, a public health crisis that marked 2025 and claimed several victims in the cultural world. The death of José Antonio Chávez, remembered for his impressive work with the Camagüey Ballet, was also attributed to this same cause.

2025 was the year in which these deaths forced us to look back, to measure trajectories and to ask ourselves what remains when the voices are silenced
Theater and film also lost Manuel Marzel, a discreet but constant filmmaker, and television said goodbye to Aris Teresa Bruzos, the endearing Evarista from Vivir del cuento, whose popularity made her part of the daily life of millions of Cubans.

In the field of visual arts, the death in Madrid of Waldo Balart marked the end of an era for one continue reading

of the most important abstract artists on the island and in the world, known for his kinetic style and conceptual rigor. Zenaida Armenteros, a key figure in Afro-Cuban culture, also passed away; her work as a researcher and promoter left a significant mark on the preservation of traditions.

The disappearance of Eduardo Torres Cuevas, historian and essayist, signified the loss of one of the most influential voices in official cultural thought. His work helped construct the historical narrative of the Revolution, and his death reopened debates about memory and power.

Independent journalism and the Cuban opposition also lost key figures. Manuel Ballagas, a controversial and exiled chronicler, left behind a body of work marked by denunciation and critical analysis of the system. Wilfredo Vallín, a lawyer and human rights defender, was a central figure in the creation of civic spaces outside state control, while the death of reporter Juan González Febles forced a rethinking of independent journalism.

In exile, Yndamiro Restano, a pioneer of opposition thought, and Luis Conte Agüero an emblematic voice in Cuban politics and radio for decades, both died. They were joined by Salvador Lemis , a playwright and cultural promoter whose work was marked by the tension between the absurd, social metaphor, and the exploration of identity.

Among the figures directly linked to power, the death of Ricardo Cabrisas closed the chapter on one of the men who for decades “reassured” foreign investors and negotiators, the technocratic face of a system in crisis. Osmany Cienfuegos, brother of Commander Camilo, also passed away; his life was spent in official positions and gradually distancing himself from the center of power.

The year was also marked by the death of Pope Francis.

In exile, the death of Lincoln Díaz-Balart served as a reminder of the diaspora’s influence on American politics and the role of Cuban-American congressmen in Washington’s agenda toward Havana. Meanwhile, the painter Humberto Calzada left behind a body of work recognizable for its silent architecture and timeless interiors, where human absence becomes the central theme. Through stillness and formal rigor, the artist constructed one of the most robust visual poetics in contemporary Cuban art.

The year was also marked by the death of Pope Francis, a figure who, through his actions and words, influenced the relationship between Cuba and the Vatican and deepened a path of rapprochement with the Castro regime. Mario Vargas Llosa, an essential novelist and essayist whose ideas and controversies resonated for decades in Latin America, also passed away. His work was banned for decades from official publishing houses and public tributes on the island, although just a few days ago, the Ateneo de La Habana organized a literary discussion about the Peruvian writer for the first time, with the participation of Leonardo Padura.

The world of film and fashion lost some globally renowned names: Robert Redford, actor and director; Claudia Cardinale, an icon of European cinema; Diane Keaton, a role model for several generations; and Giorgio Armani, creator of an aesthetic that transcended the catwalk. In music, the death of Ozzy Osbourne brought to a close the story of one of rock’s most extreme figures.

From science and environmental activism, Jane Goodall left a legacy of research and defense of nature that transcended disciplines. In Latin American politics, the passing of Violeta Barrios de Chamorro and Pepe Mujica served as a reminder of two very different ways of wielding power, both influential in the region.

Thus, 2025 was the year in which these deaths forced us to look back, to measure trajectories, and to ask ourselves what remains when voices are silenced. In this exercise of memory, this newspaper accompanied many farewells, convinced that remembering is also a way of narrating the present.

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The Fábrica De Arte Cubano Denounces a Smear Campaign Encouraged by the Authorities

The cultural center attributes an alleged racist act to a misunderstanding on the part of its security staff.

14ymedio, Havana, January 1, 2026 — The Fábrica De Arte Cubano [Cuban Art Factory] (FAC) released a statement this Wednesday rejecting accusations of racial discrimination that circulated against it following an incident that occurred at the end of December. The cultural center maintains that the episode is part of a smear campaign launched after authorities prohibited a tribute to Celia Cruz for her centennial in mid-October

The incident occurred on December 26, when Alejandro Bridón Mesa reported on social media that he and two companions were denied entry to the Fábrica de Arte Cubano under the pretext of “right of admission,” without any explanation from security personnel. According to his account, while he was denied access supposedly because he is Black and Cuban, other people, especially foreigners, entered without difficulty, a situation he described as “humiliating.”

The denunciation spread rapidly on digital platforms, where it was shared by numerous users and generated a broad public debate about the application of the right of admission in cultural spaces.

The denunciation spread rapidly on digital platforms, where it was shared by numerous users

In the comments section of the original post, the Fábrica de Arte Cubano itself added another element, noting that Bridón Mesa had visited the venue on previous occasions without incident. According to that message, after conducting internal inquiries, the young man was personally continue reading

contacted by musician and producer X Alfonso to offer explanations and apologies. The institution then reiterated that it is not a racist or exclusionary space and affirmed that the Fábrica de Arte Cubano “is and will continue to be everyone’s home.”

This Thursday, X Alfonso, founder and director of the cultural center, stated on his private social media accounts that a mistake had been made. In a particularly critical tone regarding the official smear campaigns, he wrote: “Don’t come at me with stories or official campaigns of empty rhetoric. For those with short memories: the absurd use of the right of admission is what many of us experienced for years at Kevin’s age, when we were denied entry to hotels, social clubs, or shops for reasons that weren’t ours.”

The artist wrote on social media, where he also explained that security personnel mistook the young man for someone known to have committed thefts on the premises and that the decision was not motivated by racial reasons. Furthermore, he asserted that the right of admission is used only to prevent access to “people with criminal records on the premises, whether for theft, harassment, disrespect towards the public or staff, or when they arrive visibly intoxicated or under the influence of drugs, endangering the safety of others.”

Fueling the controversy, the Cuban Institute of Music criticized the Cuban Federation of Music’s (FAC) response on social media and in official media outlets such as the State newspaper Granma and Cubadebate, deeming the justification given for the incident insufficient. At the same time, the Institute asserted that the event had been manipulated by external actors to discredit the institutions and sow division within the “Revolution.” According to the statement, several members of the National Center for Popular Music and the Institute itself personally visited Bridón to explain that the entire incident was nothing more than an arbitrary decision by an employee. According to this official version, Bridón was satisfied with the explanation.

Founded in 2014, the Cuban Art Factory is a multidisciplinary center that has established itself as one of the main cultural venues in the capital.

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The People of Matanzas, Cuba, Managed To Revive the Colla Festival This Year

Lacking state support, this celebration of Catalan origin was able to be organized thanks to a citizens’ initiative.

The tradition involves walking from Liberty Park to the hermitage and returning to perform the ritual of bread in sauce and wine at the old Spanish Casino. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Pablo Padilla Cruz, Matanzas, December 31, 2025 – On December 14th, the Colla festival took place in the city of Matanzas. This celebration of Catalan origin was made possible this year thanks to a citizen initiative, without any government support. The traditional festival, almost as much a part of Matanzas as it is Catalan, consists of a pilgrimage from Liberty Park to the Monserrate Hermitage.

Among the participants was María Ester, a resident of San Gabriel Street. “I participate almost every year. Even at 68, I can still climb up to Monserrate, but I know that one day my body will say enough is enough,” she told 14ymedio as she walked with difficulty. “For now, even though I don’t have much Catalan in me, I go and enjoy the festival. It’s something that takes me out of my daily routine,” she added with a smile as she disappeared into the crowd.

The celebration is an ode to the city’s Catalan heritage and is the only festival of its kind in Latin America. / 14ymedio

The Colla festival is an identity symbol of Hispanicity in Matanzas; the celebration is an ode to the Catalan heritage of the city and is the only festival of its kind in Latin America.

During the pilgrimage, Lionel Orozco, the city’s curator, explained to 14ymedio that the term “colla” means group or gang in Catalan. “The people of Matanzas are the colla, symbolically, and the tradition consists of going from Liberty Park to the hermitage and returning to perform the ritual of bread in sauce and wine at the old Spanish Casino, now the Provincial Library.”

Orozco also addressed the current difficulties in maintaining the celebration. “Given the country’s situation, it’s difficult to uphold this tradition, especially since it’s based on bread, and we all know that bread is a luxury right now. However, the Catalan Association has found the strength to continue and has given us another year of this tradition. Without them, Matanzas wouldn’t be Matanzas,” he stated.

“You never know what will happen next year or if we’ll meet again on pilgrimage.” / 14ymedio

The festival was revived in 1981 and has since been maintained as part of Matanzas Culture Week, although its continuation has always been at risk. Gonzalo, a member of the Catalan Association and one of the organizers, explained some of the obstacles they have faced. “The pandemic put the festival on hold for two years. The condition of the chapel also limited us until its repair in 2009 and 2019, since it is a structure inaugurated in 1875 that was almost abandoned for many years,” he said.

“We depend on gastronomy and its offerings for family enjoyment, and also on culture and the artistic work of the new generations who keep Hispanic identity alive. You never know what will happen next year or if we will meet again on this pilgrimage,” he added. “That is why it is important to pass this tradition on to the younger generations and keep alive the pilgrimage and the Hispanic roots that define us.”

For now, amidst traditional Spanish dances, bread, and wine, the group ascends and descends the city streets, filling them with color. However, uncertainty remains as to whether this will be the last pilgrimage due to a lack of state support and health issues, circumstances that directly affect the roots, traditions, and identity of the people of Matanzas.

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Whether to Buy Food or Medicine? The Dilemma for Cubans When They Stock Up at the Neighborhood Pharmacy

“The 1,000 pesos I had saved to buy a piece of meat are going to be spent on medicine,” says a retired woman in San José de las Lajas.

The pharmacy in La Micro is a small shop with worn walls and lighting that doesn’t dispel the gloom. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, San José de las Lajas — At seven in the morning, the green gate of the pharmacy in the La Micro neighborhood already had a line that stretched around the corner. There was no sign announcing the arrival of medicine, nor an official announcement, but in San José de las Lajas, important news spreads by word of mouth with the speed of necessity. It only took someone saying “something came in” for many to leave the stove lit, the broom leaning against the wall, or a grandchild in the care of a neighbor, and head out with the folded card in their pocket. The scene, repeated so many times in recent years, took on a particular air of urgency last Monday: it wasn’t about buying, but about not waiting any longer.

“It’s been over four months since we last got captopril,” says Mabel, a second-grade teacher, referring to a blood pressure medicine, as she fanned herself with a notebook she carries in her purse. During that time, she’s been buying it on the street for 500 pesos per blister pack, an amount that eats up a good chunk of her salary. To be in line at the pharmacy, she left her students with a teaching assistant and practically ran out. “This isn’t about getting ahead of ourselves, it’s about not running out,” she explains. In front of her, a couple of women check their prescriptions again and again, as if the paper might vanish before reaching the counter.

The pharmacy in La Micro is a small shop with worn walls and lighting that barely dispels the gloom. Sales proceed with the usual slowness, and each customer seems to take longer to be served than the last. Outside, those waiting make themselves comfortable as best they can: sitting on the wall, standing under the asbestos roof, or leaning against the rusted window bars. Most are middle-aged and elderly, carrying that accumulated weariness that not even continue reading

good news can dispel.

“I even brought a prescription for amoxicillin, although they told me no antibiotics were allowed in,” Mabel says in a low voice.

“I even have a prescription for amoxicillin, although they told me no antibiotics were delivered,” Mabel remarks quietly. The complaint is echoed among those present: “Other establishments in town get their supplies first; we get what’s left over.” The usual suspicions of favoritism and cronyism also hang in the air, a constant murmur that no one can quite confirm but that is part of the scene. The distrust, like the queue, is now ingrained.

Zenaida, a 67-year-old retired architect, got her place in line at five in the morning and is still number seven. “The 1,000 pesos I had saved to buy a little piece of meat are going to go toward medicine,” she says without raising her voice. She suffers from several chronic illnesses and knows the cruel arithmetic of these times all too well: either she eats better or she sleeps without pain. “I thought nothing would come in until January. I’d rather spend the 31st with just rice and beans than spend the night awake because of my joints,” she confesses as she takes two 500-peso bills, crumpled from being kept for so long, out of her purse.

Inside the pharmacy, an employee rigorously controls access to the counter. Looking out the barred window, he repeats the directive: three prescriptions per person, no more. “As long as I’m here, there won’t be any disorder,” he warns, aware that some see each shipment of medication as a business opportunity. His vigilance contrasts sharply with the precariousness of the system he’s trying to maintain: few medications, too many needs, and a distribution chain plagued by theft, diversion, and lack of oversight, as documented in recent months by investigations into the deterioration of the public health system.

The scene becomes almost ritualistic. Every time someone leaves with a bag in hand, the others ask what they managed to buy, how much there was, what’s already gone. The inventory is rebuilt in real time: captopril, some clonazepam, a few painkillers. Nowhere near enough for everyone waiting, nor anything that will last long. “This is a respite, not a solution,” a retiree remarks, adjusting his cap and looking at the ground. “Now they might bring it back in March or April. That’s why I came running.”

The approach of the end of the year is the topic of every conversation. No one is talking about celebrations, but about survival.

The approach of the end of the year is the topic of every conversation. No one talks about celebrations, but about survival. In the queue, stories of expired prescriptions, months without treatment, and exorbitant prices on the black market intertwine. Some remember when the pharmacy was a place for quick errands and not a test of physical endurance. Others prefer not to remember.

In San José de las Lajas, as in the rest of the country, the shortage of medications has forced chronically ill patients to reorganize their lives around the scarcity. The pharmacy becomes a meeting point, a social barometer, a stage where the strain is measured. This Monday, the arrival of “a few” medications did not solve the problem, but it did raise a small, almost defensive hope: that of not being left completely unprotected.

As midday approaches and the queue begins to dwindle, some return home with the essentials; others, with empty hands.

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Granma Province, Cuba: “With No Propane To Cook the Little You Can Get, What Is There To Celebrate This December 31?”

Granma Province runs out of liquefied gas due to lack of availability at the Santiago de Cuba plant

In Sancti Spíritus, neighbors asked one another for charcoal to cook. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, December 30, 2025 — It was timely for the Granma Province television station to ask the population about their experience without propane. The local television station published a notice on its Facebook page, previously provided by the Provincial Territorial Fuel Marketing Division, warning that due to the lack of availability of propane canisters at the Santiago de Cuba plant, there would be no sales “until further notice.”

The report took note of the number of criticisms sparked by the entity’s announcement and decided to ask residents to share their experiences. “How is this situation affecting your community? We invite you to share your experience in the comments.” Few posts by the station have generated such a volume of responses – more than 100 so far – when most comments are usually about the daily power outage report, with about 24 replies. It is fair to note, however, that on December 26, a video of the “celebration” of the 67th Anniversary of the Revolutionary Victory in the municipality of Río Cauto drew more than 300 complaints, mostly critical: “Give that town some quality of life, they are dying while still alive. You should be ashamed of such a charade celebrating something that has not existed for many years,” one of many posts read.

The message about the lack of propane has accumulated countless complaints that reflect the state of affairs in the eastern province. “Our situation is truly sad. The end of the year arrives and people are under the same stress we have endured all year: no electricity, no water, no cash, scarce food, a basic ration basket that is completely out of sync (today the 29th, the six pounds of rice and three of sugar that were announced still haven’t reached the ration store). And an apparent normality that gives the impression that no one with decision-making power has any idea what the people are living through. They don’t even explain anymore. We only see apologies for the inconvenience caused. ‘Company management appreciates…’ Where is the understanding? No one understands,” wrote one user.

“At my distribution point, number 78 in Santiago de Cuba, located in San Félix, since distribution began they have only delivered twice,” argued another. “In my community this is affecting us a lot, because this area is one of those hardest hit by power outages. This is like a deserted mountain: all you hear is the sound of axes chopping firewood. Hopefully continue reading

it will be restored soon. Happy New Year,” said another comment, somewhat more optimistic. Quite the opposite was a reader who retained not even a trace of the holiday spirit expected at this time of year: “How sad our lives are. No water, no electricity, no propane to cook the little that can be obtained. What is there to celebrate this December 31? And life goes on and nobody seems to care.”

“This is like a deserted mountain: all you hear is the sound of axes chopping firewood. Hopefully it will be restored soon. Happy New Year.”

The situation is discouraging, and not only in the eastern region, where yesterday another moment of panic was experienced when a fault on the “110 kV Renté-Santiago Industrial line, which supplies much of Guantánamo province,” disconnected that province from the National Electric System. The issue was resolved in a matter of minutes, but it has become impossible to tell when the grid is or is not connected. The state company was forced to clarify that once the line was repaired, “the electricity deficit in the province is due to lack of generation.”

While waiting to find out if the Antonio Guiteras power plant in Matanzas manages to reconnect properly to the system, the Island faces another day of energy shortages. Despite forecasts of very low temperatures for the end of the year, not exceeding 18 degrees Celsius (64.4 F), demand remains very high relative to the limited generation available. Expected availability during peak hours is just 1,570 megawatts, less than half of the country’s required 3,300 MW, so an impact of 1,760 MW is anticipated for that time slot.

The rest of the day should theoretically be better. Demand is much lower, at 2,100 MW, and although production is also limited at 1,420 MW, the maximum impact will be 950 MW. Breakdowns at unit 5 of the Mariel thermoelectric plant, unit 2 of Felton, and unit 6 of Renté add to the maintenance work on unit 2 of Santa Cruz and unit 4 of Carlos Manuel de Céspedes in Cienfuegos.

Nevertheless, the problems come mainly from distributed generation, which has 93 plants offline, totaling 1,039 megawatts on New Year’s Eve.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuban Faces 2025: Generation Z in Cuba, Neither Silent Nor Submissive

This generational awakening, with its own particularities, has also begun to manifest itself in Cuba

Social media serves as a window through which many young people portray their lives on the island. / Facebook

14ymedio, Havana, 30 December 2025 — In various parts of the world, Generation Z has begun to occupy a visible place in public life. Young people born in the late 1990s and early 2000s have participated in protests and social movements that have challenged governments, traditional leadership, and official narratives, from Peru to Indonesia, and including Madagascar, Kenya, Morocco, and the Philippines.

This generational awakening, with its own particularities, has also begun to manifest itself in Cuba. Far from the image of apathy that for years was associated with youth on the island, some young people have found ways to express their discontent and participate in public debates from their immediate surroundings or through digital platforms. Among the names that have gained visibility are Erlis Sierra and Ana Sofía Benítez, whose public statements have brought everyday problems to the forefront.

Sierra became visible after releasing a video in which he complained to officials of the municipality of Contramaestre about the power outages.

Erlis Sierra, a pediatrician residing in Baire, Santiago de Cuba, gained notoriety after posting a video in which he complained to officials in the municipality of Contramaestre about power outages, water shortages, and garbage accumulation, citing the Cuban Constitution to support his demands. Shortly afterward, two police officers arrested him at his home and took him in handcuffs to Santiago de Cuba, according to local residents. During his arrest, another video circulated continue reading

in which Sierra claimed to be “fine,” although some internet users pointed out that the recording appeared to have been made under the supervision of State Security.

The doctor’s mother, Ania Gómez Leiva, also spoke publicly, appealing for help in securing her son’s release. Neighbors reported a police presence in the area and warnings issued to those sharing information about the incident.

Ana Sofía Benítez has used digital environments as a space for reflection

Ana Sofía Benítez, for her part, has used digital environments as a space for reflection. Her publications describe common experiences of life in Cuba, such as limited access to printed books and reliance on online resources for studying and staying informed. Through these narratives, she has shown how young people of her generation face material constraints while developing strategies to adapt to them.

Social media serves as a window through which many young people portray their lives on the island. Audiences outside of Cuba closely follow this content, which offers a direct glimpse into the living conditions of the population. The hashtag #VivoEnCuba (I Live in Cuba) has gained prominence as a space where young creators document daily life. Some, like Frank Camayeris, achieved popularity before emigrating, while others continue to produce content from the country, such as Aprendedora (Learner), who recently narrated the arrival of Hurricane Melissa from her daily experience in Holguín.

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