Corruption, Nepotism, and False Measurements Reign at Cuba’s Institute of Meteorology

An Insmet employee calls José Rubiera a “parasite” and denounces the closure of at least 10 of the agency’s stations.

The historic Santiago de Las Vegas train station has been abandoned and is currently in ruins / Courtesy

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, 1 March 2026 — This week’s announcement of a United Nations-funded plan to “improve the quality and accuracy of weather forecasts” in Cuba coincided with the delivery to 14ymedio of a devastating testimony about “corruption and nepotism” affecting the Institute of Meteorology (Insmet). “Only those of us who work here know,” explains a young employee at the Casablanca station who asks not to be named.

Currently, half of the personnel remaining at Insmet are over 65 years old: “Rehired retirees who earn double for doing nothing,” the worker asserts. Among these rehired retirees, the renowned Dr. José Rubiera, 80, stands out. He “already forgets the names and years of hurricanes” and manages to earn a considerable amount of money through his YouTube channel and other private contracts.

It was not a committee of experts or a proficiency exam that put him there: it was by political order

“Even though he doesn’t need it, he has a contract with Insmet, like a parasite,” says the young man with heartfelt annoyance, adding that the people still believe that Rubiera is the best meteorologist in Cuba, simply because “he was the one who went out with every cyclone,” without taking into account that whoever put him there was not a commission of experts or a proficiency exam: “It was by political order, for being a deputy and a member of the PCC, like everything else that is done in Cuba.”

José Rubiera and Fidel Castro on an episode of the Round Table TV program. / Cubadebate

The same procedure was followed with Ailyn Justiz, the current head of the Center for Atmospheric Physics, who was assigned the position after the previous head was dismissed for expressing an “incorrect” political opinion on social media. “Ailyn, on the other hand, has the perfect profile: she is a member of the PCC and a deputy to the National Assembly of People’s Power, but she has very little knowledge of meteorology.”

The worker points to the unreliability of the data transmitted by Insmet staff, where there is widespread discontent due to appalling working conditions. “The observers stationed at the stations fabricate numbers to justify their salaries,” he explains. For example, some independent meteorologists have questioned the supposed zero-celsius degree record at Indio Hatuey, as the station’s measurements are inconsistent and there are numerous physical reasons to disprove the record.

The professionals have resigned due to discontent over their low salaries and the insecurity of the facilities, which have already suffered frequent break-ins. / Courtesy

However, this record will not be reviewed or refuted under any circumstances, since the Insmet officially recognized it and the news went viral worldwide. Should any questions arise that surface on social media, they would immediately be dismissed with the assurance that “everything is working perfectly.”

Of the 68 weather stations in the system, at least ten have closed due to a lack of professionals who have resigned in protest over their low salaries and the insecurity of the facilities, which have already suffered frequent assaults. continue reading

At least ten stations have closed due to lack of staff and resources. / Courtesy

Among the stations that have ceased operations is the one in Santiago de las Vegas. Although this facility has decades of history, it has been abandoned for over a year and is now in ruins. It is currently occupied by unknown individuals as an illegal dwelling, and its records have been lost. Other Insmet facilities that have suffered similar fates include the historic stations at Cabo de San Antonio, Güira de Melena, Colón, and Unión de Reyes. At the Tapaste station, only the station manager remains, and she only takes sporadic measurements.

Despite the organization’s precarious situation, none of its top officials have been singled out or sanctioned. While the sector continues to suffer from shortcomings and resource shortages, the directors are using the money for scientific tourism, denounces the Casablanca specialist.

“The three main people responsible for this (although not the only ones) are the general director, Celso Pazos Alberdi; the deputy director Yinelis Bermúdez – a specialist in censoring information – and Ailyn Justiz, who allows the whole disaster at the forecasting center and spends her life in PCC meetings,” the worker asserts.

While the sector continues to suffer from failures and resource shortages, executives are using the money to promote scientific tourism.

The poor state of the meteorological infrastructure is evident in the absence of station reports on the Insmet website itself. Among the persistent problems are various technical deficiencies: “They no longer conduct forecast assessments and have hired technicians with inflated templates to create ‘maps’ using Windows Paint, which is an embarrassment for a professional.”

To stop the loss of specialists, the Ministry of Science, Technology and Environment (CITMA) has decided to increase the salaries of workers at three of its centers, and especially at Insmet itself. Employees have been asked not to divulge the news of the raise, apparently to avoid complaints from professionals in other scientific fields who deserve the same treatment commensurate with their work, but who receive meager salaries.

“The increase, which will arrive in March, is around double the current amount –although that doesn’t mean it will be enough– and the goal is for the Insmet staff to stay, especially in Casablanca, since most of the professionals at that station have resigned to go and work at the airport, where they are paid between 12,000 and 20,000 pesos, plus incentives.”

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A Water Main Failure Unleashes a Torrent in the Streets of a Havana Without Water

The incident reignites criticisms of the deteriorating water system, as residents report weeks without water.

Children play in the floodwaters that have taken over the streets. / Image taken from social media.

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, March 1, 2026 / A failure in Havana’s hydraulic system has caused interruptions in the water supply in Guanabacoa and several areas of East Havana. The break has also caused a major flood at the intersection of Calzada de San Miguel and 1st Street, in the municipality of San Miguel del Padrón

The powerful water leak gushing from the road flooded the streets uncontrollably, even reaching nearby homes. Videos circulating on social media show children playing in the strong current, as if it were a river. The irony of seeing so much water flowing in a city suffering from chronic water shortages generated reactions of both astonishment and outrage.

According to the state-owned water company Aguas de La Habana, the break occurred around 4:00 pm this Saturday, affecting a 48-inch pipeline in the Nudo A Tanque María Cristina main. As a safety measure and to facilitate repair work, seven pumps at the El Gato Water Supply Plant have been shut down.

In the comments on the official post, several users reported that the water supply problem extends beyond this incident. Residents pointed to supply failures that have lasted for weeks in areas as diverse as continue reading

Old Havana, Alturas de La Lisa, Luyanó, Altahabana, Arroyo Arenas, Playa, and Cotorro.

Some users commented that the pipe was already damaged, but the authorities had not addressed the issue.

The incident highlights the fragility of the capital’s water infrastructure, which has suffered decades of deterioration without adequate repairs and faces a demand that exceeds the system’s actual capacity. In the news report published by the Havana government on its official profile, some users commented that the pipe was already damaged, but the authorities had not addressed the issue.

The indignation and skepticism of these reactions are framed within a situation where these supply system failures, as well as the persistent incidents in the electrical system, convert the basic into a constant challenge.

Havana Water Company announced that it will provide an update when repairs are completed and service is restored. In the meantime, residents of the affected areas will continue to experience interruptions. This lack of water supply adds to the current crisis and the scarcity that is suffocating an increasingly discontented population.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

Nothing that depends on internet access is guaranteed on the Island

The phenomenon known as FOMO (fear of missing out) is causing people to climb water tanks to see if they can get a 4G signal. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, February 28, 2026 – I walk to the corner of the rooftop, raise my arm, and lean forward. A signal bar appears on my phone screen. All the accumulated messages begin to appear, and just as many struggle to come in. The only sound is the hum of a nearby generator in a ministry. The neighborhood falls silent in the blackout, heavier and denser than the peace of the graves.

Nothing that depends on internet access is guaranteed in Cuba. Local mobile apps, which until a few years ago organized food deliveries, passenger transport, or contact with construction workers, are useless most of the time. Only in the early morning hours does web browsing seem to loosen up somewhat and flow, but who would think of ordering a pizza at four in the morning? What’s the point of hiring a plumber shortly after midnight?

There are neighborhoods and then there are neighborhoods. A relative who lives in Vedado tells me I can go to her house anytime to check my email. Hers is a privileged zone. There are hardly any blackouts because it’s connected to a “hospital circuit” that ran out of fuel a while ago to power its generators and must maintain the lights in the surrounding houses, even when all of Havana is in darkness. I do the math: about a forty-minute walk there, another forty minutes to get back. Almost an hour and a half just to download my emails.

Sometimes I miss the days of telegrams. When the postman’s booming voice called out a name in the tenement where I lived, we all knew it was something brief, quick, and probably urgent. People wrote short sentences, without prepositions or compound verbs. Every word cost money, and you couldn’t waste it on embellishments. “Aunt dead, funeral tomorrow”; “Born, eight pounds”; “No wedding, groom left”; or “Send money for the wake.” That’s how we found out about the most important things.

But now, no. Now there are memes to watch, emails loaded with multi-megabyte images sent from all over the world, Valentine’s Day cards that take minutes to download, audio recordings a friend made on the Madrid metro, taking his time, forgetting that we envy the speed at which smoke signals travel. There are reels, heated debates to follow on Facebook, discussions where everyone wants to have the last word, and videos, with faces practically glued to the lens, filmed inside cars parked outside enormous shopping malls in Miami or Tampa.

Anxiety is growing. We’re not aware, nor could we be. The so-called FOMO (fear of missing out ) has people in this city climbing water tanks to see if they can get a 4G signal and those blessed Facebook posts will finally load on their phones. It was one thing when we didn’t know what we were missing, and quite another now, when the abysmal telecommunications service robs us of the internet users we’ve become, that we have constructed through years of social media presence. More than a deficiency, this is an amputation. continue reading

Infanta and San Lázaro Park in Central Havana is one of the few remaining Wi-Fi hotspots in Havana. / 14ymedio

An architect friend has arrived in Cuba after more than a decade living in Europe to bury her mother. Now she has to arrange for someone to care for her father, who has serious mobility issues and is almost 80 years old. But most of her contacts with possible candidates for the position, which she will pay in euros, are through mobile phones and WhatsApp. Having lost all experience dealing with Cuba’s slow internet speeds, my friend curses at her phone screen every time she dials and gets the recording that says “the number you are calling is switched off or out of coverage,” one of the many ways the state monopoly Etecsa masks its inefficiency.

The architect, who emigrated, has to finish and deliver a project she was asked to complete on the other side of the Atlantic. Her employers can’t seem to understand that, by boarding that plane to this island, she’s entered a kind of Faraday cage where communication is either unreliable or impossible. Her finished sketches are stuck in Havana, waiting for the longed-for bars of connectivity to appear on her phone. But my friend has lost the capacity to wait. She says that time is worthless here and that every minute that passes is money lost.

I can’t help her much. The Wi-Fi hotspot closest to our house no longer works. After the initial excitement surrounding these wireless parks, the arrival of mobile internet and the lack of maintenance have little by little shut them down. Mobile internet service began in December 2018, and we thought it was time to abandon the hard benches in public squares where the darkness and the threat of muggers forced us to keep one eye on the screen and the other constantly scanning our surroundings.

This Wednesday I visited several of those Wi-Fi hotspots. Some lost their antennas a while ago, and in others, the limited bandwidth has been absorbed by nearby residents who installed antennas that extend the wireless signal into their living rooms, collapsing the service for everyone else. However, the biggest problem now is getting the recharge cards that allow access to the Nauta portal with a username and password.

“Do you have Wi-Fi access cards?” I ask a telecommunications agent who, until recently, made a living selling mobile phone top-ups and other Etecsa services. “No, those haven’t been available for a while now, except that they’re selling them at some main offices,” he tells me. To offset the drop in sales, the man has set up a makeshift stand where he also sells soft drinks, beer, and cookies. If you can’t get online, at least have a drink and something to eat, seems to be the new motto of his tiny business.

At the Etecsa office on Obispo Street, they tell me they’ve run out of Wi-Fi cards. My relative from Vedado isn’t home so I can sit on her sofa and download my emails, so I decide to go back home. On the stairs, I run into my architect friend who is, quite literally, climbing the walls in despair. She hasn’t been able to check her LinkedIn account for over a week.

I go up to the rooftop. I put my phone in a corner and get to work in my little garden. An hour later, I hear a familiar sound. I’ve just received my first WhatsApp message of the day. Faraday, this time, I’ve beaten you.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba vs. Cuba: The Real Conflict Has Never Been Between Havana and Washington

The Island suffers a civil confrontation of nearly seven decades that today reaches its most tense moment  

With Washington, the top leadership of the Communist Party has always been willing to dialogue, talk, “reach understandings.” / Screenshot (Raul Castro) / Cubadebate

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 28 February 2026 — It is obvious that Washington and Havana are antagonists, but the real conflict is not between two countries, but between citizens of the same Island irreconcilably opposed to each other. The recent events in Cayo Falcones, where Ministry of the Interior authorities claim to have engaged in combat with other Cubans from Florida, demonstrate this once again.

Those who hold power in Cuba today came to it through arms. And for decades they have insinuated—when not openly stated—that this is also the only way to remove them. Cubans who dissent are not allowed to publicly express their discontent. Organizing protests is illegal, articulating politically outside the single party is forbidden, and the mere aspiration to participate in free and plural elections belongs to the realm of legal fantasy. All civic avenues are closed off, and then violence is invoked as a pretext.

With Washington, on the other hand, the top leadership of the Communist Party has always been willing to dialogue, talk, “reach understandings.” Against the Cuba that opposes Castroism, the repressive apparatus has been implacable, unleashing a virtual civil war from 1959 to the present. And in 67 years, there has never been a serious attempt at a truce.

Since the Revolution began to radicalize, the new power rushed into the arms of Moscow while its opponents sought the support of Washington. But the White House did not even want to involve its marines in the Bay of Pigs. And after the Missile Crisis, it committed to the USSR not to invade the Island. Even after the fall of the Berlin Wall, the United States preferred gradual economic pressure over resorting to military force to finish off the regime. continue reading

No one in the world would lift a finger in favor of the regime if it were too evident that the conflict is really against its own citizens.

The geographical argument, by the way, borders on the picturesque. For decades it has been repeated that the United States does not tolerate “a socialist state 90 miles from its coasts.” But geography is stubborn. The U.S. is closer to Russia than to Cuba. At the narrowest point of the Bering Strait, only 82 kilometers separate Alaska from Chukotka, while between Miami and Havana there are about 150 kilometers. So during the entire Cold War, Washington coexisted with the USSR literally on the other side of the polar fence.

U.S. conduct itself dismantles the thesis of an existential enemy. After the 1996 shoot-down of the Brothers to the Rescue planes—where U.S. citizens died—the response was not to mobilize aircraft carriers, but to tighten the embargo. Even now, everything points to the U.S. strategy continuing to be to pressure for negotiation, not military intervention.

The regime’s official narrative, however, insists that the essence of the problem is the historical dispute with the United States. It sounds epic, cinematic, and—above all—politically profitable, because that discourse attracts international solidarity and allows every internal disaster to be justified. No one in the world would lift a finger for the regime if it were too evident that the conflict is really against its own citizens.

The dictatorship has shown scandalous clumsiness against high-profile external threats—as happened on January 3 in Caracas— in contrast to the notable efficiency it displays when it comes to neutralizing and annihilating other Cubans. The bulk of the apparatus, from the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution to the political police and the army itself, is designed to monitor and discipline its own compatriots. In any serious strategy manual, that is called a structural internal conflict.

The leadership’s response to the largest civilian protests was never to call for national dialogue, but to give the “order to combat.”

In the early years of revolutionary power, the confrontation between Cubans reached levels of open violence. The mass executions of the 1960s set the tone for a policy that turned disagreement into a capital crime. The “Escambray cleanup” was, in essence, an irregular war within its own territory, where thousands of Cubans fought—and died—at the hands of other Cubans.

What is revealing is that, once the armed insurgency was exhausted, the State did not dismantle the logic of war. It simply changed the target. The same rhetoric of “terrorists” and “mercenaries” was recycled to confront peaceful opponents, independent journalists, and human rights activists. And the leadership’s response to the largest civilian protests—the July 11, 2021—was never to call for national dialogue, but to give the “order to combat.”

Currently, the climax of this historical confrontation responds less to Donald Trump’s return to the White House than to the presence of a politician of Cuban origin in a key position in the current Administration: Secretary of State Marco Rubio.

For the regime, Trump is a predictable figure in his tough rhetoric but also in his pragmatic negotiating style. Rubio, on the other hand, embodies the memory of anti-Castroism, the political capital of the diaspora, and above all, the ability to translate the Cuban conflict into the language of U.S. national security without intermediaries.

That is why the real conflict—Cuba versus Cuba—has now reached its most tense moment. And it occurs, moreover, when the Castroist model looks more exhausted than ever, incapable of convincing, of satisfying the basic needs of its population, or of finding an external ally truly committed to its survival. Is it possible to imagine a scenario in which Cubans resolve their differences through civic means? The challenge remains open.

Translated by GH

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

NGO Reports the Death of a Political Prisoner and 59 Rights Violations in Cuban Prisons This January

Political prisoners, Afro-descendants, and chronically ill inmates are identified as the main affected groups.

Military personnel guard two inmates in a Havana prison. / EFE/Alejandro Ernesto

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), February 28, 2026 – The NGO Cuban Prison Documentation Center (CDPD) recorded 59 human rights violations in Cuban prisons and one inmate who died due to medical negligence in January 2026, according to its report for that period released this Friday.

In this update on the situation in Cuban prisons, the Mexico-based NGO reported that at least 31 people deprived of liberty (2 women and 29 men) were identified as affected by some of these violations.

The CDPC also lamented the death of political prisoner Lázaro García Ríos, who was serving a 20-year prison sentence imposed in 2022, accused of the crimes of enemy propaganda and sabotage.

It states that García Ríos underwent heart surgery and, although “medical tests indicated that he had not fully recovered,” he was returned to Combinado del Este prison (Havana). He later filed complaints about the deterioration of his health, “without evidence that timely and adequate medical care was granted by prison authorities.”

The NGO indicated that it documented rights violations in 22 prisons across 14 provinces. Among them, the eastern province of Las Tunas recorded the highest number of complaints (10), mainly in the “El Típico” prison.

It again pointed out that the most affected groups are prisoners held for political reasons, Afro-descendants, and those living with chronic illnesses, clarifying that multiple categories of vulnerability may coincide in a single individual. continue reading

The report emphasized that poor living conditions are a widespread constant.

It also states that international human rights organizations expressed concern over the health situation of political prisoners and urged authorities to grant their “immediate and unconditional release.”

The report stressed that poor living conditions are “a generalized constant,” characterized by “insufficient, poorly prepared, and spoiled food, severe malnutrition, scarcity of drinking water, deteriorated infrastructure, lack of mattresses, insect infestations, and epidemiological outbreaks without proper treatment.”

As punishment for inmates who report these situations, the report states that authorities have restricted or monitored their communications, placed them in solitary confinement, transferred them to other prisons, and denied them medical care. This is compounded by beatings carried out with impunity and threats.

Testimonies are also cited of “sexual violence perpetrated by other inmates with the instigation of prison authorities,” as well as the fabrication of new criminal charges to prevent access to prison benefits and restrictions on family and conjugal visits.

The CDPC stressed that the information included in its report represents “an undercount of the real events and victims.”

Finally, it explained that it is impossible to obtain complete documentation due to “the systematic opacity of the Cuban regime, which refuses to make official information about its prison system transparent, prevents independent observers from accessing prisons, and criminalizes the documentation of human rights violations in these spaces.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Television Presents an Implausible Account of the Incident with the Florida Boat in Villa Clara

The program ‘Razones de Cuba’ displayed obsolete weapons and failed to demonstrate that the crew had any military training.

The alleged arsenal, laid out in the studio, occupied several meters. / Screenshot

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, February 28, 2026 – Without a single image, audio recording, or statement from the survivors, the program Razones de Cuba, hosted by pro-government commentator Humberto López, once again established this Friday the regime’s version of the shooting that occurred on February 25 in the northern keys of Villa Clara. The account, constructed exclusively from institutional voices belonging to the Ministry of the Interior and the Office of the Attorney General, insists that the aggression was initiated by the boat coming from Florida, that the incursion had “terrorist” aims, and that the response of the Border Guard Troops was “rational, defensive, and proportional.”

First Colonel Ebay Carballo Pérez, chief of staff of the Border Guard Troops Directorate, stated that the vessel was intercepted “one mile from the outer strip of the keys” and 11 miles within Cuban territorial waters. According to his timeline, at 7:10 a.m. technical means detected a “naval target” approaching at 24 knots.

However, the official narrative shows cracks. President Miguel Díaz-Canel himself had declared on February 5 that the Government was aware of “plans for terrorist acts” supported and financed from the United States. If prior information existed, was this a simple fortuitous radar detection or a tracking operation? Added to this is the erroneous inclusion in the first reports of an alleged crew member—Roberto Azcorra Consuegra—who was never on the boat, suggesting that authorities had previously handled a preconceived list of names.

While hospitals, transportation, and basic services suffer from an acute fuel crisis, Colonel Carballo stated that the Border Guard Troops maintain a “device in permanent combat readiness,” with naval units “deployed” throughout the country and active radio-technical and visual means. The assertion confirms what many Cubans observe daily: scarcity never reaches the military apparatus. continue reading

If a second boat truly existed, why was it not displayed as evidence?

Colonel Víctor Álvarez Valle, deputy head of the specialized unit for crimes against State security, added another element: originally there were two vessels. One suffered mechanical problems and was left adrift; its crew and cargo were transferred to the boat that was ultimately intercepted.

According to a source close to the group, the boat they initially planned to use never left Florida. In fact, the source claims to have seen it still broken down in its usual location just a day before the television program aired. That circumstance would explain why they ended up taking another vessel to make the crossing.

The detail is relevant because on Razones de Cuba two boats were mentioned: one allegedly left adrift after mechanical failure and another carrying the 10 men who were intercepted. However, only one was shown during the broadcast. According to the consulted source, authorities were expecting a specific boat, based on prior information, and the story of an alleged transfer would be a way to adjust the official version to a vessel that does not match the one they supposedly had identified.

If a second boat really existed, why was it not presented as evidence, just like the weapons and the rest of the confiscated cargo?

The numerical and material imbalance also warrants scrutiny. The interceptor boat, with five combatants armed with three AKM rifles and one RPK machine gun, approached a vessel that, according to the official version, carried 10 men, 1.8 tons of cargo, and a 250-horsepower outboard motor. Nevertheless, Carballo himself admitted that the “offending” vessel was stopped and that some of its occupants were in the water when they were surprised. After noticing the presence of the border guards, they reboarded and headed west.

According to Colonel Álvarez Valle, the official boat received 13 bullet impacts and the vessel from Florida, 21. / Screenshot

The exchange of gunfire at barely 20 meters initially left three dead and seven wounded on the boat with Florida registration. On the official vessel only the skipper, Captain Yosmany, was wounded, who, according to the account, was hit in the abdominal region and forearm but remained at the helm with “courage and conviction.” The exaggeratedly epic tone contrasts with the absence of any independent testimony about what occurred that Wednesday.

According to Álvarez Valle, the official boat received 13 bullet impacts and the vessel from Florida, 21. The figures are striking considering that, according to the television presentation, the 10 occupants carried three AK-type rifles of Soviet and Chinese origin; a dozen rifles based on the AR-15 platform that are very common on the U.S. civilian market; two higher-powered rifles typically used for precision shooting or big-game hunting; 11 semi-automatic pistols from various manufacturers, mostly 9 millimeter; and 12,846 rounds of ammunition. Altogether, it was a varied arsenal combining long and short firearms available on the legal U.S. market.

However, the source consulted by this newspaper states that in their practice sessions they only used semi-automatic rifles; that is, weapons that fire one projectile per trigger pull, and denies that they had automatic military-grade weapons. The arsenal, displayed in the studio, occupied several meters. If the crew was superior in number and weaponry and, as the Government claims, opened fire first, it is difficult to explain the disparity in damage and casualties.

Authorities emphasized the alleged leadership of Amijaíl Sánchez González, presented as a “terrorist” and linked to events in Cuba even when he already resided in the United States. People close to the group contacted by this newspaper deny, however, that Sánchez was the head of the expedition.

The Florida boat, according to the official version, carried 10 men, 1.8 tons of cargo, and a 250-horsepower outboard motor. / Screenshot

Even more striking is the attempt to present Maritza Lugo Fernández—former political prisoner and “plantada*,” residing in the United States—as the “intellectual author” of the events. The accusation not only broadens the case beyond the intercepted vessel but also shifts the focus toward the exile community.

By attributing criminal responsibility to an opposition figure living on U.S. territory, the regime appears to pursue several objectives simultaneously. On one hand, it internationalizes the case file and pressures agencies such as the FBI to open or reactivate investigations into exiled Cubans accused by Havana. On the other, it extends the political and judicial pressure on the diaspora, sending the message that any activism can be reinterpreted as support for violent actions.

Among the confiscated cargo, the program showed emblems of Autodefensa del Pueblo and the 30th of November Democratic Movement, as well as canteens, camouflage nets, Molotov cocktails, and other devices. In a revealing moment, Carballo stated: “If we had not responded as we did, the dead would have been on our side.” The phrase, far from closing the debate, revives the central question: who fired first and under what exact circumstances?

Prosecutor Edward Robert Campbell indicated that sentences could range from 10 years in prison to life imprisonment or even the death penalty. Humberto López intervened to note that, nevertheless, the procedural outcome “is obvious.”

For his part, military doctor Juan Antonio Rodríguez Aguilera reported that the skipper of the official boat is out of danger. He did not clarify, however, the circumstances in which the fourth officially reported fatality died. He did state that the detainees are receiving medical care “with all the resources they need.” When asked why resources are allocated to those who “invaded” the country, he replied that it is part of the Revolution’s ethics.

What the official discourse omits is that providing medical assistance to the wounded and to persons in custody is not an ideological concession but a basic obligation under international humanitarian law. Failing to comply with it would constitute a crime.

*Translator’s note: “Plantado/a’ — literally ’planted’ — is a term with a long history in Cuba and is used to describe a political prisoner who refuses to cooperate in any way with their incarceration. See also…

Translated by Regina Anavy

_________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Brigades Mobilize To Respond to the Garbage Crisis in Havana

Given the severity of the public health emergency, military personnel and civilians have been activated to collect solid waste

Residents have mobilized to collect garbage in the streets. / Image taken from social media

14ymedio bigger14ymedio / EFE, Havana, February 28, 2026 – Hundreds of brigades took to the streets of Havana this Friday to collect the mountains of accumulated garbage flooding the city, a public health problem that is now impossible to ignore, worsened by Cuba’s energy crisis, which has severely affected the Communal Services Department.

Prime Minister Manuel Marrero told state television that more than 450 brigades, mainly made up of soldiers, have been deployed in several Havana municipalities to collect solid waste.

“We are satisfied with the response to this mobilization. We ask the population to join in because we win when we unite. We will keep fighting despite the difficulties,” he said.

Marrero boasted that ministers, senior officials from the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) and the central government, officers and soldiers from the Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior are taking part in the effort, contributing equipment along with the general population.

The accumulation of garbage has become a critical public health problem.

The Cuban Government has described the “sanitation” of Havana as a priority issue, since the accumulation of garbage has become a critical public health problem. The buildup of waste in Cuba’s streets has reached levels of sanitary emergency that are worsening each day. The situation is due to continue reading

an extreme fuel shortage and breakdowns in garbage trucks, which have disabled much of Cuba’s Communal Services Department.

According to official data, Havana, with nearly 1.75 million inhabitants, generates about 23,814 cubic meters of waste daily, more than two-thirds of which corresponds to “services and household waste” activity.

The waste overcrowding the streets and the irregularity of collection services have been denounced multiple times in recent months, mainly on social media and in state media. The frequency of collection has been reduced in recent months in the capital and, at times, due to the accumulated volumes, excavators and dump trucks are used.

Cuba is going through a deep economic crisis, manifested in daily blackouts, chronic shortages of food and medicine, high inflation, and a severe shortage of foreign currency and fuel. The Cuban Government blames the U.S. embargo as the main cause of the lack of supplies. Independent experts also point to bureaucratic problems, management failures, neglect, and a lack of human capital due to the strong emigration the country is experiencing.

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Inconsistencies in the Official Version About the Boat in Villa Clara, Cuba

One of the alleged detainees in Cuba speaks from the United States to deny his involvement.

Azcorra publicly denied any connection to the events and stated that he is not even in Cuba. / Screenshot / EFE video

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, February 26, 2026 – Roberto Azcorra Consuegra, one of the names included by the Ministry of the Interior on the list of alleged individuals involved in the incident with a boat intercepted in waters off Villa Clara that left four dead and seven injured, publicly denied any connection to the events and stated that he is not even in Cuba. In an interview with attorney Eloy Viera for El Toque, the young man from Cienfuegos said he has lived in the United States since 2017 and expressed astonishment at “how poorly they work” in State Security, referring to the inclusion of his name without any verification. Azcorra also suggested that the group had been infiltrated.

In another conversation with influencer Eliecer Ávila, Azcorra confirmed that he stole a vessel from the Border Guard Troops to escape the Island, that he was in the Bahamas, and that he currently has political asylum in the United States. In other words, he is not unknown to the Cuban authorities. The young man suggested that his name may have been sent previously to Cuba, and they assumed he was among the expedition members.

After Azcorra’s testimony was disseminated in multiple media outlets, Deputy Foreign Minister Carlos Fernández de Cossío corrected the record and removed his name from the list of those involved in an extensive statement. In that text, he also identified the four deceased: Michael Ortega Casanova—the only one initially mentioned—Pavel Alling Peña, Ledián Padrón Guevara, and Héctor Duani Cruz Correa.

As for the injured, five of the previously released names remain: Cristian Ernesto Acosta Guevara, Conrado Galindo Serrior, José Manuel Rodríguez Castelló, Leordán Cruz Gómez, and Amijail Sánchez González. Roberto Azcorra’s name is now replaced by Roberto Álvarez Ávila, although the deputy minister insists that Azcorra “is a person known for his background linked to violent actions and intentions against Cuba.” continue reading

Azcorra’s testimony introduced the first visible crack in the official version of the operation that took place near Cayo Falcones.

The official adds that “the Cuban Government is willing to engage with the U.S. Government” and assures that U.S. authorities “have shown willingness to cooperate in clarifying these regrettable events.”

In any case, Azcorra’s testimony introduced the first visible crack in the official account of the operation that occurred near Cayo Falcones, where the Border Guard Troops intercepted a speedboat coming from Florida. According to Havana, the occupants disobeyed the order to stop and opened fire, leading to a shootout that left four dead and six injured among the crew, as well as one wounded Cuban officer.

The doubts do not end there. The brother of the only fatal victim identified at first—Michel Ortega Casanova—told Martí Noticias that his relative, 54 years old, a member of the Republican Party of Cuba (PRC) and originally from Morón, had lived in the United States for more than two decades. “This is badly told,” he said, questioning how the Government has presented the events, portraying his brother as a “terrorist.” Ortega was also married and had his children living outside the country.

Miguel Díaz-Canel himself, in his appearance on February 5, foreshadowed the events.

Although several of the names have been linked to the PRC, its president, Ibrahim Bosch, distanced the organization from the armed incident, stating that the group “has nothing to do with this action.” Bosch reiterated that the organization does not promote armed actions nor control the individual decisions of its members. Although the group confirmed that one of the deceased, Ortega Casanova, belonged to its ranks, it said it was completely unaware of his alleged intentions and expressed condolences to the families, stressing that the case is still under investigation.

Questions also arise regarding the situation of Duniel Hernández Santos, identified by authorities as the alleged contact on land to receive the vessel. Although the Ministry of the Interior presents him as a key piece of the operation, it has so far provided little verifiable information about his specific role, background, or ties to the crew members. People who claim to know him maintain that he was deported to Cuba from the United States in 2024.

The political framing of the case has also fueled suspicions. It is noteworthy that the Cuban Government had been warning about alleged violent plans against the country, which has led to speculation about whether authorities knew in advance the details of the expedition, as well as the names of those involved. Miguel Díaz-Canel himself, in his February 5 appearance, stated: “Today we are aware of plans for terrorist acts that are being supported, financed, and prepared from the United States to attack Cuba.”

Rubio avoided speculating about responsibilities or possible responses until the facts are verified

U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio said Washington is independently investigating the boat incident off the Cuban coast after being notified by Havana, and emphasized that most of the available information still comes from Cuban authorities.

Rubio avoided speculating about responsibilities or possible responses until the facts are verified, confirmed that it did not involve U.S. Government personnel, and noted that the Coast Guard, the Department of Homeland Security, and the Embassy in Havana are working to determine the identity of the occupants and obtain access to them if they are U.S. citizens or residents. At the same time, he insisted that the United States will not make decisions based solely on the Cuban Government’s official version and indicated that it will respond once the facts are established with certainty.

From Florida, several members of Congress also demanded an independent investigation and made clear their distrust of the Cuban regime’s official reports. Political pressure suggests the episode could escalate diplomatically if irregularities are confirmed.

The Cuban Government defends its right to protect its territorial waters and maintains that it acted in self-defense. However, past precedents invite skepticism. The lack of transparency, the still incomplete identities, and the denial from U.S. territory keep the case open.

Translated by Regina Anavy

_______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cubamax Brings Back Door-to-Door Deliveries in Part of the Island and Jacks Up the Remittance Fee

Now they’re charging $12 for every $100 sent, up from $10.

A customer who recently stopped by one of the company’s new spots in Miami described the relaunch vibe to us. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana/Miami, 28 February 2026 — Cubamax has turned the home-delivery service back on in the western part of Cuba, but the comeback comes with a price hike that once again shines a spotlight on the island’s fuel crisis. According to people we talked to, the company bumped the cash-remittance fee from $10 to $12 per $100 sent. They blame it on the skyrocketing price of gasoline — which has basically become the new gold in a country where transportation is pretty much dead.

The service is coming back after several weeks of interruptions that hit both package delivery and cash-to-the-door remittances — a lifeline for thousands of Cuban families who depend on money sent from abroad. The move also underlines how much people are relying on private or semi-private operators to keep money flowing into the island amid sanctions, banking restrictions, and the total inefficiency of state-run systems.

A customer who dropped by a brand-new Cubamax location in Miami told us about the relaunch atmosphere. “This new office just opened like a week ago in an area full of Cubans. It was empty — only two super-nice employees,” he said. According to him, they’re still in client-hunting mode. “They’re basically begging for customers. They even gave us cards to hand out to friends.”

The new tariff fee is locked at $12 per every $100 sent.

The employees confirmed they’ve restarted door-to-door delivery in the west of the island. “They’ve already started dropping off at homes in Pinar del Río, Havana, Artemisa, Mayabeque, and Matanzas,” they told him.

The biggest sting for customers is the extra charge on cash remittances. “Before it was $10 per $100 sent. But the runners in Cuba were complaining that gas was too expensive. It wasn’t worth it anymore, so they decided to add two more bucks,” the workers explained. The new tariff fee is $12 per $100. continue reading

In recent weeks, 14ymedio has been reporting nonstop on the chronic fuel shortage, endless lines at gas stations, and the brutal cutback in both public and private transportation. In that mess, anything that requires moving around — from buses to courier services — has had to raise prices or just shut down.

The informal fuel market keeps running like a well-oiled machine, though.

Still, the fact that they’re restarting home delivery at all raises questions a lot of people are whispering. The same guy we talked to summed it up with classic Cuban sarcasm: “All of a sudden they have gas when every day there’s supposedly less, since no oil tanker has shown up?”

Another person inside Cuba gave a slightly different take on the supposed shutdown. When he asked at one of the Cubamax distributors, he got a telling answer: “They’re bringing the fuel in from over there.” The woman basically implied the company is running on its own private gasoline supply.

He pushed for more details. “I told her, ‘That sounds super risky, moving fuel around like that,’ and she just went, ‘They know what they’re doing, they’re real professionals.’” That line pretty much exposes the suspicion lots of people have: the black-market fuel business is still operating with crazy efficiency.

The packages that were supposedly stuck in collection centers ended up getting delivered right to people’s doors anyway.

The same source downplays how serious the “suspension” really was. In Havana, he says home deliveries barely stopped. Between the announcement of the pause and the official restart, the packages that were supposedly going to sit in warehouses ended up arriving at people’s houses anyway.

His own experience backs it up: almost all the shipments a relative sent have already arrived, and only one heavier one is still pending (it’s already in Cuba, just not distributed yet). Bottom line: the “delay” most people were complaining about hardly affected some households at all.

Recent ship-tracking data and energy reports show zero crude oil shipments to Cuba since January, except for a few isotanks (25,000-liter fuel containers) handled by small private companies (mipymes). In that context, the logistics muscle of remittance-linked companies always makes people raise an eyebrow.

For tons of families, though, the priority is still getting the money — even if it costs more. With inflation through the roof, everything getting dollarized, and the Cuban peso basically worthless, remittances are a must-have lifeline. From abroad, an extra $2 per $100 might seem like peanuts, but inside Cuba it means less cash for food, medicine, or just getting around.

Translated by GH

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Ten from the Boat: Recklessness and Despair

The place chosen for landing fuels doubts about a possible ambush.

Ledián Padrón Guevara, only 25 years old, showed artistic interests and aspirations in the urban music genre. / Facebook / Ledián Padrón

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, February 27, 2026 – The list of names released by the Cuban regime after the February 25 shooting, near Cayo Falcones in Corralillo, Villa Clara, draws the human map of an episode still surrounded by gray areas. Ten Cubans who set out in a boat registered in Florida suddenly ended up labeled “terrorists” by Havana and “heroes” by part of the exile community, while their families demand something more basic and verifiable: clear information, transparent medical reports, and consular access to the survivors.

A source consulted by 14ymedio on condition of anonymity knew several of the crew members and is surprised by the chosen route. “That’s the hottest spot there is, near a lighthouse,” the source warns. “It’s supposed to be super monitored. Coincidentally, the film Guardafronteras was shot there. Imagine how heavily guarded that is.” The observation reinforces the questions surrounding this case: What exactly happened in those waters? Why choose such an exposed place for a supposedly clandestine operation? Did they fall into a trap?

Some Cubans have lost faith in achieving “democratic changes in a country that is kidnapped by a group that came to power through arms,” the same source adds. The source asserts that “they did not possess assault rifles: that’s illegal. At most they would have had rifles that any U.S. citizen or resident with no criminal record can buy.”

Pável Alling Peña, Michel Ortega Casanova, Ledián Padrón Guevara, and Héctor Duani Cruz Correa were officially identified as the four killed in the confrontation. Beyond the “terrorist” label used by the Ministry of the Interior, the trajectories that emerge from each name show diverse profiles and, in some cases, ones that contradict the official narrative. continue reading

Pável Alling was presented years ago by state media as a creator linked to cultural projects. / Facebook / Pável Alling

Michel Ortega Casanova, 54, was the first confirmed fatality. Various sources place him in central Florida, between Lakeland and Tampa. His relatives say he had lived in the United States for more than two decades and worked as a truck driver. His brother, Misael Ortega, rejects the terrorism accusation and sums up the family’s perception with a phrase repeated in other cases: “They call anyone who goes against their ideology a terrorist.”

Pável Alling Peña, 45, originally from Camagüey, adds a particularly uncomfortable angle for the official narrative. He earned a degree in Art History from the University of Havana in 2004 and was presented years ago by state media as a creator involved in cultural projects. In 2022 he obtained U.S. citizenship and had been working in photography-related activities. On January 30 he posted a message on social media addressed to the regime’s armed forces: “Woe to the soldier who does not lower his weapons and, even worse, fires against the people, because the unleashed terror will be sublime in its crudest expression. Cuba will be free soon.”

The third fatality, Ledián Padrón Guevara, 25, appears in press reports as a young man whose life was divided between Houston and Miami. His social media places him as originally from the Camagüey municipality of Esmeralda and shows primarily artistic interests, with aspirations in the urban music genre. After the July 11, 2021 protests, he wrote: “Come on, Cuba. Stay strong, history is watching.” Those close to him insist he had no violent background.

Amijail Sánchez González, a 47-year-old tree trimmer known as El Guajiro, is described as “the most cheerful and jovial of the group.”

Regarding Héctor Duani Cruz Correa, there is a notable biographical void. What has emerged is the immediate family impact. A former partner told Telemundo 51: “I still don’t know how I will tell my 5-year-old son that daddy won’t be here anymore.” International reports also link him to the theft of the boat, which allegedly was used without the consent of the registered owner in Florida.

Among the six survivors, the name with the most prior accusations is Amijail Sánchez González, a 47-year-old tree trimmer. The Cuban Government includes him among two individuals already listed on its National List linked to investigations for “terrorism or violent acts.” In other words, before the shooting he was already marked as a high-priority target. However, the source consulted by this newspaper describes him very differently: “He is the noblest and most fun-loving of the group.” Among his acquaintances he was known as El Guajiro and “was compared, because of his jovial character, to Camilo Cienfuegos.”

According to his family’s account to The Washington Post, Sánchez informed his elderly parents on the Island just one day before leaving on the boat. During a one-hour call, his relatives begged him to give up the plan. The episode also occurs in a context of prior pressure, as at the end of 2024, authorities detained his parents—both suffering from cancer—for months to force him to return to Cuba and turn himself in.

The second name previously included on that National List is Leordán Enrique Cruz Gómez. Originally from Cienfuegos and born on November 6, 1978, his case has generated strong family reaction. His wife demands “proof of life” and asks why they are not allowed “to know that the person is well, that he is breathing.” His brother fears the worst-case scenario and points out contradictions in the official narrative. “I saw him working in Arizona,” he states, denying that he received any funding to carry out violent actions.

Roberto Álvarez Ávila (standing, wearing a blue T-shirt) was the last to be added to the list, after initially being confused with Roberto Azcorra Consuegra. / Courtesy

Conrado Galindo Sariol is 58 years old and, according to his circle, was a victim of repression. Telemundo 51 reports that he served seven years in prison in Cuba before emigrating and that his family heard direct threats: “Either you leave or we kill you.” His wife acknowledges his political opposition to the Government but rejects the terrorism label. Both she and his daughter recall that Galindo said goodbye saying: “I’m going to work.”

As for Cristian Ernesto Acosta Guevara and José Manuel Rodríguez Castelló, both listed among the injured, verifiable information remains scarce. Their names appear in the official list and in press reproductions, but without a full biographical profile that would allow assessment of their background or migration status.

Roberto Álvarez Ávila, 34, originally from Cienfuegos, was the last to be added to the list after the official correction that initially replaced his name with Roberto Azcorra Consuegra. Azcorra himself appeared in Miami to deny his involvement, a slip that damaged the credibility of the Ministry of the Interior’s statement. According to the source consulted by 14ymedio, Álvarez had no political aspirations and dreamed of “having a little house in Cienfuegos, near the beach, in colonial style.” He has at least one young daughter, and his family has avoided informing his father, who recently underwent heart surgery.

The mistaken inclusion of Azcorra Consuegra in the first official note was not a simple blunder. In a case involving deaths, injuries, and an armed incident in Cuban waters, the error reinforced doubts about the supposed chance encounter described in the government’s version. The subsequent correction, accompanied by new generic accusations about “violent trajectories,” also failed to close the gap of distrust.

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Trump Suggests a “Friendly Takeover” of Cuba by the United States

The president said that Marco Rubio “is handling it at the highest level,” without specifying what the negotiation with the regime consisted of.

Donald Trump this Friday outside the White House in Washington, DC. / Screenshot

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, February 27, 2026 – U.S. President Donald Trump confirmed this Friday that his Secretary of State, Marco Rubio, is in talks with the Cuban regime and suggested that his country could carry out a “friendly takeover” of the Island. “The Cuban Government is talking to us. They are in serious trouble. They have no money, they have nothing right now, but they are talking to us. And maybe we’ll have a friendly takeover of Cuba,” the president told the press outside the White House, with the sound of the helicopter waiting for him in the background.

Amid the commotion from reporters trying to continue asking questions, he insisted: “We could very well end up having a friendly takeover of Cuba.” Trump described the Island as, “to put it mildly, a failed nation.”

The president continued: “Since I was a child, I’ve heard things about Cuba and everyone wants to change it, I see that could happen.” Marco Rubio, he asserted, “is handling it at the highest level.” And he emphasized: “They have no money, they have no oil, they have no food, it’s right now a nation in serious trouble and they want our help.”

His words confirmed what the Miami Herald published this Thursday: that advisers to the Secretary of State—sources did not specify whether the Secretary himself—met with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez, alias El Cangrejo, grandson of Raúl Castro, in Basseterre, capital of Saint Kitts and Nevis, where the Caribbean Community (Caricom) summit has been held.

They have no money, they have no oil, they have no food, it is right now a nation in serious trouble and they want our help.

The main topic of the talks was, according to the Miami newspaper, “the possibility of gradually easing U.S. sanctions in exchange for Cuban leaders implementing changes on the Island month by month.”

A Caribbean diplomat confirmed to the Herald that in private meetings with them, on the sidelines of the summit, “Rubio made it clear that talks with the Cuban Government were very advanced and that they did not want to do anything that would prolong the regime,” although continue reading

, according to another source, no specific agreement had yet been finalized.

Major U.S. media outlets featured on their pages this Friday analyses by various experts who differ in their hypotheses about what a U.S.-driven transition on the Island would look like.

Among them is an article by Michael Crowley, a reporter who often accompanies the Secretary of State on his trips, published in The New York Times, which presents the opinions of several observers of the situation. Most analysts believe that Trump and Rubio favor a gradual opening of the regime toward economic and political freedoms, more in line with the Venezuelan option after the capture of Nicolás Maduro, although one dissenting voice stands out: that of Jason Marczak.

An expert on Latin America at the Atlantic Council in Washington, Marczak believes the Trump Administration may be more willing to assume the risk of a chaotic transition, unlike what occurred in Venezuela. The key, he argues, lies in oil and the Island’s limited relevance.

Compared to the need for stability required to revive Venezuela’s oil industry, Cuba has nothing beyond an isolated economy with barely any goods to export. “Unrest there would have little economic impact beyond its shores,” he maintains.

As for Washington’s other major concern—a wave of migration—it could be mitigated with the same humanitarian aid already being sent in cooperation with the Catholic Church through Caritas, Marczak adds. In his view, the “Delcy option” shows no signs of succeeding: “Most Cubans have never lived under any regime other than the communist one.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Human Rights Organizations Urge Canada to Promote “Structural, Not Cosmetic Change” in Cuba

A report calls on Canada to channel humanitarian aid through non-governmental organizations to avoid the State.

Canadian Parliament building in Ottawa. / CC

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, February 27, 2026 – “We are facing the end of a historic cycle in Cuba. Either the decision is made to prolong the decay and with it the agony of the Cuban people, or to help find a peaceful and reasonable political solution to the current situation,” declared Yaxys Cires, Director of Strategy at the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), during a debate at the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Parliament of Canada last Tuesday.

Cires urged the Government of Canada to pursue “a coordinated international response” to promote in Cuba “a real economic and political opening,” centered on freedoms, private initiative, and respect for human rights.

“Only structural, not cosmetic, change will allow the Cuban people to regain hope and build their own future,” he emphasized.

Regarding Canada’s recent announcement of humanitarian assistance—the sending of $5.85 million for food through the World Food Programme and the United Nations Children’s Fund (Unicef)—Cires requested that the support be organized “directly to the Cuban population, with emphasis on the most vulnerable sectors,” and that it be channeled “through churches and independent civil society, to ensure its effective delivery.”

The activist also urged Ottawa, together with other investing countries, to demand that Cuban authorities modify the current labor regime in the area of foreign investment. Cires recalled that the model imposed in this sector prevents direct hiring by companies and instead requires contracting through state entities that can appropriate up to 90% of salaries, which “systematically violates workers’ rights and impoverishes them.” A recent investigation revealed that this was the case for Cuban workers employed by the mining company Sherritt in various countries, including Canada itself.

The OCDH representative also referred to the more than 800 prisoners of conscience and their families, reiterating that the causes of the current economic and political crisis are structural. Furthermore, Cires stressed that the deterioration of hospitals, the shortage of medical supplies, the collapse of housing, the increase in blackouts, and the accumulation of garbage in the streets are the result of “decades of failed policies.” continue reading

“We are not speaking of a temporary or circumstantial crisis, nor of external roots. These are the natural consequences of a planned economic model that concentrates most means of production in the hands of the State, provides no legal certainty, and suffocates economic and social freedom,” he stated.

These are the natural consequences of a planned economic model that concentrates most means of production in the hands of the State.

Representatives of other organizations also participated in the hearing of the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Parliament of Canada, including Carolina Barrero Ferrer, of Citizenship and Freedom; John Suárez, of the Center for a Free Cuba; and Kirenia Carbonell, of the Cuban-Canadian Coalition.

Carbonell, for her part, stated: “Canada must stand with the Cuban people, not by legitimizing a repressive status quo, but by aligning its policy with transparency, accountability, and human dignity.” Regarding humanitarian aid, she warned that it “cannot be effectively managed in a country where independent civil society is criminalized and distribution is monopolized by the same structures responsible for the crisis.

The inconsistency of Canada’s foreign policy has also recently been questioned by Democratic Spaces in collaboration with Human Rights Action Group, in an extensive report published by the Macdonald-Laurier Institute on February 24 and signed by Michael Lima, Isabelle Terranova, and Sarah Teich.

The report denounces that Canada’s foreign policy toward Cuba is inconsistent with its own democratic values and human rights advocacy, and it makes ten “concrete recommendations” for modifying its position regarding Cuba.

“It is time for Ottawa to align its policy toward Cuba with its stated commitment to human rights, democratic governance, and the rule of law,” the authors emphasize.

As the basis for their argument, they first analyze the Cuban State as an authoritarian regime, its alliance with other repressive regimes, and the implications of those alliances for global democracy.

They point out that Cuba is a single-party system with no real opposition, no independent press, and no autonomous civil society. Elections function as rituals of legitimization, and candidates not approved by the Communist Party are excluded or detained.

The authors denounce that economic power is concentrated in military conglomerates, such as Gaesa, which control strategic sectors and channel foreign investment toward institutions linked to the Armed Forces.

The authors denounce that economic power is concentrated in military conglomerates, such as Gaesa, which control strategic sectors and channel foreign investment toward institutions linked to the Armed Forces.

The report adds that the Cuban Penal Code criminalizes virtually all forms of dissent through ambiguous legal categories such as “false news” or “public disorder.” As a result, by the end of 2025, more than one thousand political prisoners were recorded, along with reports of torture, prolonged isolation, and deaths in custody. They also note that the State monopolizes internet infrastructure, uses Chinese technology for surveillance and control, and blocks access arbitrarily, as occurred during protests, especially on July 11, 2021.

In addition to the regime’s domestic policy, the report describes the Cuban Government as a central ally in an international authoritarian network, with strategic relations with Russia, Iran, North Korea, China, and Venezuela. In particular, it highlights the historic Cold War alliance with Russia, reactivated under Putin, and a serious aspect of this relationship: the systematic recruitment of thousands of Cubans for the war in Ukraine, under conditions resembling human trafficking.

For these reasons, the authors state, “Canada cannot afford to maintain its inconsistent approach toward Cuba while claiming to be a leader in human rights and democratic governance.”

Among their recommendations to Ottawa regarding its foreign policy, they indicate that the Canadian Government should create a regional policy in Latin America that recognizes Cuba’s role as a driver of authoritarianism.

They call for ending its pattern of voting against resolutions that seek to hold Cuba accountable for human rights abuses, and they recommend implementing targeted sanctions—under the Magnitsky Act or the Special Economic Measures Act—against Cuban officials responsible for torture, repression of protests, rigged trials, and campaigns of surveillance and intimidation.

They call for investigating the recruitment of Cubans for the war in Ukraine and publicly condemning these practices, assessing whether they constitute human trafficking, and promoting sanctions or legal action if confirmed.

The authors also state that Canada should demand the release of political prisoners and publicly call for the immediate release of the more than one thousand detainees held for political reasons.

They recommend requiring the Cuban Government to grant legal status to NGOs and autonomous groups so that humanitarian aid reaches the population directly.

On the economic front, they call for strengthening responsible business conduct and warning Canadian companies that investing in Cuba means operating with military conglomerates.

Regarding control and surveillance, they urge helping Cubans circumvent digital censorship and internet shutdowns by facilitating access to information and secure communication, and ensuring that the Canadian Embassy in Havana maintains real and regular contact with activists and independent organizations.

Finally, they recommend requiring the Cuban Government to grant legal status to non-governmental organizations and autonomous groups so that humanitarian aid reaches the population directly, without passing through the state apparatus.

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The U.S. Wavers Between Two Transition Options for Cuba: Gradual Like in Venezuela or Abrupt and Chaotic

The New York Times presents the arguments of several experts on regime change.

Flags of the United States and Cuba in front of the United States Embassy in Havana / EFE/Ernesto Mastrascusa

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, February 27, 2026 – Major U.S. media outlets, beyond those based in Florida, have focused on Cuba since Washington increased pressure on the Island. Among the numerous articles published this Friday, an analysis in The New York Times by Michael Crowley stands out; he is a reporter who often accompanies Secretary of State Marco Rubio on his trips. The journalist also spoke with several experts and observers of the situation who laid out the doubts and options the White House is considering to change things in Havana.

Most analysts believe that Trump and Rubio favor a gradual opening of the regime toward economic and political freedoms, more in line with the Venezuelan option after the capture of Nicolás Maduro, although one dissenting voice stands out. That is Jason Marczak, a Latin America expert at the Atlantic Council in Washington, who believes both men may be more willing to assume the risk of a chaotic transition on the Island than in Venezuela.

The key, he argues, lies in oil and the Island’s limited relevance. Compared to the need for stability required to revive Venezuela’s oil industry, Cuba has nothing beyond an isolated economy with barely any goods to export. “Unrest there would have little economic impact beyond its shores,” he maintains. As for Washington’s other major concern—a wave of migration—it could be mitigated with the same humanitarian aid already being sent in cooperation with the Catholic Church through Caritas, Marczak adds. In his view, the “Delcy option” shows no signs of succeeding. “Most Cubans have never lived under any regime other than the communist one,” he said.

In his view, the Delcy option shows no signs of succeeding. “Most Cubans have never lived under any regime other than the communist one.”

Ryan Berg, director of the Americas Program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, holds a different opinion. He believes Rubio’s statements in recent weeks suggest there will be no sudden intervention on the Island and that, on the contrary, “a slow transition” toward democracy is preferred. “They are not seeking regime change overnight,” he considers.

Crowley reviews how events have unfolded in recent weeks and makes it clear that it is unpredictable whether Wednesday’s failed incursion—in which four of the ten participating Cubans died—will influence Washington’s decisions.

The reporter notes statements from Florida politicians, more belligerent in tone and substance, and believes this is not the tone Rubio has adopted, as after years of heated rhetoric against the regime he now appears more measured.

“Cuba has to change. It does not have to change all continue reading

at once. It does not have to change overnight. Everyone here is mature and realistic,” he said this Wednesday during the Caricom summit of Caribbean countries. On the sidelines of that meeting, according to the Miami press—and treated by the NYT as a done deal—a meeting reportedly took place between the Secretary of State’s advisers and Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, grandson of Raúl Castro, known as El Cangrejo (the Crab).

“Trump does not want a sudden power vacuum in Havana,” declared a senior government official and Rubio collaborator. The article cites additional public statements by the Republican. “As for collateral effects, they are no more concerned than we are,” he said, referring to Caribbean countries. “We are 90 miles away, and the United States has experienced massive migration from Cuba in the past.”

Moreover, Rubio insisted that the priority of reforms is economic in nature: “If they want to carry out drastic reforms that open space for the economic—and, over time, political—freedom of the Cuban people, obviously the United States would love to see that,” he concluded.

El Cangrejo’s role as a suitable interlocutor remains to be seen, although he is most likely simply a messenger for Raúl Castro. The U.S. chargé d’affaires in Cuba, Mike Hammer, said in an interview with the Spanish newspaper ABC that “within the Cuban system there are individuals who realize that the project is coming to an end and who may be interested in making a change they see as necessary.”

However, other analysts believe it is impossible to find someone within the regime who would break party discipline. “The search for a Cuban Delcy Rodríguez is foolish,” William LeoGrande, a professor at American University specializing in Latin America, told the NYT. “If there is going to be an agreement, it will have to be between the United States and the current Cuban government, not with a branch of the current government.”

“If there is going to be an agreement, it will have to be between the United States and the current Cuban government, not with a branch of the current government.”

María José Espinosa, of Cuban origin and a member of the Center for International Policy, also does not see the opposition as a solution. “Everyone is either in prison or in exile,” she believes. Even so, the article says, “some Trump officials believe that Cuban leaders will be forced to make concessions to Trump,” because the alternative—“economic collapse and a possible violent uprising”—would be worse for them.

A declassified document warned that “U.S. interests would be threatened in complex and possibly unprecedented ways,” as it could lead to “substantial and possibly prolonged instability,” including violent reprisals, “large-scale emigration to the United States,” and “demands for U.S. involvement.”

The cited report also stated that there was “a greater likelihood that Fidel Castro’s government would fall in the coming years.” The bitter part is that the document was drafted 33 years ago, in 1993. The strongman has long since died, and nearly three million Cubans have left the Island since then.

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Saint Lucia Considers Cuba’s Medical Missions “Very Important” in the Caribbean

Meanwhile, the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, criticized the political situation on the Island.

Philip J. Pierre, Prime Minister of Saint Lucia. / opm.govt.lc

14ymedio bigger14ymedio / EFE, Castries, February 27, 2026 – The Prime Minister of the Caribbean island nation of Saint Lucia, Philip J. Pierre, stated this Thursday that Cuba’s medical missions in the Caribbean are “very important,” after meeting with U.S. Secretary of State Marco Rubio at the annual conference of the Caribbean Community (Caricom) being held in Saint Kitts and Nevis.

“Saint Lucia has enjoyed a long-standing relationship with Cuba with regard to medical professionals. Many of our young people have studied in Cuba. Therefore, it is a very important issue for us. As a region, we have our own problems that we must resolve,” Pierre said at a press conference.

The Saint Lucian leader thus joined other Caribbean leaders who reject the fact that the United States is pressuring them to end Cuban medical missions in their countries.

The Saint Lucian leader thus joined other Caribbean leaders who reject the fact that the United States is pressuring them to end Cuban medical missions in their countries.

In his view, “the conference will only lead to strengthening relations between the United States and Caricom,” and the controversy over Cuban medical services in the region will be resolved “in a friendly manner.” Pierre asserted that Caricom leaders have “never had a consensus on any foreign policy issue.”

At the beginning of this month, Pierre said there would be no “imminent withdrawal” of Saint Lucian students studying medicine in Cuba, after the U.S. Embassy in the region denied having demanded that the Caribbean country prohibit its nationals from pursuing health studies in Havana, as had previously been suggested.

“The United States has not recently spoken with Saint Lucia about international education and respects the sovereign decisions of countries regarding the education of their citizens. The United States continues to call for an end to exploitation and forced labor in the overseas medical missions program of the illegitimate Cuban regime,” they said.

During the opening ceremony of the Caricom summit on Tuesday night, the Prime Minister of Trinidad and Tobago, Kamla Persad-Bissessar, criticized the political situation in Cuba and called for free and fair elections and a democratic regime.

For his part, Andrew Holness, Prime Minister of Jamaica, said at the start of the conference that Caricom must “address the situation in Cuba with clarity and courage” and that “it is important to consider this matter carefully and take collective action.”

“Jamaica is firmly in favor of democracy, human rights, political accountability, and an economy based on an open market. We do not believe that long-term stability can exist where economic freedom is restricted and continue reading

political participation limited,” Holness stated.

For his part, the current president of Caricom, Terrance Drew, called on member countries to join forces to “design the necessary mechanisms to help the people of Cuba at this particular moment,” because the community can provide assistance “directly and become a forum for dialogue.”

Several Caricom countries, including the Bahamas, Jamaica, Antigua and Barbuda, Guyana, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, have yielded to Washington’s pressure.

Several Caricom countries, including the Bahamas, Jamaica, Antigua and Barbuda, Guyana, and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, have yielded to Washington’s pressure to end medical cooperation projects with the Island.

The U.S. government has denounced that these missions involve the “coercion” of healthcare professionals, who are sent to work in third countries under opaque contracts, with low salaries and severe restrictions on their freedom.

The United States announced the revocation of visas for officials who cooperate with these agreements and, in fact, has taken action against some of them.

Honduras and Guatemala have also canceled their agreements with the Island, and now Italy is also in Washington’s sights for this reason.

Translated by Regina Anavy

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Washington, Havana and the Evidence of Real Change

Until we manage to free every last prisoner of conscience remaining behind bars, any dialogue will remain a charade.

Recent action to demand the release of prisoners in Cuba. / Armando Labrador Cuba Primero/Facebook

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, February 26, 2026 — Rare is the day with no new speculation about supposed negotiations between Washington and Havana. The rumor spreads through digital portals, seeps into conversations at the bodega, and resurfaces, with embellishments, on social medio. On the streets of Cuba, people ask if it’s true that the two governments are talking and that a roadmap for a democratic transition on the island will soon see the light of day. However, the rumors advance on one track while stubborn reality only regresses on another.

We Cubans have learned to be wary. Not out of cynicism, but out of experience. Too many times, a new process of transformation has been announced when that ends up being merely a change of tone, a reversible concession, or a promise that evaporates in a few weeks. If real talks are taking place, if these aren’t just trial balloons floated to gauge reactions, then they should be accompanied by clear, visible signs and, above all, irreversible steps toward freedom.

Rumors advance in one direction, while stubborn reality only retreats in another.

The first of these necessary movements brooks no embellishment or euphemism: the release of all political prisoners. More than a thousand people are currently imprisoned in Cuba for thinking differently, demonstrating peacefully, or publishing an inconvenient text on the internet. This is not about temporary releases, parole, or disguised exile, but about a full amnesty, without threats or subsequent surveillance. Until every last prisoner of conscience remains behind bars, any dialogue will be nothing more than a charade.

Another indispensable proof would be the genuine decriminalization of dissent and the dismantling of the political police apparatus. Cosmetic legal changes are not enough if citizens continue to know that expressing an opinion can cost them their job, career, or freedom. Without this framework of fear, built on summonses, acts of repudiation, and coercive legal proceedings, there is no honest transformation, only a charade. continue reading

We must also address the core of power: the end of the Single Party and the calling of pluralistic elections. Not as a distant gesture, promised for some vague future, but as a commitment with a clear timeline and rules. A transition cannot be constructed with only one player on the board. And for these elections not to be an empty charade, public media must open itself to divergent voices, allowing different political options to campaign before the citizens. The day we see an opposition candidate explain their platform on state television, we can begin to say that something is truly changing on this island.

We must also address the hard nucleous of power: the end of the One Party system and the calling of pluralistic elections. Not as a distant gesture, promised for some imprecise future.

On the economic front, an irreversible step would be to end the absurd prohibition that prevents doctors, lawyers, and other professionals from practicing freely in the private sector. No country can rebuild itself by tying the hands of its human capital. Similarly, the practice of politically motivated immigration “regulations,” which turn the right to travel into a privilege conditioned on obedience or silence, should be eliminated.

Finally, no Cuban transition will be complete if it ignores the exile community. Calling on those who left, and their children, to rejoin national political life and the reconstruction of the country is not a concession, it is a necessity. Cuba is also that diaspora that sends remittances, contributes ideas, and preserves our memory.

If conversations are happening and aspire for more than just gaining time, these will be the signs. Everything else, however seductive it may sound, will remain mere noise amidst a prolonged stagnation.

Editor’s Note: This text was originally published on Deutsche Welle in Spanish.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.