Translating Cuba – Page 11 – English Translations of Cubans Writing From the Island

In Guantánamo, Cuban Families Juggle To Provide School Snacks for Their Children

With a monthly pension of 3,000 pesos, a grandfather in charge of his grandson, because the parents left the country, cannot guarantee a child’s food.

The responsibility of feeding students during the school day falls exclusively on families. / *14ymedio* 14ymedio

14ymedio, Guantánamo, Dayamí Rojas, March 28, 2026 – The morning bustle gathers every day in front of a primary school in the Caribe neighborhood, in the city of Guantánamo. At that hour, children arrive with their backpacks slung over their shoulders and a small additional bundle in their hands: their snack. Some bring a piece of bread, others a small bag with cookies, and a few barely carry a bottle with an instant drink. Behind each of those portions there is a story of domestic sacrifice and inflation.

In most schools in Guantánamo there has not been a school snack distributed by the educational center itself for decades. That practice, which in other times included a bottle of soda or a portion of sweets, disappeared during the years of economic crisis and was never restored. Since then, the responsibility of feeding students during the school day has fallen exclusively on families, who must figure out each day what to put in the child’s backpack.

But in recent months, the rise in the cost of basic products has turned that daily task into a real obstacle course. The increase in the price of bread, cookies, and all flour-based products has driven up snack costs, while inflation and the devaluation of the Cuban peso continue to erode the purchasing power of salaries and pensions.

Private vendors offer baguette-style bread early in the morning. The loaves are displayed in plastic boxes or improvised baskets, and they disappear quickly. The price changes depending on availability and demand pressure. What used to cost a few dozen pesos has now become a significant expense for any family with school-age children.

“If you add lunch and dinner, each child needs between 300 and 400 pesos daily so that, at least, they do not go hungry” / *14ymedio*

“Ensuring breakfast and a snack for a child today in Guantánamo costs, at a minimum, between 100 and 150 pesos daily,” a father, who also works as a teacher, explains to 14ymedio. “If you add lunch and dinner, each child needs between 300 and 400 pesos daily so that, at least, they do not go hungry.” continue reading

His words summarize a reality that is repeated in many households in the province, where family incomes do not grow at the same rate as prices. In a context marked by inflation and shortages, every purchasing decision
becomes a complex calculation. Parents and grandparents compare prices among different vendors, reduce portions, or substitute more expensive products with lower-quality ones.

On a corner in the San Justo neighborhood, Saúl waits his turn in front of a private sales point. He holds a crumpled bill in his hand and keeps his eyes fixed on the tray where the bread is piled up. He has two children in primary school and every morning he must go out early to secure the day’s snack.

“A baguette costs you 250 pesos, if you can find it at that price, because in my neighborhood they already sell them for 350. Soft drinks have also gone up, everything is very expensive,” the man from Guantánamo tells this newspaper.

What used to be an occasional purchase now represents an expense that many families cannot afford frequently

The increase in prices is not limited to bread. Cookies, sweets, and juices have followed the same trend, driven by the shortage of flour, rising sugar prices, and the higher cost of the inputs needed for their production. Many of these products are sold on the informal market or in small private businesses, where prices constantly adjust depending on the availability of goods.

Around several schools, street vendors have become a common presence. They offer small doughnuts, bread with cheese, and sweet cookies, aimed specifically at students. However, what used to be an occasional purchase now represents an expense that many families cannot afford frequently.

The situation becomes even more difficult in households where children are left in the care of grandparents, an increasingly common reality in Guantánamo due to the parents’ emigration. In those cases, an elderly person’s pension must cover all the child’s expenses, including daily food.

“A grandfather who is in charge of his grandson, because the parents left the country, and who has a monthly pension of 3,000 pesos cannot guarantee a snack every day for that child,” explains a resident of Guantánamo living in the city center.

Insufficient nutrition not only affects children’s physical well-being, but also their academic performance

The figure is revealing when compared with current food prices. With a pension that barely covers basic household expenses, allocating daily money for a school snack becomes an almost impossible challenge. In some cases, children attend classes with a minimal snack or nothing to eat, making it difficult for them to last until the end of the school day.

Inside classrooms, teachers closely observe this reality. Some students share their snacks with classmates who have nothing, while others try to stretch time so that hunger does not interfere with concentration. Insufficient nutrition not only affects children’s physical well-being, but also their academic performance.

In a school in the Los Maceo neighborhood, a teacher comments that it is increasingly common to see students arriving without snacks or with very small portions. The scene repeats itself during recess, when the yard fills with children who open their backpacks and compare what each was able to bring that day. The next day, the family will have to start the same battle again: finding and paying for something the student can eat mid-morning, in the middle of their classes.

Guantánamo: Cuban families and the daily challenge of school snacks

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Havana Chronicles: Havana Seen From ‘The Control Tower’

I imagine the Russians are tired of bailing out their Cuban comrades, but also in need of allies in this hemisphere.

The “control tower” of the Russian Embassy in Cuba. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, March 27, 2026 / In the mornings, Tulipán Street transforms into a Carthaginian market. I skirt the stalls where they sell everything from peas to soap, aspirin, and cigarettes. I’m lucky to live just a few meters from this commercial bustle, which, although informal, precarious, and with prices driven by inflation, keeps my neighborhood alive and allows me to find basil for pesto or Teflon tape to repair a leaky pipe.

This Friday, Tulipán is my starting point. If public transportation is dying throughout the city, here it’s practically nonexistent. An avenue without almendrones (old American cars operation as taxis), without bicycle taxis, and without tricycles carrying passengers, this street is only for two types of people: those who walk and those who have a car (and managed to find gas or electricity to run it). So I don’t even look to see if anything’s coming to give me a ride. I’m ready to tackle the hill ahead.

A sprawling garage sale has sprung up in the basements of two enormous Soviet-era concrete blocks I pass on my way. There are makeshift stalls, blankets spread on the ground, selling mainly pants, blouses, and shoes. It’s the “clothes of Cuban emigrants,” the countless outfits left behind in closets and drawers after their owners left the island. One of the many flea markets selling the spoils of the mass exodus that have opened up across the country.

A friend, heavily made up, at nine o’clock, at the market, wearing a sequined blouse: “If I don’t wear it to come here, it will get ruined without being used.”

The relatives left behind try to sell a baby outfit here, some little girl’s shoes there, a formal shirt “to wear with a tie,” an old man manages to tell me as he offers his wares near a tree trunk. But the secondhand market in Cuba is drowned under mountains of oversupply. Barely worn sandals, necklaces that were once someone’s jewels, leather wallets that held the money and identity card of someone who now has residency somewhere new or a passport from another country.

Another issue is that there is nowhere to show off your clothes. The other day I ran into a friend, heavily made up, at nine in the morning at the farmers’ market. She was also wearing a sequined blouse. “If I don’t wear it to come here, it’ll just go to waste,” she managed to say. In a city without nightclubs, without discos, with hardly any movie theaters open, and with restaurants that are out of reach for most people, “going-out clothes” have to be taken out for walks in the building’s hallways, to the corner where the garbage piles up, or to the nearest clinic.

In the mornings, Tulipán Street transforms into a Carthaginian market. / 14ymedio

I reach 26th Street. They say that Raúl Castro once lived in a penthouse I pass on my journey. I remember sometimes seeing guards with stern expressions and pistols on their hips when I walked by. Now everything looks neglected. The plants on the rooftop seem a bit withered, and I don’t run into the uniformed men of yesteryear. This neighborhood is no longer safe or glamorous enough for them. Peeling buildings, a ruined cemetery, and a movie theater with no movies complete the picture.

I cross 23rd Street and after a few minutes, I cross the iron bridge. A father and his son, about five years old, are looking at the dark waters of the Almendares River. “Don’t stop, hurry up,” the man tells the little boy. “Daddy, let me watch, I’m not going to jump in,” the child reassures him. “Yeah, I know, you don’t even know how to swim,” the man replies hurriedly. It’s a sad paradox on an island where many can barely stay afloat if they fall into the sea. The lack of swimming pools to learn in and the regime’s fear that we would become Aquaman and escape en masse condemned us to only splash around before they could throw us a life preserver.

Several turkey vultures circle above a garbage dump near the river. They are birds that like refuse. And heights. They are always visiting my building. I respect these birds. They do their cleaning work without complaint, constantly, even though they are often looked down upon for their appearance. They have a stately flight. Once, when I was showing a foreign student the views from the Plaza de la Revolución lookout, several of them landed near the window. “They are attracted to political carrion,” I told the astute German. From a corner, an official tour guide appeared and staged a small protest against me for “denigrating the country in front of a foreigner.” Some people don’t take metaphors well.

The tanker named after Captain Kolodkin set course for this island, but no one knows if it will ultimately dock in our ports.

Speaking of symbols. I continue my headlong Cuban pace, eager to fill my shopping bag, and arrive at the grounds of the Russian Federation Embassy in Havana. I’ve never liked that building. It looks like an airport control tower or a sword plunged into the side of this city. It’s eerie. As I walk past its ugly structure, I wonder what they think of us in the Kremlin. I imagine the Russians, tired of bailing out their Cuban comrades, but also in need of allies in this hemisphere.

A neighbor asked me if the Russian ship was finally arriving or not. The tanker, named after Captain Kolodkin, set course for this island, but no one knows if it will ultimately dock in our ports with its cargo of fuel. My neighbor got up at three in the morning today to, in a brief burst of electricity, do laundry and send a WhatsApp message to her daughter who lives in Madrid. “Don’t even think about coming,” she wrote briefly. Parents have a sixth sense for detecting dangers. “You don’t know how to swim,” one warned his little boy this Friday, looking at the murky waters of the Almendares River. “This is unbearable,” another wrote to her 35-year-old “daughter” when the power came back on in my neighborhood.

It seems we’ve run out of life preservers this time.

Previous Havana Chronicles:

In Havana, the Only Ones Who Move Are the Mosquitoes

Reina, the Stately Street Where Garbage is Sold

Searching for Light Through the Deserted Streets of Havana

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition
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The Cuban Regime Resorts to the Vatican’s ‘Magical Power’ To Ease the U.S. Energy Blockade

‘The Washington Post’ cites several sources and notes that the lack of fuel is affecting the distribution of aid sent by Washington through the Church.

Image released by Caritas of the reception of aid for distribution in the east / Caritas

14ymedio, Madrid, March 27, 2026 – The Cuban Government is trying to get the Vatican to act as a mediator so that Washington eases the fuel blockade, which, among other things, is keeping tons of U.S. humanitarian aid that the Catholic Church itself distributes stalled in ports. A dozen sources have confirmed to The Washington Post both the diplomatic situation and the complexities of distribution, as well as the complications for this option to succeed.

It is not surprising that Havana seeks to involve the Holy See, whose influence has been crucial in various processes ranging from the release of prisoners from the Black Spring to the more than 500 prisoner releases that facilitated Cuba’s provisional removal from the list of State Sponsors of Terrorism in January 2025; not to mention the thaw carried out by Raúl Castro and Barack Obama in 2014. In all of these, the Vatican was behind the scenes.

This, along with the fact that Pope Leo XIV is American, motivates Havana to seek his influence, although nothing suggests the result will be productive, since the Trump Administration has ignored two of the pontiff’s main demands in his year on the throne of Saint Peter: the end of the wars in Gaza and Iran and different treatment for migrants.

“Cubans have always believed that the Vatican possesses a kind of magical power and that its support will make Cuba receive more,” John S. Kavulich, president of the U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council, told the Post.

But a source familiar with the talks told the newspaper that the White House is reluctant. “The Administration is not going to allow the Vatican to dictate its policy toward Cuba. They can talk, but the answer is: ‘You’re right, there are problems, but we didn’t cause them.’” In his opinion, the Cuban Government already has it in its hands to ease the crisis if it makes the changes Washington demands. “So we’re not too enthusiastic about a quid pro quo, because we really don’t need to do anything for them to do something, since they are collapsing on their own and therefore we will get what we want.” continue reading

“So we’re not too enthusiastic about a quid pro quo, because we really don’t need to do anything for them to do something, since they are collapsing on their own and therefore we will get what we want”

The words of this source seem firm, but the Church has apparently tried to explain to the U.S. Administration that the very aid they send is useless in Cuban ports. “On the one hand, they want to deliver humanitarian aid to those in need through the Catholic Church, since it is present throughout the Island,” said a person familiar with coordinating the delivery of nine million dollars’ worth of products that Marco Rubio announced after Hurricane Melissa in October. “But, at the same time, that aid cannot arrive due to the oil blockade. The sanctions need to be lifted, because the situation has been like this for a couple of months,” he said.

Thomas Wenski, archbishop of Miami, told the Post that the mere fact that the Cuban regime accepted those packages, which very visibly bear the U.S. flag, is no small thing. Most of the supply containers were arriving at the port of Mariel, but the Church, says the archbishop, does not have trucks with fuel to transport them across the Island, and although they painstakingly coordinated a shipment by sea to Santiago, some cooperation from the Government was necessary. Wenski showed the Post photographs of volunteers in Guantánamo distributing the aid on tricycles and wheelbarrows. Another aid worker said that animals had to be used for transport. “It’s like a Mad Max movie,” Wenski added.

Another of the sources who spoke with the Post is Rolando Montes de Oca, a priest in three parishes near Havana, who distributed U.S. food aid among dozens of elderly people and people with disabilities who depend on his area. His volunteers had to cook with charcoal due to power outages, he said. He saves the little gasoline he has to collect and deliver aid, but he has calculated that it will barely last him until Easter Sunday. To celebrate Mass, he travels up to 18 kilometers by bicycle.

All of this was discussed, says the Post, at a meeting that Mike Hammer, head of mission of the U.S. in Havana, held on February 20 with Archbishop Paul Richard Gallagher, number two at the Vatican Secretariat of State. The diplomat also attended, along with Brian Burch, U.S. ambassador to the Holy See, a meeting with other Latin American colleagues to discuss “how to collaborate with the Church to support the Cuban people’s desire for economic opportunities and freedom.”

Hammer confirmed that the U.S. is in dialogue with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, “El Cangrejo,” and “another person,” according to a source close to the meeting

At that meeting, the newspaper maintains, Hammer confirmed that the U.S. is in dialogue with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, “El Cangrejo,” [The Crab] and “another person,” according to a source close to the meeting. But that while the agreement was taking shape, the U.S. wanted to send humanitarian aid by bypassing the regime. The Church was clear: the oil blockade is harming the distribution of any aid.

Only a few days later, Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez traveled to Rome to speak with the powerful Cardinal Pietro Parolin, Vatican Secretary of State. Although little has emerged from that meeting, one source told the Post that the minister requested the Pope’s intercession, and on March 12, Havana announced the release of 51 prisoners through mediation by the Holy See.

The Church is not comfortable either. Reluctant to become politically involved, it does not want, according to the report, to see a repeat of what happened in Venezuela with Maduro and prefers a “less traumatic” solution and for the departure of Miguel Díaz-Canel to be agreed upon if it is to occur. Although in their latest statement the bishops asked the regime to make the “political changes that Cuba needs,” they also said that “governments should be able to resolve their disagreements and conflicts through dialogue and diplomacy, not coercion.”

The Vatican has declined to comment to the Post, beyond condemning, since the time of John Paul II, the embargo. But when asked this month about Cuba, Parolin told the press: “We did what we had to do for Cuba. We met with the Foreign Minister and took the necessary steps, always with a view to a solution based on dialogue for the existing problems.” Nothing more.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Prisoners Defenders Raises to 23 the Number of Political Prisoners Released in Cuba Following the Agreement With the Vatican

The NGO denounces that the regime is once again mixing common criminals with opposition members.

Those released receive a prison benefit that allows them to leave prison without their sentence being extinguished. / EFE

14ymedio/EFE, Havana, March 27, 2026 / The organization Prisoners Defenders (PD) raised to 23 this Friday the number of political prisoners released in Cuba since the regime announced, two weeks ago, a process agreed to with the Vatican to release 51 inmates.

According to the NGO, most of those released so far are protesters from 11 July 2021, ’11J’, the largest anti-government protest on the island. Many of them were serving sentences of between six and 18 years for charges commonly used by the Cuban repressive apparatus: public disorder, contempt, assault, and sedition.

PD also questioned the true scope of the measure. The day before, the organization denounced on social media that not all of the 51 released prisoners were political prisoners, a situation, it emphasized, that had already occurred in January 2025. At that time, of the 553 prisoners released, “only 40%” – 219 people – were imprisoned for political reasons, while the rest were common criminals.

The NGO went further, asserting that among the released common criminals was at least one person convicted of murder, in addition to others sentenced for robbery and other common crimes. The complaint points to a practice Havana has used before: inflating the figures for humanitarian gestures by including cases unrelated to political repression. continue reading

Cuba ended February with 1,214 people detained for political reasons

The first prison releases coincided with the Cuban government’s announcement that it had begun talks with representatives of the US administration, although authorities have not publicly linked the two moves.

In any case, these are not pardons. Those released receive a prison benefit that allows them to leave prison without their sentence being extinguished. That is, they remain under sanction and subject to compliance with certain requirements for the remainder of their sentence.

The data comes at a time of escalating repression on the island. Cuba ended February with 1,214 people detained for political reasons, according to the latest monthly report from Prisoners Defenders. This is the highest figure recorded by the organization since it began documenting the situation of Cuban political prisoners.

This number once again illustrates the scale of the repressive wave unleashed after 11 July 2021, when hundreds of Cubans were convicted in trials criticized by international organizations and marred by a lack of due process. While the regime presents these releases as a sign of openness, the data suggests otherwise: prison remains one of its primary tools of control.

Most of those who have benefited so far are protesters from 11 July 2021

The list of those released includes Ibrahín Ariel González Hodelin, 26, sentenced to nine years in Mar Verde prison, in Santiago de Cuba; Ariel Pérez Montesino, 52, sentenced to 10 years in Guanajay, Artemisa; Juan Pablo Martínez Monterrey, 32, with 11 years in Ceiba 5, Artemisa; Ronald García Sánchez, 33, sentenced to 14 years in Toledo 2, Marianao; Adael Jesús Leyva Díaz, 29, with 13 years in Zone 0 of Combinado del Este; Oscar Bárbaro Bravo Cruzata, 27, sentenced to 13 years in La Lima, Guanabacoa; José Luis Sánchez Tito, 34, with 16 years in Combinado del Este; Roberto Ferrer Gener, 52, sentenced to 15 years in that same prison; Deyvis Javier Torres Acosta, 33 years old, with 10 years in Valle Grande, and Yussuan Villalba Sierra, 35 years old, also sentenced to 10 years in a forced labor detachment of the Combinado del Este; Eduardo Álvarez Rigal, 36 years old, sentenced to 13 years in La Lima, and Wilmer Moreno Suárez, 37 years old, with one of the highest sentences on the list: 18 years in Zone 0.

Also listed are Frank Aldama Rodríguez, 33, sentenced to 16 years in Combinado del Este; Miguel Enrique Girón Velázquez, 29, with 11 years in La Aguada youth prison in Holguín; Hansel Felipe Arbolay Prim, 32, sentenced to 10 years in prison 1580 in San Miguel del Padrón; Jorge Vallejo Venegas, 39, with 15 years in La Lima; Luis Esteffani Hernández Valdés, 34, sentenced to six years in Ho Chi Minh, Bainoa, Jaruco; Franklin Reymundo Fernández Rodríguez, 25, with nine years in the Holguín provincial prison; Yunier Sánchez Rodríguez, 39, sentenced to 11 years in Valle Grande; Carlos Pérez Cosme, 38, with 10 years in Toledo 2; Felipe Almirall, 65, sentenced to nine years in La Lima; Lester Ayala Alarcón, 40 years old, with 10 years in Kilo 9, Camagüey, and Liván Hernández Lago, 51 years old, sentenced to seven years in Ceiba 5.

The list also confirms the weight of Havana and Artemisa in the repression after 11J, with several of the toughest prisons and forced labor camps in the country concentrating a good part of these cases.

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The United States Deported 6,000 Cubans to Mexico through an ‘Unwritten’ Agreement

A Boston judge is seeking clarification from the Government after it claimed that these operations are being carried out following a verbal pact.

Tapachula has become a temporary hub for hundreds of Cubans, amid the closure of the U.S. border. / EFE

14ymedio, Madrid, March 26, 2026 / William Young, a district judge in Boston, has requested clarification from the U.S. Government after the Trump administration said it has an “unwritten” agreement with Mexico under which it has deported 6,000 Cubans.

The lawyers for Jorge Juan Navarro, a Cuban deported to Mexico after 30 years living in the United States, filed a complaint in court arguing that the U.S. Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) violated his rights by sending him to Mexico.

The case is pending while another court decides whether the expedited deportations being carried out by the Administration are legal or not. In the meantime, Young has asked for clarification on how it is possible that a method lacking transparency is being used systematically to deport detainees.

The Government’s lawyer initially told the judge that he would provide a copy of that agreement, but later claimed that the agreement was verbal.

According to Reuters, the magistrate was outraged. “What? Can this be true? Is there some unwritten agreement between two sovereign nations under which 6,000 Cuban citizens have already been sent to Mexico? Is this agreement secret?” he asked. continue reading

“What? Can this be true? Is there some unwritten agreement between two sovereign nations under which 6,000 Cuban citizens have already been sent to Mexico? Is this agreement secret?”

Young, appointed as a judge by Republican Ronald Reagan, warned that “judicial deference” has its limits and that he will not allow the role of the judiciary to be ignored in the face of large-scale deportations that lack a transparent legal framework.

The Department of Homeland Security did not respond to the agency’s request for information.

According to the judge, the previous administration, under Joe Biden, established agreements to expedite cases in which a migrant’s country of origin is reluctant to accept them—apparently four countries including Cuba—but within the framework of the humanitarian parole and CBP One programs, which facilitated the legal arrival of hundreds of thousands of Cubans and other nationalities.

Last week, Luis Rey García Villagrán, director of the Center for Human Dignity, told 14ymedio that in Tapachula alone there are about 500 Cubans deported by the United States who have been “abandoned in the early morning over the past month in different locations. These are people who have been left in migratory limbo.”

It is believed that around 30,000 Cubans are stranded in the region due to the closure of the northern border under the Trump administration, a figure that adds to the more than 15,000 asylum applications stalled in the offices of the Mexican Commission for Refugee Assistance (Comar) and the National Migration Institute.

In October, the situation was already causing international concern, without clarity on how Cubans were ending up arriving in Mexico this way, although many migrants stated they preferred that destination to returning to the Island.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Public Ministry of Guatemala Is Investigating More Than 60 Complaints Against Cubans Who Were Working As Doctors

The institution claims that specialists were practicing without the required qualifications and are seeking help from the United States for the investigation.

Patients being attended by Cuban doctors in Guatemala / Cubadebate

14ymedio, Havana, March 26, 2026 / The Public Ministry (MP) of Guatemala is investigating more than 60 complaints against Cuban doctors, related to impersonation of professional qualifications, failure to meet legal requirements, and public safety.

“There are complaints filed against Cuban doctors in Guatemala, of various circumstances, from crimes committed by them individually to situations related to the performance of their duties in Guatemala,” stated the Secretary General of the MP, Ángel Arnoldo Pineda.

According to Pineda, the investigation carried out by the prosecutor’s office analyzes the proportion of healthcare specialists sent by the Cuban Government and indicates that only 3 out of every 10 Cubans sent were doctors.

“If one numerically analyzes 100% of the people designated by the Cuban regime to provide that medical support in different countries, it is mentioned that only 20% or 30% of the people who come are actually doctors, and the rest impersonate doctors and perform other functions,” the secretary noted.

It would be unfortunate that over time people might be receiving medical care without even having the professional capacity to provide it

The statement is based on the fact that the documents certifying the specialists were supposed to be endorsed by state agencies, such as the Ministry of Health.

The Secretary General added that in the last year the number of Cubans arriving in Guatemala increased, and the investigations are focused on determining what functions these supposed foreign doctors were performing in the country.

“It would be unfortunate, let’s say, that over time people might be delivering medical care without even having the professional capacity to provide it,” he stated. continue reading

Pineda also claims that the ministry has requested support from the U.S. government to assist in that investigation “because we have information, in terms of information-sharing on investigations, that this is happening in several countries in Latin America.”

Last January, the Government of Guatemala chose not to renew the contracts of the Cuban medical brigades, thus initiating a gradual withdrawal of their presence in the country. It followed the steps of other countries in the region such as Honduras, Jamaica, or the Bahamas, under pressure from the government of Donald Trump, which considers the Cuban missions “forced labor.”

The decision has sparked controversy and skepticism among Guatemalan medical opinion. Specialists have told the newspaper Prensa Libre that they doubt the Ministry of Health will be able to hire healthcare workers to replace the Cuban doctors, not only because of salaries and working conditions in the public health system but also because there is a shortage of specialists in various branches of medicine in the country.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuban YouTuber Anna Bensi Appears To Testify Regarding the Accusation Against Her Mother and Leaves Charged With the Same Offense

The young woman is under house arrest and cannot leave the country or travel between provinces without notifying State Security.

Anna Bensi recounted what happened during the interrogation from her home, in the middle of a blackout. / Screenshot

14ymedio, Madrid, March 26, 2026 – Cuban YouTuber and activist Anna Sofía Benítez Silvente, known on social media as Anna Bensi, went this Wednesday to the Alamar police unit to be interrogated by State Security in relation to the case opened against her mother, Caridad Silvente. The young woman left the appointment, however, charged with the same offense, that of “acts against personal and family privacy, one’s own image and voice, identity of another person and their data.”

“I am under house arrest, I cannot leave the country or travel between provinces without notifying them,” she said in a video published on Facebook hours after arriving home to relate her encounter with State Security.

Benítez Silvente said she had been at the police station for an hour, a detail that became known thanks to her friend, David Espinosa, who reported it to reassure the people who had shown solidarity with her, some even accompanying her as a sign of support. “Anna Sofía Benítez Silvente has just left the unit. 3:07 pm. God is in control!” he announced, before she could give more details from the calm of her home, although in the middle of a blackout.

Now without her lawyer present, an agent led her to another office where another colleague was in charge of thoroughly searching her in case she was carrying any device to record

“First I went with the lawyer to an office and right there they took my statement and charged me,” she explained, and added that the investigator handling her mother’s case and a lieutenant filling out the paperwork were in the room. Barely a couple of minutes outside, waiting, “They told me they wanted to talk with me” and now without her lawyer present, an agent led her to another office where another colleague was in charge of thoroughly searching her in case she was carrying any device to record.

“They checked my hair, I had to undo my hairstyle, take off my blouse, my pants, they touched my shoes…,” she recounts. However, they then limited themselves to returning her ID card. “And this was everything that happened today,” she says, before thanking those who are supporting not only her and her mother, but also a national cause.

Benítez Silvente’s mother, Caridad Silvente, is accused of having disseminated images of a Ministry of the Interior agent who continue reading

had previously visited her to deliver a police summons. The authorities frame the action under Article 393 of the Cuban Penal Code, referring to “acts against personal and family privacy, one’s own image and voice.”

During the interrogation carried out on Silvente on March 12, she was also held responsible for allowing her daughter, Anna Bensi, to publish denunciations against the Government. She was threatened with a sentence of up to five years in prison. The agents called her a “bad mother” and accused her daughter of being “counterrevolutionary,” “conspiring,” and receiving orders from the United States. After that interrogation, Silvente was informed that she is under house arrest and cannot receive visitors. She was required to find a lawyer within five days for her criminal trial. She was also told that Anna Bensi would be summoned soon.

“If something happens to my mom or to me, it will be your fault,” Bensi expressed, in a message that summarizes not only her personal anguish, but also the defenselessness in which many citizens find themselves when they become targets of the political police.

The case against her mother is a form of intimidation to prevent her from continuing to express herself on social media, she maintains

In a live broadcast published this Tuesday by the influencer, the young woman had reported that the summons was signed by Lieutenant Colonel Eddy Cala, the investigator in charge of the case.

Bensi has questioned the legality of the procedure and has denounced irregularities in the summons itself, which, she says, was poorly written and did not precisely detail the reasons why she had to appear before the authorities. The case against her mother is a form of intimidation to prevent her from continuing to express herself on social media, she maintains.

Wednesday’s interrogation occurs in a context of growing repression against critical voices within the Island. Far from decreasing, surveillance, arbitrary summonses, threats, and restrictions on movement continue to be part of the daily life of activists, independent journalists, outspoken artists, and citizens who express dissent.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Proximity of the Tanker Anatoly Kolodokin Sets Off Alarms About Russian Espionage in Cuba

The New York Times points to suspicions that the vessel may be gathering intelligence as it passes through the Caribbean.

Satellite image of the alleged espionage station in Bejucal / CSIS

14ymedio, Havana, March 26, 2026 – U.S. concerns surrounding the Russian tanker Anatoly Kolodkin, which is heading toward Cuba, thus defying U.S. sanctions imposed on both Russia and Cuba, have put the U.S. Navy on alert and have reignited the debate over Russian espionage from the Island, according to The New York Times.

In a report published this Tuesday by the New York newspaper, the possibility of a hidden function of the Russian vessel is discussed, capable of supplying fuel to the Island but also being involved in espionage activities to gather strategic information in the Caribbean.

Among the reasons that Donald Trump cited in January for cutting oil imports to the Island, he pointed out that the Cuban regime allows Russia “to establish sophisticated military and intelligence capabilities there” that threaten U.S. national security. Specifically, Trump mentioned “the largest Russian signals intelligence installation abroad.”

The Russian base he refers to is the so-called Lourdes, near Havana, which operated during the Cold War and was closed 25 years ago. In 2014, when tensions between Washington and Russia worsened, speculation arose that it would be reactivated, although this was denied by both Russian President Vladimir Putin and U.S. intelligence.

Although less sophisticated than the reported Chinese bases in Cuba, Lourdes has the capacity to monitor key U.S. facilities located less than 320 kilometers away, in Florida, including Central Command, the satellite launchers at Cape Canaveral, and Trump’s residence at Mar-a-Lago. continue reading

According to ‘The New York Times’, preserving this station may be one of the reasons why Putin risks defying Trump by sending oil to Cuba.

Marco Rubio has for years called foreign bases on the Island unacceptable. In a 2016 Republican primary debate, when describing a “good” U.S. deal with Cuba, he stated that it would include Havana “kicking the Russians out of Lourdes and getting rid of the Chinese listening station in Bejucal.”

The Bejucal base, one of four alleged Chinese listening posts in Cuba, was built more than ten years ago near Lourdes and recently modernized. Following revelations by The Wall Street Journal in 2023, Antony Blinken confirmed that Beijing had upgraded it in 2019 and that the Biden Administration responded with a “more direct” diplomatic approach.

Chinese listening stations in Cuba could also monitor U.S. military training areas in Florida and satellite launches from Cape Canaveral.

Even if Trump were to succeed in forcing the closure of Russian and Chinese bases, those countries would continue operating diplomatic facilities on the Island

A former career official of U.S. intelligence services told the Times that even if Trump succeeded in forcing the closure of Russian and Chinese bases, those countries would still operate diplomatic facilities on the Island, “which would most likely be packed with covert listening equipment.”

For his part, William LeoGrande, a professor at American University and very close to the regime, has criticized suspicions of espionage from Cuba. According to him, the Lourdes base is already obsolete, and the Chinese facilities are not as threatening as claimed. “It’s a pretext to say that Cuba is a threat,” he said. “It’s a perfect excuse.”

However, the former general counsel of the National Security Agency (NSA), Glenn S. Gerstell, has indicated that espionage equipment does not need to be cutting-edge to be effective. “Local antennas remain surprisingly relevant,” he said, adding that they can capture walkie-talkie and radio signals more clearly than other more advanced but more distant methods.

Although Trump officials have not said whether they are demanding that the Cuban government expel Russian and Chinese agents, Trump’s executive order declaring a “national emergency” indicates that foreign bases are a high priority.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuba: Sentenced to Seven Years in Prison for Painting ‘How Long?’

The sentence considers that the posters made by Leonard Richard González Alfonso are “advertisements against the Government and the socialist system”

One of the posters for which Leonard Richard González Alfonso has been prosecuted. / 14ymedio

14ymedio/EFE, Madrid, March 26, 2026 – / The State Security Crimes Chamber of the Havana Provincial People’s Court has sentenced Leonard Richard González Alfonso to seven years in prison for propaganda against the constitutional order and threats for creating four graffiti messages. These messages, unlike similar ones for which dozens of people have been prosecuted previously, did not contain slogans such as “Down with the Revolution,” slogans recognized as symbols of rebellion such as “Homeland and Life,” or insults against the Cuban president such as “Díaz-Canel singao*,” but rather a question: “How long will this go on?”

According to the court ruling, the 33-year-old man carried out the graffiti out of frustration with the prolonged power outages and threatened a man who caught him in the act. The court found it proven that in the early morning of June 20, 2025, the convicted man, along with another unidentified person, painted four graffiti messages in Havana “in total disagreement with the country’s energy situation” and to “show their disagreement with the revolutionary process.”

The court considers writing “How long?” to be “announcements against the government and the socialist system.”

According to the ruling, he wrote: “How long?”, “How long? They are killing us,” “How long, Cuba?” and “How long? Justice Cuba,” phrases that the court considers continue reading

“announcements against the Government and the socialist system.”

According to the report, a citizen discovered the convicted man while he was making the graffiti, and the man threatened and insulted him. The situation did not escalate because the man left.

González’s relatives have reported to the NGO Prisoners Defenders that several irregularities have been committed in the process and that the young man, who has had problems with drug addiction and depression, is not being given the medication he needs in prison.

Last December, the same court sentenced a Cuban rapper to five years in prison for hanging four banners demanding “change now” and respect for “human rights” in Cuba.

Police recently arrested ten Panamanian citizens for creating various graffiti in the capital (with phrases such as “Down with tyranny,” “Communism: enemy of the community”) and also charged them with the crime of propaganda against the constitutional order.

Prisoners Defenders recorded a record number of political prisoners in Cuba at the end of February, a total of 1,214.

*’Singao’ is a common epithet generally translated as ‘son of a bitch’, ‘motherfucker’ or similar terms. Also, it happens to rhyme with ‘Diez-Canel’.

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A Court in Camagüey Links a Man Sentenced to Life Imprisonment to Attacking a Police Officer to the United States

Granma publishes an article on “Firmness in the prevention and the fight against terrorism.”

Osvaldo Fernández Pichardo has been sentenced to life imprisonment for the attack on an officer. / Canal Caribe

14ymedio, Madrid, March 24, 2026 – Osvaldo Fernández Pichardo, a man detained last year after attacking a police officer with a knife in the city of Camagüey, was sentenced to life imprisonment for the crimes of terrorism and carrying and possession of weapons. In the report, broadcast this Monday on Cuban Television, a citizen residing in the United States was pointed to as the instigator of the attack.

The attack occurred on May 29 on the Camagüey boulevard, when Fernández Pichardo attacked the officer from behind, as could be seen in a video presented as evidence during the trial and aired this Monday on television. The official press reported the arrest of the individual at the time, accusing him of having consumed alcoholic beverages. The officer was seriously injured, “with imminent risk to life,” although she later recovered.

It is now that the authorities have linked the incident to “a person mentioned in the investigative process who resides in the United States and has extensive activism against the Cuban Revolution.” This individual, whose name has not been published, allegedly offered Fernández Pichardo $600 to attack a member of the police force “in a public place” in order to “provoke fear among people, disrupt order, and foster feelings of insecurity in the population.”

This individual, whose name has not been published, allegedly offered Fernández Pichardo $600 to attack a member of the police force “in a public place”

The report also highlighted that the attacker’s strong physical build played a significant role not only in the act but also in how he left the scene “in a threatening manner.”

The First Criminal Chamber of the Provincial Court sentenced him, in addition to the principal penalty of life imprisonment, to other additional sanctions, such as compensating the victims. continue reading

“Officers of the National Revolutionary Police have among their duties guaranteeing public order and citizen tranquility. That is why this criminal incident was widely condemned when it became known; and today, in the name of the people, the courts imposed an exceptional, rigorous, and proportionate sanction to the seriousness of the act,” the report emphasized, also noting, as is customary, that procedural guarantees were observed.

The news also appears this Tuesday on the front page of the State newspaper Granma and on page two of its print edition, alongside a note signed by Bileardo Amaro Guerra, the chief prosecutor of the Department of the Directorate for Combating and Preventing Corruption and Illegalities, which highlights the “firmness in the prevention and the fight against terrorism,” an issue of ongoing dispute with the United States, which keeps Cuba on the list of state sponsors of terrorism and also on the list of states that do not cooperate against that crime.

The article defends the regime’s fight against a crime it “has suffered,” generally “organized and financed from the United States,” and cites several cases in which “despite providing evidence of the organizers and sponsors (…) impunity has prevailed.”

The article outlines national and international legislation ratified by Cuba and in force in the country, including penalties ranging from 10 to 30 years for terrorism offenses, which, as in the case of Fernández Pichardo, can result in life imprisonment or death “for the most serious forms.”

The article also defines the crime of terrorism and other forms aimed at generating terror, including acts against maritime navigation and aviation security or against the use of computer systems.

“A particular analysis under current circumstances is required for the crime of financing terrorism, which has been used by terrorist organizations based abroad”

“A particular analysis under current circumstances is required for the crime of financing terrorism, which has been used by terrorist organizations based abroad. The Code punishes anyone who collects, transports, provides, or possesses funds, financial or material resources with the purpose that they be used in any of the aforementioned crimes,” the note adds, warning of the rigor with which these cases will be judged as they continue to occur “at present.”

The fact that the article reviews the list of individuals and entities considered terrorists by the regime and its final argument, asserting that “there will be no impunity for those involved in these criminal acts,” suggests that it is not so much about cases like that of Fernández Pichardo, but rather about another issue of greater relevance at the moment: the case of the boat coming from the United States intercepted last February in Villa Clara.

There were 10 occupants, five died after being shot by Cuban border guards, four on the spot and another after several days hospitalized. They “intended to carry out an infiltration for terrorist purposes,” according to the authorities, who are investigating the case in collaboration with the FBI.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Large Demonstration in Miami With Shouts of ‘Freedom’ for Cuba and ‘Military Intervention’

Yotuel Romero, Jacob Forever, and El Chacal premiered their new song, Puente Libertad, in the presence of the mayor of Hialeah, Rosa María Payá, José Daniel Ferrer, and thousands of Cuban Americans.

Cuban flags mixed with American ones both on stage and off / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Hialeah, Alejandro Mena Ortiz, March 25, 2026 – “If Cuba is in the streets, so are we.” With that premise, thousands of Cubans in exile gathered this Tuesday at Milander Park in Hialeah, Florida, at an event called by the city’s mayor, Republican Bryan Calvo, and the Cuban Anti-Communist Foundation. At the event, a mix of demonstration and concert attendees repeatedly called for “freedom” and a U.S. “military intervention” on the Island to put an end to the Castro regime.

Among the exile figures present at the event, called the Free Cuba Rally, were Rosa María Payá, leader of Cuba Decide; Orlando Gutiérrez Boronat, spokesperson for the Cuban Democratic Directorate; José Daniel Ferrer, leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba; and influencer Alexander Otaola, who proclaimed from the stage: “Freedom is very close, freedom is in the air.”

The organizers insisted that they want to convey the idea that Cuba is not alone. / 14ymedio

“We all know the saying ‘no evil lasts a hundred years.’ But now it doesn’t say that, it says ‘no evil lasts 68 years.’ And therefore, this is the final year of Castro-communist tyranny,” Ferrer said emphatically.

From the political sphere, in addition to the city’s mayor, there was Senator Ileana García, who urged the exile community to stay this course so that the Trump Administration intervenes. “I think that by showing up here, we continue to pressure the government to do the right thing,” she said. In the stands, several people displayed signs reading “Intervene now. No dialogue.”

“Tonight is about one message, with a single voice saying that we want change in Cuba. We want complete change, real change,” Bryan Calvo called out, amid shouts of Patria y Vida, one of the most chanted slogans at the event, which featured the participation of Yotuel Romero, one of the authors of the song that became a symbol of the July 11, 2021 protests, performed yesterday by the artist.

Attendees called for an intervention in Cuba to end Castroism. / 14ymedio

The former Orishas singer, Jacob Forever, and El Chacal premiered live last night their new song, Puente Libertad, in which they speak of a prosperous future for Cuba. “Let’s imagine together that bridge that connects us all, where happiness and abundance are the present of our Island,” the lyrics say. A few days ago, the authors released the music video for the song, created with artificial intelligence, which shows American brands such as McDonald’s and Walmart in Havana.

Nestor Meness and El Rojo also performed Como me duele Cuba, as did Los Tres de La Habana. Although the most emotional moment for those present was the performance of the national anthem, sung by the artist Lena Burke.

Alejandro González of Los Pichy Boys told the press that Cubans “are ready to face the hardships that come their way if that means they will be free in the end.” For that reason, amid a situation that is deteriorating by the moment on the Island, attendees reaffirmed, as one of the goals of the event, to show everyone that “Cuba is not alone.”

[see video here]

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Havana Chronicles: In Havana, the Only Ones Who Move Are the Mosquitoes

Instead of the ‘almendrones’ that used to crowd the streets of the capital, now you only see people carrying water

San Isidro has also been without water for days. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, March 24, 2026 — Tsssss! Tsssss! This is the second time since I woke up that I’ve had to put on insect repellent. There was a time when we used to say that any fly or mosquito that made it to this 14th floor deserved a medal and we should let it bite us. But now, with the garbage piling up everywhere, there are days when it’s better to keep the patio door closed if we want to avoid the buzzing all around us. Slathered in that liquid, I go out into the street.

Today I have to go near Havana Bay. The electric tricycle I manage to catch at Boyeros and Tulipán drops me off at the corner of Carlos III, and I have to walk the rest of the way. I like to walk as long as I’m not carrying a bag. I decide to go along Zanja, a street I know so well I could walk it with my eyes closed. Although better not. There isn’t a single section of sidewalk that isn’t broken, full of potholes, or with sewage running down it. I have to watch every step.

When I earned a living showing this city to Germans who came to learn Spanish, many asked me how we Cubans could tell they were tourists. Beyond skin tones—since I had students from various ethnic backgrounds—the smell of sunscreen, or the better-quality clothes, the key was that the foreigners were always gazing upwards, mesmerized. That art nouveau balcony, on the verge of collapse, captivated them. That cornice, once stately and now riddled with moss and cracks, left them speechless.

They say only one train runs every eight days on this long, narrow island where the lines once seemed to reach everywhere. / 14ymedio

Those of us born and raised here, however, know that we have to keep our eyes on the ground. If you’re not careful, you’ll twist your ankle, fall into an open manhole, or end up stepping in a puddle of waste straight from the toilets of a tenement. Looking up is a luxury we can’t afford. We’re forced to focus all our attention on what’s at ground level. Heights are for others.

I’m already at Neptuno. On the corner of Manrique, a shirtless man leans out of the front door of his house. He shouts a string of insults at the top of his lungs. They’re not directed at anyone in particular, they’re aimed at everyone and everything. I manage to hear him complaining that he’s been without water for over a week and that he’s about to head “to Revolution Square” to protest. I imagine this Havana resident with his empty buckets, standing in front of the “raspadura” (the José Martí monument), begging to fill his containers. He wouldn’t last a minute in that heavily guarded and inhospitable plaza.

Although I took a detour, it stirred a wave of nostalgia to pass near my old neighborhood of San Leopoldo again. I can’t say that everything is exactly the same. I struggle to recognize some of the buildings that have fallen into ruin, and the people seem so subdued. That constant hustle and bustle has given way to short, harsh sentences. Even the clatter of the old American cars that used to travel along Neptuno Street is barely audible anymore. The fuel shortage has confined many of these rolling bathyscaphes to garages, and electric tricycles are trying to take over passenger transport, but it’s not easy.

I miss the smell of oil that used to greet me when I stepped out of shared taxis. I’d arrive at a friend’s house after a long ride in one of those classic American cars, and at the first hug, he’d already know I’d made the trip in an old Chevrolet or a beat-up Cadillac. It was a strong smell, but it conveyed movement and life. Now we smell of paralysis.

From the upper floor, which collapsed years ago, rusted beams protrude. It is the home of the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara. / 14ymedio

I walk quickly past the Central Train Station. I don’t like looking at that imposing building where I have so many memories. As the daughter and granddaughter of railway workers, the destruction of the railway in Cuba pains me deeply. They say that only one train leaves every eight days on this long, narrow island where the lines once seemed to reach everywhere. It’s been a while since I’ve heard a whistle at the 19 de Noviembre station on Tulipán Street, or the clatter of moving train cars.

I’ve arrived at Desamparados Street. An old woman is selling tiny paper cones of peanuts for 20 pesos each. I buy two, pay with a 50-peso bill, and leave her the change. The woman is as small as the paper cones with a few salted peanuts she offers me. It’s ten in the morning, and there’s hardly anyone on the street. The area around the train station, the zone where there used to always be a throng of people lining up for buses to the Playas del Este beaches, and the area near the National Archives are deserted.

I turn onto Damas Street and arrive at number 955. The doorway is barricaded with rickety planks. Rusty beams protrude from the upper floor, which collapsed years ago. It’s the home of the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, imprisoned since July 2021. A passing neighbor winks at me, and after a few seconds, I continue on my way. A man in front of me is carrying two buckets. They haven’t had water in San Isidro for days either. A mosquito ignores the repellent I’ve applied and bites my neck.

I go home looking down, always down.

Previous Havana Chronicles:

Reina, the Stately Street Where Garbage is Sold

Searching for Light Through the Deserted Streets of Havana

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

The Military Conglomerate Gaesa Is on the Verge of Bankruptcy and the Cuban Economy Will Fall by 7.2% This Year, According to The Economist

The British weekly says that poor investments in hotels have drastically reduced the foreign currency reserves of the Castro-era empire, while the Central Bank has barely 3 billion dollars.

The Torre K, the greatest symbol of ostentation of the military conglomerate Gaesa, is now closed. / 14ymedio

14ymedio Madrid, March 25, 2026 – Far from the idea of a multimillion-dollar empire that exists about the Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A. (Gaesa), the military conglomerate is collapsing at breakneck speed, according to the British weekly The Economist, which publishes an extensive analysis of the state of the Island’s finances and how their precariousness could serve as a lever for change. “They are against the ropes. They will do whatever is necessary to save themselves,” a source linked to the negotiations told the outlet.

The article starts from the idea that the Cuban economy was already deeply depressed, following decades of mismanagement and sanctions. “Trump’s new pressure campaign has made the situation even worse,” they note. From there comes a chain of data illustrating the collapse of Gaesa, which over the last ten years had invested 70% of its resources in tourism that was unable to recover after the 2020 coronavirus pandemic and now, without international flights, is practically at zero.

“Judging by analysis of its accounts and conversations with several Cuban officials, [the reality] appears more modest. Before the United States tightened restrictions, Gaesa barely had one billion dollars in reserves. That figure is falling rapidly, as its luxury hotels remain empty,” the article explains. In addition, according to its estimates, Cuba’s international reserves are not much higher: around 3 billion in total and declining. Its media affiliate, The Economist Intelligence Unit, estimates that this year gross domestic product (GDP) will fall by 7.2%, a catastrophe that small investments by Cuban Americans can do little to offset.

The Economist reviews some figures already familiar to the Cuban public. Tourism, mining, and manufacturing generated barely 2 billion dollars in foreign currency last year, but after the oil blockade decreed by Trump at the end of January, they have collapsed. Exports of cobalt, nickel, and zinc, which in 2025 amounted to about 6.6 billion dollars, are suspended following the decision by the Canadian company Sherritt to cancel its operations due to lack of fuel.

A sharp decline is also expected in medical missions, as U.S. pressure has forced the end of those agreements in at least continue reading

15 countries. “Italy and Qatar, where an entire hospital is staffed by Cubans, have resisted so far. Poorer countries such as Jamaica, Honduras, and Guatemala have given in,” the outlet summarizes. Only remittances remain “intact,” the analysis says, placing them at around 3 billion, although it does not address the fact that they once reached at least nearly double that amount, and that years of U.S. sanctions and the rise of technology have opened other channels through which vast sums of money flow. In December 2024, the think tank Cuba Siglo 21 had already stated that losses were 95%.

The choking off of each foreign-currency-generating sector responds, according to The Economist, to a meticulous and persistent plan by Marco Rubio, whose personal drive is behind this effort in which, apparently, the United States does not have as much to gain or lose as in the case of Iran (arms) or Venezuela (oil). However, the weekly asserts that Washington does have certain economic interests, particularly Trump himself, in tourism.

“The plan is vague, but probably includes giving U.S. companies access to energy, ports, tourism, and telecommunications. Trump has coveted the Cuban hotel market for decades. The Trump Organization registered its trademark in Havana in 2008 for hotels, casinos, and golf courses, and sent executives to explore potential locations in 2013,” The Economist recalls.

According to its sources, Washington aims for the removal of restrictions on the size of private businesses, the opening of the banking system, and the dismantling of monopolies such as Gaesa itself, even if the U.S. must modify its laws to do so. Havana entrepreneur Yulieta Hernández Díaz has expressed, The Economist reports, a widespread fear: that the main beneficiaries of any agreement will be large U.S. corporations, leaving local businesses at a disadvantage.

In this context, political risk is also present. Future options for Marco Rubio, the article notes, involve not losing the support of Cuban-American congress members who helped elevate him and who now, pushed in turn by Florida voters, fear the consequences of the much-discussed negotiations with Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, known as El Cangrejo [The Crab] and grandson of the former leader. To his name, The Economist adds two others: one is nothing new—Alejandro Castro Espín, whose role has already been discussed in the international press—but the other is. Diplomat Josefina Vidal, currently at the embassy in Canada, would also be involved according to its sources.

“It should be noted that the United States does not appear to be demanding measures against members of the Castro family, who continue to pull the strings of power in Cuba. An agreement in which a Castro exercises real power from the shadows while a new figurehead occupies the office would be an absurd outcome,” said Ric Herrero of the Cuba Study Group, who is nonetheless in favor of dialogue, but not in any form. The lawyer complained that neither Trump nor Rubio has explicitly spoken of democracy, but rather of change in the face of a catastrophic economy.

“We have not fought for 67 years, with prisoners and deaths, to earn the right to invest under the rules of a communist regime,” said Marcell Felipe, of the Cuban Diaspora Museum in Miami.

The Economist concludes that Trump appears to be on the verge of “closing a deal that keeps the regime under control.” “But,” it adds, “what are the chances that this will lead to a truly beneficial transformation?”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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A Minor Detained After the Morón Protests Is in Prison Under “Inhumane Conditions”

The family of Jonathan David Muir Burgos denounces sustained police harassment, while Cubalex reports at least 55 detentions in the latest protests in Cuba.

Authorities are considering transferring Jonathan Muir to Canaleta prison, in Ciego de Ávila. / Facebook

14ymedio, Havana, March 24, 2026 / The Cuban teenager Jonathan David Muir Burgos, 16, remains detained in a unit of the Technical Department of Investigations in Ciego de Ávila, after being arrested following the protests that took place in Morón on March 13.

The evangelical pastor Mario Félix Lleonart, director of the Patmos Institute, denounced this Tuesday the physical and psychological deterioration of the minor under state custody, describing the conditions as “inhumane,” in statements to Martí Noticias.

The young Jonathan Muir Burgos was initially summoned, in the days following the protest, to a police station together with his father, Pastor Elier Muir Ávila. Both were transferred to a unit known as “El Técnico,” but only the father was released.

Lleonart said in his statement that the authorities are considering subjecting the minor to an exemplary public trial along with other adolescents detained for their alleged participation in the demonstration. According to the evangelical pastor, authorities are considering transferring the teenager to Canaleta prison in the same province, a penitentiary facility known for its harsh conditions, where a riot recently occurred and which resulted in several deaths, following the suicide of a young man, “almost a child,” according to reports received by 14ymedio. continue reading

The authorities are considering subjecting the minor to an exemplary public trial along with other adolescents detained for their alleged participation in the demonstration

Minervina Burgos López and Elier Muir, Jonathan’s parents, have filed a habeas corpus petition and requested bail, although, according to their testimony, authorities have already indicated that both requests will be denied. The mother has also been summoned by the Prosecutor’s Office, which relatives interpret as an additional form of pressure.

The Muir Burgos family has for years denounced harassment by State Security, including acts of repudiation, threats, surveillance, and even physical assaults. Pastor Elier Muir had reported attacks against his home, pressure to abandon his religious work, and the repeated refusal of authorities to legalize his congregation. In 2024, he was expelled from his religious denomination after official pressure and was prohibited from continuing to operate his church.

The case has also generated reactions in the United States: Cuban-American congressman Carlos Giménez demanded the immediate release of the minor: “In the U.S. Congress I am demanding the immediate release of Jonathan Muir, a 16-year-old political prisoner unjustly detained for expressing his ideas. The regime is committing flagrant human rights violations.”

As of today, at least 55 detentions have been recorded, of which 32 people remain in custody or their whereabouts are unknown

According to the independent organization Cubalex, following the protests that have emerged in Cuba since March 6, at least 55 detentions have been recorded to date, of which 32 people remain in custody or their whereabouts are unknown.

At least 14 detentions have been reported from Morón, stemming from the protest on Friday the 13th, among them the case of Jonathan David. The organization also denounces repressive patterns such as lack of transparency, lack of legal protection for detainees, and the criminalization of the right to protest.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The Central Bank of Cuba Allows the Spanish Company Bagalso To Deliver Remittances in Foreign Currency

As has been done with Cubamax from the U.S., the Galician firm will be able to “channel funds for deposit into accounts, debit cards, or the loading of prepaid cards for beneficiaries”

Headquarters of the Central Bank of Cuba, in Havana / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, March 24, 2026 / The Central Bank of Cuba (BCC) has authorized Bagalso Internacional S.L. (S.L.), a small Spanish financial services company, to “carry out money transmission activities” on the Island. The resolution, published this Tuesday in a special Official Gazette, effectively allows the firm to manage remittances, although the word itself is never mentioned.

Among the authorized activities are “channeling funds for deposit into accounts, debit cards, and the loading of prepaid cards for beneficiaries in Cuba;” “delivering cash in national currency or in foreign currency to beneficiaries;” and “developing, managing, and operating the digital platforms, interfaces, and technological systems required.” At the same time, Bagalso has around 10 obligations starting from the entry into force of the resolution within three days. The first of these is to “designate a representative residing in Cuba, with sufficient authority to receive notifications and requests from Cuban authorities, present required information and documentation,” and represent the firm before the BCC and other competent authorities.

The company will also be required to “comply with the transactional and operational limits established by the Central Bank of Cuba, both for individual and cumulative operations,” “submit to supervision and information requirements” from the BCC, and “submit to the jurisdiction of Cuban courts.”

The company will also be required to “comply with the transactional and operational limits established by the Central Bank of Cuba”

The resolution itself states that S.L. is a limited liability company; that is, a commercial entity in which the partners’ liability is limited to the capital contributed, and the minimum capital is low, under 6,000 euros. It was “established in accordance with the laws of the Kingdom of Spain to carry out activities auxiliary to financial services,” has its registered address in Lugo (Galicia), and “will not constitute a legal entity in Cuba.”

The company is barely three months old: it was registered in the Official Gazette of the Spanish Mercantile Registry on continue reading

December 18 and lists Sonnia Alejandra Núñez del Riego as its legal representative. The sole administrator of Bagalso Internacional is Eduardo Valín Fernández, from Lugo, linked to several firms in that Galician province, including the Breogán Basketball Club, and who is, in fact, the CEO of the Confederation of Entrepreneurs of Lugo.

Núñez del Riego, for her part, is a Cuban who founded an SME in Havana together with Raidel Pérez Nodarse: Sonrai Rodamientos. As its name indicates and as advertisements on its still-active social media show, they are engaged in wholesale marketing of bearings, rubber, and inner tubes for motorcycle and bicycle wheels, as well as transmission belts and tools. However, it is registered in the registry of micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises of the Ministry of Economy and Planning, like Sonrai Habana, in the municipality of Playa, to “commercialize food, beverages, and tobacco.”

The sole administrator of Bagalso Internacional is Eduardo Valín Fernández, from Lugo, linked to several firms in that Galician province

Both Núñez del Riego and Pérez Nodarse are also joint administrators of Rodamerican International S.L., established in Madrid in 2023 with the corporate purpose of “wholesale trade, non-specialized, import, export, and commercialization of alcoholic and non-alcoholic beverages and tobacco, as well as all types of food.”

Bagalso Internacional is not the first foreign financial firm authorized to operate by the BCC to replace Orbit S.A., sanctioned by the Trump Administration in January 2025 for its ties to the powerful military conglomerate Gaesa (Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A.), as revealed by The Miami Herald in an extensive report. At the end of December, the U.S. company Cubamax Travel Inc. received the same permissions, including the delivery of “cash in national currency or foreign currency to beneficiaries.”

Meanwhile, authorities have been very active over the past two days regarding regulations and permits, following the official announcement that Cubans abroad, including Cuban Americans, will be able to invest in businesses on the Island.

This Monday, another special Official Gazette reported that the BCC had authorized for the first time 10 companies, nine SMEs and one joint venture, to use cryptocurrencies for international payments. The resolution included the names of the firms and their activities: Ingenius Tecnologías, Dofleini (founded by legislator Carlos Pérez Reyes),Cema Soltec, Pasarela Digital SURL, Ara, and DASQOM SURL (all related to IT or information technology services); La Calesa Real and El Asadito (gastronomy), and La Meknica (transportation). The joint venture is Productos Sanitarios S.A. (Prosa), whose general manager is Manolo González García.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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