Category: Translator: Regina Anavy

, as this newspaper confirmed, through the Chinese company Fujian Trebor Trading Company, which brings in and sells gasoline paid for in dollars to small and medium-sized enterprises, in shipments of up to 25,000 liters.

The conditions for purchase, announced on social media, were confirmed to 14ymedio in phone calls to several small and medium-sized enterprises that have used its services. They must process operations through the state company Quimimport, which is dedicated to purchasing chemical products. Interested parties must “qualify as clients” and wait for the corresponding “commercial proposal.”

Clients must have a Micro-Location Certificate issued by the Physical Planning authority, including the exact coordinates of the site where the storage tank will be located; certification from the APCI (Fire Protection Agency) of the Fire Department; the tank capacity and standardization certificate issued by the Metrology authority, in cases where the storage facility is rented from a state company; a declaration from the company stating that the fuel will be for its own use; and the Storage Contract (the corresponding agreement, lease, cooperation, or storage contract) when the tank belongs to a state entity.

Quimimport, contacted by 14ymedio, stated that the company “is carrying out the processing and execution of these operations; therefore, it is necessary to clarify that, to date, authorization for importation has not been granted by the Ministry’s Directorate.”

In any case, to be authorized by the Government for these acquisitions, it is essential to rely on the State for various procedures, as well as for the storage and management of a product that carries associated risks.

Earlier information published by Martí Noticias stated that several countries are already doing this type of export to the Island, including Miami-based entrepreneurs. “Each unit can transport around 24,000 liters, and delivery is made at the Port of Mariel directly to clients,” said one of those interviewed.

The United States will have to clarify how it will prevent the regime from exerting some degree of control over the fuel once the diesel arrives on the Island, although the Cuban Government is also not interested in obstructing assistance that would inject oxygen into the private sector’s economy and help alleviate current hardships.

Meanwhile, Cubanet published an investigation on Tuesday indicating that a large number of private companies are linked to ministers, members of the armed forces, or relatives of officials, including Mariela Castro’s own daughter, who owns a Local Development Project authorized to import hydrocarbons.

According to the outlet, as of February 16, approximately 150 companies had submitted formal applications, of which 42 have been authorized, most dedicated to passenger transport, logistics, and agricultural production.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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boats arriving from the United States, which “allegedly reached the area known as La Panchita, in the municipality of Corralillo, and an exchange of gunfire took place in the area.”

According to this version, there were “around 10 injured,” and “one member of the troops was airlifted by helicopter to the military hospital in Matanzas.” A lighthouse located in the area where Border Guard personnel operate was also hit, Licea continues. Residents report, the commentator says, that the area is completely militarized, beach access is prohibited, and local workers are not allowed entry.

“The violence linked to that regime cannot be ignored or minimized.”

Later, Florida Attorney General James Uthmeier announced on social media the opening of an investigation: “I have ordered the State Attorney’s Office to work with our federal, state, and law enforcement partners to begin an investigation. The Cuban government cannot be trusted, and we will do everything in our power to hold these communists accountable.”

Miami-Dade Commissioner Natalie Milian Orbis echoed this sentiment. In a statement, she affirmed that she was closely monitoring reports that “Cuban regime forces may have opened fire on a vessel registered in Florida, resulting in the tragic loss of life and multiple injuries.” If confirmed, she continued, “it is deeply alarming and must be the subject of a swift and thorough investigation by U.S. authorities.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The cars will also offer service to the general public at a fare of 20 pesos.

In the rest of the country, the initiative will simultaneously deliver 15 minibuses and 34 cargo vans to other provinces, all electric, to be operated by provincial transport companies under principles similar to those of Transmed.

To support this, Rodríguez Dávila said work is already advancing “at an accelerated pace” on installing charging stations for all these vehicles, equipped with photovoltaic solar panels and storage systems, “so that it does not place an additional burden on the national energy system.”

This new vehicle fleet for the health sector is in addition to the incorporation of 75 new ambulances nationwide, all electric, which arrived in Cuba between January and the first days of this month. Rodríguez Dávila explained that these vehicles have adequate range, energy efficiency, and maintenance support to ensure their operation.

The project, which exceeds $5 million in investment according to the minister, will be financed by the Public Transport Development Fund of the Ministry of Transport, while Havana’s health budget will cover payment for the service in national currency. The supplier will be MCV Comercial, the joint venture between the Cuban State and Mercedes-Benz, which has previously been involved in bringing other units to the country.

The supplier will be MCV Comercial, the joint venture between the Cuban State and Mercedes-Benz

The energy crisis, intensified by the loss of subsidized oil from its Venezuelan ally following the military operation to capture then-president Nicolás Maduro on January 3, has put essential services under severe strain. In addition to disruptions in ambulance services, hospitals have suffered blackouts and flights carrying medical supplies have been suspended.

As early as the beginning of January, weeks before the executive order allowing the United States to impose tariffs on goods from countries that sell or supply oil to Cuba, nearly all GAZelle minibuses operating in Havana were already out of service due to lack of fuel. On January 7, local authorities stated on Facebook that “only a small group” of GAZelles was operating and that “the few” in service “will not be able to complete all scheduled trips.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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our farewell,” said one of the physicians.

According to Gonzalo Valerio, a member of the Honduras-Cuba Friendship Association aligned with the regime, the specialists are waiting for a charter flight to be arranged to take them back to the Island in early March.

Honduras follows the path of Guatemala, Antigua and Barbuda, as well as Guyana and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, which ended their medical cooperation projects with the Island after pressure from Washington. Last June, the United States announced the revocation of visas for Honduran officials from the Health Secretariat (Sesal) and the Strategic Planning Secretariat.

The U.S. government has dnounced that these missions involve the “coercion” of healthcare professionals, who are sent to work in third countries under opaque contracts, with low wages and severe restrictions on their freedom.

Congresswoman Johana Bermúdez added that the country transferred significant sums of money to Cuba through the so-called medical brigades, a scheme that, she said, had been questioned at the time. “We denounced it as the opposition, and so did the Honduran Medical Association (CMH),” which also argued that the doctors lacked proper accreditation to practice in the country and that the Organic Law of the Medical Association was being violated.

Two years ago, the CMH stated that the Honduran government paid the Island $2,000 per doctor, in addition to providing them with housing, a vehicle, and food.

The presence of Cuban doctors in Honduras began in 1998, after Hurricane Mitch. As part of its relationship with the Island, the Central American government also agreed to send 170 general practitioners to the Island to train in one of the 23 specialties offered by Cuban universities.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Italy is a unique case, as it is the only country in the European Union that has resorted to these agreements to address its doctor shortage.

“We had a long and cordial meeting, discussing Calabria’s urgent healthcare needs and the complexities surrounding the Cuban doctors’ mission,” he told the Italian press. “I told Hammer that the Cuban doctors, who allow Calabria’s hospitals and emergency rooms to remain open, are still a necessity, because my absolute priority is to guarantee citizens’ right to healthcare, given that our system is already facing great difficulties.”

In fact, the plan is for up to 1,000 doctors to arrive this year, he confirmed. However, Occhiuto is not closing the door to other options to address the system’s shortcomings. “In recent weeks, also thanks to a fruitful collaboration established with the U.S. State Department and the U.S. Consulate, we have decided to explore an alternative way to recruit more doctors. We did so by publishing, in mid-January, a call aimed at all doctors from the EU and non-EU countries who want to come work in Calabria,” he explained.

The leader of the Forza Italia (right-wing) party maintains that if the goal is to expand options, he is open to any solution. “We will welcome all doctors who want to come,” he said, expressly mentioning both EU and non-EU professionals.

“In conclusion, I told Hammer that foreign doctors are absolutely necessary, but that our region is willing to receive all doctors—EU, non-EU, Cuban doctors not linked to the existing mission—who independently wish to come work in Calabria, which is prepared to provide them with all the logistical and financial support we have already guaranteed to the Cuban doctors who have been living with us.”

Cuban doctors first arrived in this southern Italian region in 2023, in a contingent of about 170 healthcare workers who arrived in two groups.

Cuban doctors first arrived in this southern Italian region in 2023, in a contingent of about 170 healthcare workers who arrived in two groups. “I said it before and I repeat it: they are not going to take any jobs from Italian doctors,” Occhiuto warned at the time, rejecting criticism that accompanied the decision.

Even then, the president stated that at least 2,300 new contracts were needed to ensure the system functioned properly. Nearly 500 were expected to come from Cuba, according to the contract signed in 2022 between Cuban Health Minister José Ángel Portal Miranda and his Italian counterpart, Orazio Schillaci.

In January 2024, the Sardinian press announced the arrival from the Island of 128 doctors and 30 nurses to Sardinia, under a contract that expired on December 31, 2025, and could be renewed. Little more has emerged about that case, although at the beginning of that month local politicians expressed the need to maintain agreements with Cuba and stated that at least 1,000 doctors were required.

The Italian local press reported that for each doctor in Calabria, the region would pay 3,500 euros in salary and 1,200 euros for maintenance, housing, travel, and training. The salary, as usual, is paid to the Cuban government, which typically retains between 75% and 90%, leading the United States and some international organizations to denounce the practice as “forced labor.”

In the summer of 2025, Calabria’s opposition (social democrats) demanded explanations about the status of these agreements after a case emerged of a doctor who left his post to work at a private center. “This new case of abandonment adds to many others: in addition to those who opted for the private sector, there are those who went on vacation and never returned, those who preferred the Spanish healthcare system, those who disappeared, etc.,” denounced Ernesto Alleci, who added that “the numbers are starting to no longer add up.”

Several Italian regions, particularly the poorer ones, face difficulties hiring healthcare personnel, as their salaries are around $82,000 per year for a specialist, far less than the $99,000 in France or $172,000 in Germany.

Translated by Regina Anavy
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of Hawk Harrelson’s call during Mark Buehrle’s perfect game: ‘Alexei?!’”

The analysis notes that Ramírez is not exactly a “new” player to watch in the World Baseball Classic. “He is the oldest player in the tournament. Ramírez—yes, the same Alexei Ramírez who retired from Major League Baseball a decade ago in 2016—returns to play for Cuba at 44, and frankly, we’re very curious to see what kind of numbers a 44-year-old retired Major Leaguer can produce.”

In response to these remarks, the specialized outlet Swing Completo acknowledged that the Cuban team “lacks well-established names, especially after several key players—Andy Pagés, Andy Ibáñez, Daysbel Hernández, Víctor Labrada, and Ernesto Martínez—withdrew their initial interest in joining.”

Manager Mesa will have to “lean on two standout pitchers at the top level of Japanese baseball, Liván Moinelo and Raidel Martínez, as well as reliever Yariel Rodríguez and young left-handed starter Daviel Hurtado, who has stood out in the New York Mets’ minor league system.”

Adding to the challenges, Cuban players currently in Managua lack visas to enter the United States. “No one who is there today in Nicaragua has a visa in hand yet,” journalist Yordano Carmona said.

In a recent interview, manager Germán Mesa maintained that historically visas have never been denied to the team. The federation insists that efforts are ongoing. Meanwhile, the players continue training as if their participation in the World Baseball Classic were assured.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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, just 106 kilometers from the Island, it made a sharp U-turn, according to data from Kpler, a maritime transport data company. According to The New York Times, it “appeared to have realized it was being pursued.”

The Ocean Mariner initially headed toward Dominican waters. However, on February 10 it changed course toward Cuba.

The following day, a U.S. Coast Guard vessel, the Stone, approached the tanker to ask where it was headed. The response was that it was bound for the Dominican Republic, despite being far off course, according to a U.S. official. Given the suspicious maneuver, the Coast Guard sailed alongside the tanker for nearly two days and escorted it to Dominican waters, where it remained for several days without unloading the fuel.

After the vessel’s interception, Trafigura appeared in the transaction network. The company holds a 49% stake in Empresa Minera del Caribe SA (Emincar), together with Cuba’s state-owned Geominera (51%), and operates the copper mines of Matahambre in Pinar del Río. The firm officially purchased the cargo after the Ocean Mariner incident with the Coast Guard. However, Trafigura did not buy directly from Monarch, the original buyer of the shipment, but from a third company whose name no one has disclosed.

El Tiempo reports that the original seller and buyer argued that their responsibility “for the cargo ended once the ship set sail, under the terms of the contract in the Free On Board (FOB) modality.” Additionally, they have not so far received any request from authorities. They also insist that the operation followed legal export procedures and that information about a possible diversion attempt to Cuba “is not official but based on press reports.”

“The destination of the product listed in the shipping documents corresponds to Río Haina, Dominican Republic. Since the operation was carried out under FOB terms, once the product was loaded and dispatched from the port of Palermo, the availability, control, and management of the cargo rests with the buyer,” said Iván Lombana, legal representative of ISM, the original seller. He also emphasized that the company does not receive operational updates on routes once ownership (of the fuel) and risk are transferred to the buyer.

Spokespersons for Trafigura interviewed by the Colombian outlet denied any connection to a shipment to the Island.

Spokespersons for Trafigura interviewed by the Colombian outlet denied any connection to a shipment to the Island. They stated that they agreed to purchase the Colombian-origin fuel oil transported on the Ocean Mariner for delivery in the Bahamas. “Trafigura had no prior involvement with this cargo or voyage and did not charter the vessel. As one of the world’s largest traders of oil and petroleum products, we are regularly contacted by counterparties seeking buyers for uncommitted cargoes,” they said, though they declined to reveal from whom they purchased it.

This Sunday at 1:24 a.m., Colombian President Gustavo Petro, through X, without mentioning the fuel sale process or the attempted breach of Washington’s oil embargo, stated: “I do not agree with blockading a country; what is needed is more freedom, not more chains.”

In the post, in which he spoke about Cuban music and Silvio Rodríguez, he added that “there is no crime in the free transport of oil in the Caribbean, but it is preferable that the Caribbean’s energy be provided by the sun that rises almost every day.” He also said that the United States “must change its policy toward Cuba” and called for “unleashing the solar energy program across the entire Island. In Latin America we can support this by manufacturing solar panels. Colombia can provide its silica sands and copper. We already produce panels for export if necessary.”

Meanwhile, in an interview with the Spanish newspaper ABC, Mike Hammer, chargé d’affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Havana, confirmed that the aim is to send fuel to “support the Cuban people without it being exploited by the regime and used to sustain itself, which is what they have done for 67 years.” The official added that they would seek to replicate the model used for food and medicine shipments after Hurricane Melissa, in which donations were channeled through the Catholic Church and Caritas Cuba, “because we want to ensure that any assistance to those affected actually reaches them.”

Translated by Regina Anavy 

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always return empty, suggesting a rotation or redeployment of personnel on the ground. These discreet but steady flights reinforce the hypothesis of a partial pullback under external pressure rather than a total withdrawal of Cuba’s presence in the South American country.

The exact reasons for the pullback remain the subject of conflicting accounts. A source close to the Venezuelan ruling party said the departures respond directly to orders from Rodríguez under U.S. pressure. Other sources, however, could not confirm whether this is a decision by Caracas, a voluntary move by the Cubans, or an instruction coming from Havana.

Washington has placed the Cuba–Venezuela relationship at the center of its regional strategy. Following the U.S. military operation of January 3—during which, according to the Cuban government, 32 Cuban citizens linked to security tasks were killed—President Donald Trump vowed to cut the ties between the two countries at their root.

“Cuba survived for many years thanks to Venezuela’s oil and money… but not anymore!” Trump wrote on January 11 on his Truth Social network, making clear the line of economic and political pressure.

Official media in Cuba avoid discussing the changes that have occurred in Venezuela following Maduro’s capture

For decades, the exchange was mutually beneficial: Havana sent thousands of doctors, sports trainers, and intelligence advisers, while Caracas supplied subsidized oil that was vital to the Cuban economy. That arrangement began to erode with Venezuela’s crisis, but it now faces its greatest challenge.

Since mid-December, Washington has blocked shipments of Venezuelan crude to Cuba, a move that has worsened the Island’s already severe energy crisis. This has been compounded by the executive order of January 29, in which the Trump administration threatens to impose tariffs on countries that export crude to Cuba.

A White House official cited by Reuters also said that the United States maintains a “very good relationship” with Venezuela’s new leadership and believes Rodríguez’s interests “align” with Washington’s objectives.

Despite signs of operational distancing, both governments have publicly insisted on the continuity of the alliance. On January 8, Rodríguez herself appeared in Caracas alongside Cuban Foreign Minister Bruno Rodríguez during an event commemorating the victims of the U.S. attack. Days later, the Venezuelan leader spoke by phone with President Miguel Díaz-Canel to reaffirm, according to the official version, the bilateral “brotherhood.”

The pullback reflects more of a tactical adjustment than a strategic rupture

In Havana, the rhetoric has also remained largely unchanged, although official media avoid addressing the changes that have taken place in Venezuela since Maduro’s capture. On the ground, however, the picture is more nuanced. A source close to the Cuban government acknowledged that while some soldiers wounded during the U.S. operation have returned to the Island, others remain active in Venezuela. The source also noted that a considerable number of doctors continue providing services.

Analysts consulted by Reuters agree that the pullback represents more of a tactical adjustment than a strategic break. Frank Mora, former U.S. ambassador to the Organization of American States, believes Rodríguez is acting cautiously. According to his assessment, she is trying to keep the Cubans “at arm’s length” until she consolidates her grip on power, without completely breaking with Havana.

Along the same lines, academic John Polga-Hecimovich stresses that the footprint of Cuban intelligence remains deeply embedded in Venezuela’s security structures. Although advisers failed to prevent Maduro’s downfall, their previous work, especially in counterintelligence, contributed decisively to the stability of Chavismo for years.

For now, the partial withdrawal raises more questions than answers. While return flights continue to multiply, U.S. sources warn that covert Cuban agents are likely to remain in Venezuela monitoring the evolution of the political landscape. What does seem clear is that the de-Cubanization of Venezuela is deepening, and the Havana–Caracas axis is going through its most fragile moment.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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The opponent specified that Ana María Mari Machado could assume leadership functions

However, he emphasized that he prefers a negotiated solution. “I have always defended the idea that we Cubans achieve freedom and democracy through our own efforts.” But “if the regime leaves no other option, what is needed is action,” Ferrer said. He arrived in Miami last October as a political refugee following an agreement between the governments of Cuba, the United States, and the Vatican.

The opposition leader asserted that for the first time in decades several factors are converging that point to a possible transition, beginning with the Cuban people, who, he said, are now protesting more openly and without fear, no longer in secret or only before trusted individuals and journalists.

“I would start with a Cuban people that is increasingly discontented and rebellious, increasingly less afraid,” he insisted. He added that there is an “awakening of youth,” such as the digital project El4tico, which “has received incredible solidarity from young people inside Cuba, never seen before.”

To that he adds the blow to Venezuela, with which “the Cuban regime lost an ally,” and the current U.S. government policy of “maximum pressure against the tyranny,” including the threat of tariffs on those who assist it.

“The regime’s allies are distancing themselves because they know that bad company does not suit them, and there are also threats of possible tariffs for those who help the Castro-communist regime, at least with fuel,” he said.

“The regime’s allies are distancing themselves because they know that bad company does not suit them”

“For many years it has been said ‘the time is now,’ but never have so many factors converged for us to affirm that this year the Castro-communist regime will not survive. Yes, now we are very close,” emphasized the founder of the Patriotic Union of Cuba.

Regarding the next step Trump should take, he said it is to “continue applying pressure,” enforcing “tariffs on whoever sends oil to the regime so that repression can continue operating and fuel does not run out for the vehicles of the repressive forces.”

The opposition leader said the regime is currently sustaining itself with fuel reserves stored “in the mountains of Oriente, where they continue extracting it from a very long and deep cave, with many fuel depots.”

As for Mexico’s president, Claudia Sheinbaum, the opposition leader said that “the oil she wants to send to the Cuban regime is not for ambulances; it is for the vehicles of high-ranking leaders and, first and foremost, for the repressive forces.”

He added that “if Sheinbaum truly supports the Cuban people and is in solidarity with them, she should only send aid consisting of food, medicine, and essential goods such as hygiene products, directly to the people through the Church or any other actor.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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“To be clear (…) amnesty is forgiveness for certain types of crimes,” Rodríguez said during the parliamentary session, adding that “one does not forgive someone who has not committed an offense” established in the law.

“Let no one think that we are endorsing impunity here. No, it is a pardon being decided by Venezuela’s political leadership, at the request of the acting president,” the lawmaker explained.

Likewise, the head of Parliament told a group of journalists in Miraflores that the amnesty could lay the groundwork for looking toward the future and embarking on a new path of peace in Venezuela.

The amnesty also comes amid the “new political moment” announced by Rodríguez after the capture of Nicolás Maduro by the United States, which also called for the release of political prisoners. The acting president also requested the closure of the feared El Helicoide prison, accused by opponents of being a torture center.

Lawmakers approved granting amnesty for acts or “offenses committed” during different episodes of political crisis between 2002 and 2025, such as the coup against the late president Hugo Chávez in April 2002, the oil strike at the end of that year and the beginning of 2003, and the anti-government protests in 2013, 2017, and 2024.

However, the acting president asked Parliament, the Coexistence and Peace program that promotes political dialogue, and the judicial reform commission to evaluate cases not covered by the approved law in order to “heal wounds, restore democratic coexistence,” and advance justice.

Article 9 of the new legislation excludes from amnesty crimes involving serious human rights violations, crimes against humanity, intentional homicide, very serious bodily injury, drug trafficking, as well as offenses established in the anti-corruption law.

It also excludes individuals who are or may be prosecuted or convicted for “promoting, instigating, requesting, invoking, favoring, facilitating, financing, or participating in armed or forceful actions against the people, sovereignty, and territorial integrity” of Venezuela by “States, corporations, or foreign persons.”

It also excludes individuals who are or may be prosecuted or convicted for “promoting, instigating, requesting, invoking, favoring, facilitating, financing, or participating in armed or forceful actions against the people, sovereignty, and territorial integrity”

Article 11 states that a court with jurisdiction over the alleged offense will verify the application of the amnesty and declare the nullity of all ongoing proceedings or review final sentences for annulment within a period “not exceeding 15 consecutive days.”

The legislation also provides that individuals benefiting from this law who commit crimes after its entry into force will be prosecuted normally under existing laws.

Several human rights NGOs and Venezuelan opposition figures expressed reservations on social media following the law’s approval. Among them, Provea’s general coordinator, Oscar Murillo, said the measure does not align “with the spirit of peace and reconciliation that such a norm should have.”

The president of the NGO Foro Penal, Alfredo Romero, wrote on X that the law should be received with optimism but it is also restrictive and leaves out “many cases.”

The NGO Justicia, Encuentro y Perdón stated that the approved text is “revictimizing, exclusionary, and in no way guarantees the full release of all political prisoners.”

Likewise, the opposition party Primero Justicia said the law is “insufficient and biased.” However, one of the first high-profile releases was that of one of its leaders, Juan Pablo Guanipa, a collaborator of the opposition leader and 2025 Nobel Peace Prize laureate Maria Corina Machado.

“I want to confirm that I am now fully free,” Guanipa said on social media. The former lawmaker argued that the law passed in Parliament “is not an amnesty at all,” but a document intended to “blackmail many innocent Venezuelans” and exclude people who remain imprisoned.

“Torture centers in Venezuela remain open, and hundreds of Venezuelans are still in exile. The laws used to repress remain in force, and dozens of officers from our National Armed Forces remain imprisoned”

“Torture centers in Venezuela remain open, and hundreds of Venezuelans are still in exile. The laws used to repress remain in force, and dozens of officers from our National Armed Forces remain imprisoned for speaking out against the plundering of our homeland,” he said.

In that regard, he called for focusing efforts and working tirelessly until Venezuela “is once again free and prosperous,” alongside Machado and the opposition leader in exile, Edmundo González Urrutia.

Guanipa reiterated his demand that all political prisoners be released “immediately” and that all exiles return. “I agree with reconciliation among Venezuelans but only with the truth upfront. A reconciliation based on lies is like a giant with feet of clay: it collapses at the first sign of trouble,” he said.

For his part, opposition lawmaker Stalin González, a member of the law’s oversight commission, believes the amnesty is a “tool to rebuild justice,” although “it is not perfect.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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But they can’t say in the morning, “I’m ready to pick up passengers” if they do not have fuel or certainty that they will soon obtain it. No one in Havana right now can have that certainty

“We were doing well, we were growing and pushing out some competitors, but right now we’re considering shutting down operations,” the manager admits. “Just paying the operators’ salaries, license fees, and other costs takes a lot of money, and we don’t have enough drivers on the road to recover it.” Although they have added electric tricycles and even motorcycles to their fleet, “we can’t make up for what we’ve lost because we used to do many long trips, take people to the airport, and get lots of requests at dawn. We can’t guarantee any of that anymore.”

La Navecita’s case mirrors that of the vast majority of small businesses on the Island. According to a report signed by Oniel Díaz Castellanos and published by the consulting firm Auge, the oil shortage affects more than 96% of Cuban small and medium-sized private enterprises [SMEs or mipymes in Spanish]. “When blackouts in Cuba reach 20 hours a day and fuel on the black market exceeds six dollars per liter, thousands of Cuban entrepreneurs ask the same question: Can my business survive this energy crisis?”

Using data from the National Office of Statistics and Information (Onei), the consultant maps the 9,236 private enterprises registered in the country as of 2024, explaining where they are concentrated and which may be most harmed by this unprecedented crisis that is worse than even the darkest moments of the Special Period. He notes that 43% of the private business sector is concentrated in Havana, meaning “what happens in the capital — blackouts, fuel availability, import measures — will determine the fate of nearly 4,000 companies.”

Díaz Castellanos classifies firms into three levels of dependency — critical, high, and moderate — based on their activity and how much they can survive without fuel. The first group cannot survive at all, such as a textile workshop “that cannot turn on its machines,” or a restaurant “that loses all its inventory if refrigeration fails.” The second group can operate without electricity but at significantly reduced capacity, such as a store selling non-perishable goods that can function “only in daylight” and cannot sell fresh products. The third group can survive despite disruptions. This could include, for example, a consultant who can work with a laptop and small devices, as long as there is an opportunity to charge them at some point.

The list leads to a “forceful” conclusion: “96.4% of Cuban private small and medium-sized enterprises (8,904 companies) face an impact ranging from severe to catastrophic due to the fuel shortage.”

The consultant recalls that the First Business Climate Study for Cuban SMEs, conducted by Auge last December, already showed that the energy crisis “was a central concern.” Although managers “trusted their internal capacity,” they “distrusted the environment.” In effect, in that report, 76% of surveyed entrepreneurs said they felt optimistic or very optimistic about 2026, while 60% predicted that the national economy would be somewhat or much worse this year.

In effect, in that report, 76% of surveyed entrepreneurs said they felt optimistic or very optimistic about 2026, while 60% predicted that the national economy would be somewhat or much worse this year.

“While a significant portion of companies acknowledge having improved or maintained their situation in 2025 thanks to their own efforts, most foresee a decidedly pessimistic national outlook for 2026,” Díaz Castellanos writes. “The energy crisis has confirmed that pessimism: no matter how much individual effort is made, if the energy system collapses, the business collapses with it.”

The consultant does not mention the factors that have worsened the energy crisis or propose possible solutions, but announces that this article will be the first of several. Future installments, he says, will address specific impacts in each sector, who can actually access direct fuel imports, and “practical recommendations for entrepreneurs trying to keep their businesses afloat in this scenario.”

Hugo, a small shopkeeper in Havana, sees only one solution: “put everything on hold until the worst passes.” His business, a food and beverage shop near Ayestarán Street and 20 de Mayo in the Cerro municipality, had imported beer as its star product, which “had managed to maintain a low price compared to other stores in this neighborhood.” He sold it for between 230 and 260 pesos but can no longer sustain that price.

“A supplier brought me that beer directly from the port of Mariel, from a Chinese company located there.” With few intermediaries and quick transport, Hugo was able to keep prices lower than the 300 or 350 pesos typically charged for imported beer in his area. “For months I was earning quite a bit because everyone knew I had the cheapest beer and it was always cold,” he recalls.

The rest of the food he sells in his small shop cannot make up for the lost beer revenue. “I promised my wife that in March I will liquidate everything if the partner who picks up the goods in Mariel can’t stabilize fuel supplies.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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than in Venezuela’s case, where oil was an obvious asset.

Experience has shown, Monreal argues, that the Trump Administration seeks to force situations in order to impose conditions

The economist believes that compensation for expropriated properties through agreements in tourism, agriculture, or energy could be a starting point. There could also be other opportunities for U.S. companies in any sector, including agricultural imports, medicines and other essential goods, as well as tourism and remittance services, which are already authorized but restricted.

This approach would clash with the intentions of part of the exile community, which has welcomed initiatives by Miami-Dade’s new tax collector. Dariel Fernández has spent nearly a year highlighting alleged cases of fraud in the use of federal licenses to trade with Cuba. In his view, and that of other Florida politicians, those cases would justify eliminating such authorizations altogether, a point he reiterated Monday at a press conference at the Port of Miami.

Florida Republican congressman Carlos Giménez insisted that those permits, intended to benefit private enterprise, could end up being used fraudulently and are therefore better eradicated.

But the Trump Administration, Monreal argues, could move in the opposite direction and “ease current economic restrictions, including a reinterpretation of cash in advance that would facilitate exports from the U.S.” Although he stresses this is a hypothesis, he says it “seems likely.”

This view is shared by John S. Kavulich, president of the U.S.-Cuba Trade and Economic Council, who published a column Wednesday in Café Fuerte entitled “The Trump Administration Is Opening the Diplomatic Door to Cuba.” In it, the economist outlines what he sees as three steps within the U.S. government: “First step in the negotiation, change the Cuban economy. Second, invite U.S. companies. Third, for now, the type of government does not matter; it just needs to function like China and Vietnam.”

Kavulich argues that Washington will not demand political changes from the regime, but rather economic, commercial, and financial management

Kavulich argues that Washington will not demand political changes from the regime, but rather economic, commercial, and financial management. As evidence, he points out that China and Vietnam are led by Communist parties but still provide opportunities for U.S. companies. “Regardless of whether a country has an authoritarian, democratic, dictatorial, military, monarchical, oligarchic, parliamentary, participatory, presidential, theocratic, totalitarian, or any other system of government, President Trump focuses on the opportunities that exist for U.S. companies: exporting, importing, and providing services,” he says.

If there were any doubt that Trump would not intervene in Asia, outside his sphere of influence under the renewed “Donroe” doctrine, something similar has already occurred in Venezuela, where Nicolás Maduro’s authority was replaced by elevating his vice president in exchange for concessions benefiting U.S. companies. Kavulich believes that Miguel Díaz-Canel is a subordinate figure who lacks even the symbolic capital Maduro possesses.

“For some members of the Trump-Vance Administration, the Díaz-Canel Government is not the key problem,” the economist emphasizes. He points instead to economic regulations, arguing that reform would be an opportunity for the regime, as it would gain not only Washington’s acceptance but also that of China, Russia, and the European Union, whose investors have been deterred by Havana’s administrative rigidity.

“In May 2022, the Biden-Harris Administration authorized direct investment and financing for a private company located in Cuba, owned by a Cuban citizen. Almost four years later, the Cuban Government has not issued the necessary guidelines and regulations,” he notes as an example. “The company, based in Havana, must submit a page to its financial institution, operated by the Government of Cuba, similar to a ‘Know Your Customer’ form, officially authorizing direct investment and financing.”

The economist, knowledgeable about business between the two countries and supportive of expanding it, adds that the Trump organization, headquartered in New York, “had interest in tourism-related opportunities in Cuba,” and believes this could be the key to renewed collaboration between the two countries.

It is unclear whether a shift limited solely to economic matters would be easily accepted in Florida, but the precedent of Venezuela suggests that anything is possible. Marco Rubio hinted as much to Bloomberg last Saturday: “Forget, set aside for a moment the fact that there is no freedom of speech, no democracy, no respect for human rights. The fundamental problem in Cuba is that it has no economy, and the people in charge of that country, who control that country, do not know how to improve the daily lives of their people.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Castro, General Alejandro Castro Espín. However, the U.S. outlet points instead to the elderly Castro’s current caretaker as the chosen interlocutor.

“She is the apple of her grandfather’s eye, she served as his bodyguard and has allies running the massive military-business conglomerate known as Gaesa”

“She is the apple of her grandfather’s eye, she served as his bodyguard and has allies running the massive military-business conglomerate known as Gaesa,” one of the sources said.

Rodríguez Castro is the son of the late Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja, who served as executive president of the group and as a member of parliament until his death in the summer of 2022 from a heart attack. Castro’s powerful son-in-law had been viewed up to that point as one of the possible replacements for Díaz-Canel, who has never enjoyed widespread popularity.

The conversations between Rubio and Castro are described by Axios sources as “surprisingly” friendly. “There are no political diatribes about the past. It’s about the future,” one source said, adding that despite the age difference — Castro is 41 — they share considerable cultural common ground.

“Raulito could have come straight out of Hialeah. It could be a conversation between regular guys on the streets of Miami,” the source added.

According to Axios, Rubio and his team
see Castro’s grandson and his circle as representatives of a younger, more business-minded generation of Cubans, for whom revolutionary communism has failed and who see value in a rapprochement with the United States. The Secretary of State, for his part, considers Díaz-Canel a party apparatchik incapable of negotiating meaningful change.

The report adds that, although everything remains speculative, a possible agreement could exempt members of the Castro family, including the former president, from exile, though such a decision would be difficult because of the impact it could have on Miami’s Cuban community.

The report adds that, although everything remains speculative, a possible agreement could exempt members of the Castro family, including the former president

On Monday, Donald Trump insisted that talks are underway between the Cuban regime and his administration, led by Rubio, although Havana has systematically denied them. The chargé d’affaires at the U.S. Embassy in Cuba, Mike Hammer, even suggested in an interview that Díaz-Canel might not be aware of the dialogue, but his government reiterates that such claims are malicious insinuations aimed at sowing division.

“We are talking to Cuba right now. Marco Rubio is talking to Cuba right now, and they should absolutely reach a deal, because it is truly a humanitarian threat,” Trump said aboard the presidential plane.

Rubio, for his part, said Saturday in an interview with Bloomberg that “the fundamental problem” of the Island is that “it doesn’t have an economy” and that its leaders “don’t know how to improve the daily lives of their population without giving up power in the sectors they control.”

“It’s important for the people of Cuba to have more freedom, not only political freedom but also economic freedom. I truly think that their willingness (the Cuban government’s) to begin opening up in that respect is a potential path forward.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.