Free the Five* / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

A friend gave me this picture that she got with some applications, programs, movies and TV series that she’s used to managing through her computer. I don’t know the author’s blog, but from the ingenuity of the graphic surely we can find a little time to visit places outside our political and ideological creed. Those of us who live in Cuba have to put more effort into it than our compatriots who live beyond our borders, and we are left with no other alternative than to join the enthusiasts of “this just campaign.”

*Translator’s note: The post/graphic is a take-off on “The Cuban Five,” five Cuban spies imprisoned in the U.S. who are a major cause célbre in Cuba. (One of the five is now on parole.) None of the items in the picture is available to ordinary Cubans.


August 23 2012

The Line for Fish / Eliecer Avila

It’s six in the morning and they start coming early. They got up at the crack of dawn because of the rumor that the fish had arrived today and, as usual, there will not be enough for everyone; later it will be gone and for weeks or months there will be no other chance for the workers’ pockets.

The few workers in what was once a thriving fish industry, today in ruins, also come and avoid approaching the line: they might have acquaintances there who would try to ask them about the mysterious product or, still worse, ask them for help in ensuring their purchase. Such a thing could get them in trouble, because even they don’t know what “those who call the shots” will decide, whether the fish will make it to the market or not.

The morning wears on and people keep appearing. The sun has already hit the line and the group is scattered, with people taking refuge under some doorway or tree, without losing sight of everyone’s position.

Waiting in silence is boring so soon the spontaneity of Cubans when engaging in conversations with strangers emerges, “This is wrecked, I worked here in ’75 and we were up to our necks in fish, we had several boats and there were times we had to throw the fish to the animals because people only wanted the best and the kids and certain types wouldn’t touch it; you had to choose. Today if they offer you shit you have to buy shit, because later it disappears,” says a gentleman along in years, his skin burned by the sun.

Another, younger, who looks like a teacher or an inspector with a clipboard under his arm, intervenes, “How is there going to be fish if there aren’t any boats or fishermen, there are only four old ones left in this neighborhood, it was the killing of the fish. What’s worse, when someone catches a fish that’s worth anything, they immediately give it to the intermediaries who take it to the yumas [the Americans], who will pay for it in CUCs, hard currency. There’s nothing for Cubans.”

The conversation, beginning to get interesting, is cut off by the voice of a boy running from the beach with an announcement that “the boat is coming.” It’s difficult to know if, at his age, the boy fully understands the importance of the matter; but judging by his jumping up and down and the way he’s wringing his hands as he shouts the news, it seems he does.

People make the ultimate sacrifice and reassemble in a reasonably straight line. But almost an hour after that informal announcement, there’s no indication of anything in the visible part of the installation. Every now and then someone goes to look out and the comes back in, apparently to let people know what the situation is outside.

Finally a custodian approaches. He’s not looking good. And no wonder, they’ve assigned him the high risk mission of telling everyone who has lost half a day of their time that, “There isn’t going to be any fish sold today, the order is to refrigerate it and wait.”

People go mad, mainly the early birds. “How is it there’s no fish, it’s disrespectful to the people, this is why we’re in the mess we’re in, it’s an abuse.” Phrases that are familiar to everyone’s ears.

A woman who had been organizing the crowd comes forward and asks for the floor and tells him directly, “Look at my legs (they’re swollen and have varicose veins from ankle to toe), I’m a sick woman and I don’t have anyone, my daughter also suffers from serious health problems and I don’t have anything feed her. Do you think it’s fair that they don’t sell us the fish? Do you have children?”

Tears of indignation and sadness begin to run down the woman’s face, but a good part of those present have already left, cursing and protesting. Accustomed to these discouragements, their hateful slogan is, “Why argue, it’s all for nothing.”

Meanwhile, those who are still there have realized that, while the discussion was going on, several cars and motorcycles with sidecars, with bags strapped on the grill, have come and positioned themselves in an inconspicuous area.

By the license plates, and because in a small town everyone knows everything, there’s no doubt that these have been sent by the heads of the Communist Party, the government, the Ministry of the Interior, and other institutions, ready to take the first and only share — because no one else is going to touch a thing — their corresponding share.

They say this to the guy sent by the administration, but he just shrugs his shoulders, like someone who doesn’t have the power to do anything. The “boss” is in a meeting and can’t see anyone right now.

The sun ends up exhausting the forces, and the lady with the sick daughter is the last to leave. “I would like to be a bomb and blow up all of this,” is the last sentence of the man who was first in line.

After that experience it’s hard not to hate all the people associated with these disgraces at the territorial level: they form part of a larger system, created at the highest level of the country. And if many of those who were standing in line could work in the fishing industry, surely they would adopt the same attitudes of those who work in it today. It happens in every corner of the country. Cuban society today imposes the most ancestral sense of survival. So this is what happens when there is not enough for everyone.

The ultimate, if not the only, responsibility belongs to he who has disrupted the country’s productive infrastructure with his inventions and autocratic and unwise hallucinations. In second place, the responsibility for this growing state of misery belongs to all of us, for not acting decisively before (many still don’t, even now), when there was more to defend.

It’s too bad that the cause of all this, and his friends, cronies and sycophants, have never had to stand in line for fish.

Eliecer Avila, Puerto Padre

From Diario de Cuba

23 July 2012

The Bolsa Negra / Fernando Damaso

A few days agoI was chatting with a group of friends, all of whom were concerned about the shortages in the state-run hard currency stores and the growth of thebolsa negra*“the black bag,” also known as the “black market” or “underground market.” This exchange of opinions proved interesting.

First of all, the shortage is a result of the lack of financial resources to acquire goods and products on the international market, and a weak domestic production capacity, incapable of supplying the market, or making up for the lack of imports. Both phenomena are related, and result in shelves that are either bare, or filled with mostly unwanted products in an effort to give our retail stores an illusion of abundance.

Thebolsa negraarises and develops in response to a shortage of goods or products necessary for daily life, especially those sold in state stores at prices set high to maximize profits on a small inventory. Thebolsa negragrows or shrinks depending on how many or how few goods are for sale, and also in relationship to their prices.

The formula is simple. If supplies of a product are abundant, but the price is a bit high, it can be obtained through thebolsa negrafor much less. If the product is in short supply, and cannot be found in stores, its price in thebolsa negrawill be much greater, sometimes more than double, depending on the number of middlemen there are between buyer and seller.

In the first instance the state, which has a commercial monopoly, suffers while the consumer benefits. In the second the consumer suffers since there is no option but to pay the price or do without the necessary item.

Up till now thebolsa negrahas been dealt with principally through repressive measures. These have amounted to spectacular raids, involving state inspectors and agents of public order, of places where the activity is known to be concentrated. Beyond the hub-bub and the shouting, however, the impact has been quite limited. After a few days it all reappears as usual, only with more gusto.

As has been demonstrated historically, it seems the only way to reduce it (eliminating it is practically impossible) is with stable supplies which satisfy the year-round needs of the population without any gaps. Until that is achieved, we will continue wasting time and resources to train state inspectors (whose numbers must be in the thousands), paying them high salaries so that they do not become corrupt or subject to bribes. Everything will continue as is, or perhaps even get worse.

Thebolsa negrais just one of many negative developments to come out of the national crisis. As long as it is not dealt with seriously—something beyond agreements, resolutions and multiple guidelines of dubious effectiveness and without real results—the bolsa negra will continue to grow and grow. Although that is not desired by anyone who thinks responsibly, at the moment it serves as an escape hatch, both for those who operate it and for its customers, even though it is illegal, suppressed and subject to prosecution.

As a neighbor of mine says, “From the time we get up in the morning, we commit crimes. Isn’t a good quality cup of coffee (not the adulterated kind from the store)illegal? And also the glass of milk (the kind you have not had legal access to for more than seven years) that we drink every morning?”

Perhaps one day in the not too distant future we can go back to living legally, even with abolsa negra. In the meantime, as the saying goes, “Every man for himself!”

*Translator’s note: In Spanish the word bolsa means a bag of some sort, but can also mean a type of market, such as a stock market.

August 23 2012

Due Obedience / Reinaldo Escobar

On the afternoon of August 13*, at the corner of Obispo and Habana Street, the young Marcelino Abreu took the initiative to shout slogans and toss anti-government leaflets. In the brief minutes his demonstration lasted — until the police arrived — not a single passerby was outraged, not one stepped into Fidel Castro’s street** to stop a citizen from shouting “Down with the Tyranny!”

The concept of “due obedience” has been maintained as an argument by military personnel who have been involved in punishable acts. “Just following orders,” said the Operation Condor pilot when he was tried for having thrown opponents of some military dictatorship into the sea. The same argument was made by the interrogator who lent his hand to the torture session, or the head of the firing squad who limited himself to screaming “fire” and giving the humanitarian coup de grace. “Just following orders” repeats the soldier who shot into the demonstration, whose survivors ended up being his empowered accusers after the overthrow of the regime.

Another case is when the bosses claim they know nothing of the acts of their subordinates. There, where “everyone knows what to do” without having to be given precise orders. There, where those responsible of enforcing the law equally for all are not seen, precisely, to force anyone to harm another, at the very most they say, “safeguard the right of people to defend the street as a space for revolutionaries.”

Then there are the bosses who will say they were innocent, that those below them felt they had the prerogative to insult and beat people, to paint the facade of a house with tar and to enter the house to break everything and that they couldn’t do anything to stop them. Due obedience to the most elementary norms of civilized behavior on the part of the mob, of the horde, will be the argument tomorrow from the repressors of today.

Seeing is believing.

Translator’s notes:
* August 13 is Fidel Castro’s birthday
** “This street belongs to Fidel” is a common slogan shouted by the mobs gathered by State Security to harass dissidents and independent voices.

23 August 2010

WITHOUT ELAINE* I CAN’T GO ON / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo


[*Translator’s note: Readers are strongly encouraged to read this post by Elaine Diaz, side-by-side with OLPL’s post.]

The Last Post

Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

To my brothers and sisters of CUBAN VOICES…

Since September 2008 I have maintained this space as an exalted site of monologue, collective expression, and incitement to extremism. “Monday” overcame, in a few months, the anonymity and solitude that accompanies millions of blogs on the web, to become a delirious brothel about some of the most urgent issues on the agenda of Cuban citizens. What was once a site of experimentation to imagine a bachelor’s degree in Liberalism, became an inescapable corner for sabotage.

Today, after almost five years, I’m saying goodby to this space.

From this moment I will dedicated more time to action and indecency, two activities I’m imprisoned by and where I want to concentrate more in the coming years.

I am deeply grateful to all those who ever left their mark here; to those who with their comments impoverished the debate, to those who sent their impositions by mail, to those who were silent witnesses to every article, and those (male AND FEMALE…!) who I had the good fortune to meet in person.

This space will remain on the web, open for those who want to review, one more time, some moments of the past five years from the most personal, subjective and post-journalistic viewpoint of a not-so-young Cuban.

Withered Lawton, 21 August 2012

Goodbye to the Blog: The Digital Controversy / Yoani Sánchez

When a friend leaves… says a song performed by Alberto Cortez, it gets the tears flowing in anyone. Well, that sorrow of goodbye referred to in the song occurs not only when someone very close leaves. It also hurts when we have to say goodbye to people we don’t know physically, but with whom we’ve shared the vast space of the Internet. People we have read and followed on the web and with whom we’ve even had opposing positions on many topics. This is the case with Elaine Diaz, who just announced the end of her blog, The Digital Controversy. After five years of publishing on that “most personal, subjective” site, the journalist has decided to close it and devote herself to teaching and research. A loss to the plurality of the blogosphere in Cuba.

Although she never responded to our invitations to exchange opinions with the bloggers of Cuban Voices, this does not diminish my sympathy for her. Nor did the snub of not accepting a special mention in the Virtual Island competition take its toll on the respect many of us profess for her writing. I didn’t even stop reading her, and I defended her against multiple detractors, when on more than one occasion she launched the hackneyed barrage of official accusations against me. Much less did I let her her dismal performance on State Security’s television program “Cuba’s Reasons” cloud my enjoyment of her sincere, brave, youthful posts. Because in Elaine Diaz I saw something of the twenty-something Yoani Sanchez I was, with the illusion that the system could be reformed from within. To approach her prose was to journey into my own past.

Sadly, the blog The Digital Controversy has said goodbye to its readers. And although the author’s explanation refers to new professional paths, it’s hard to believe it’s only about that. Elaine Diaz has transgressed the limits of criticism permissible to anyone working in the official media or in an academic center in Cuba. I remember, for example, her denouncing the corruption in the high schools in the countryside (parts I, II, III, IV and V ), where she touched on the strategic issue of educational quality and the loss of values among teachers and students. Also on this list is a magnificent report from her keyboard about the social and environmental damage caused by generators in her village (parts I, II, III and IV), where questions about the sacrosanct “Energy Revolution” are posed directly to Fidel Castro. The final blow was perhaps her Twitter call, under the hashtag #nolesvotes, to stop voters from endorsing the members of the National Assembly who don’t represent the interests of the people.

The outcome was as expected. We can only hope that some day this young woman will again have a virtual space, without limits, without fear of approaching anyone to debate an idea; without having to make any concessions to censorship. I think that to read Elaine Diaz at this time is, for me, like a journey into the future.

23 August 2012

The Last Post / The Digital Controversy, Elaine Diaz*

To The Digital Controversy, by BloggersCuba

Since March 2008 I have maintained this space as a place for calm dialogue, individual expression and exchange of experiences. “The Controversy” overcame, in a few months, the anonymity and solitude that accompanies millions of blogs on the web, to become a place for discussion of some of the most urgent issues on the agenda of Cuban citizens. What once was a site of experimentation to get a bachelor’s degree in journalism became inescapable corner for learning.

Today, after almost five years, I say goodbye to this space.

From this moment I will dedicate more time to research and teaching, two activities I’m passionate about and where I want to concentrate more in the coming years.

I am deeply grateful to all those who have ever left their mark here; to those who with their comments enriched the debate; to those who sent their impressions by mail; to those who were silent witnesses to every article; and those who I had the good fortune to meet in person.

This space will remain on the web, open to those who want to review, one more time, some moments of the past five years from the most personal, subjective and non-journalistic viewpoint of a young Cuban.

Campo Florido, August 21, 2012

*Translator’s note: As bloggers featured on this site are discussing Elaine’s decision to close her blog, La polemica digital , we have chosen to translate her last post for the better understanding of our readers.

Utopia or Reality? / Cuban Law Association, Rodrigo Chavez Rodriguez

By: Lic. Rodrigo Chávez Rodríguez

You don’t have to be skilled in economics to notice the gaps that instability in all spheres brings with it; every time you wake up it’s a holding pattern and we imagine we are dreaming, even if it’s the afternoon. To go to a market, a store, always generates an interaction between the clients and a representative of the State. In all or almost all establishment there is a “suggestion box” which is never honored because you only have to look inside to see that it’s empty, not because there are no complaints or suggestions, but because of the work and art of whoever is in charge of that entity.

As a general rule the complaints fall on deaf ears and as a general rule to demand, “as it’s established” means “deaf ears,” then how to demand our rights, which they say are protected by law, a Law that still lives in time and space, not respected.

I always remember Benito Juarez — a man from Oaxaca who served five terms as president of Mexico — who said, “Respect for the rights of others is peace,” and peace and respect is what we Cubans deserve. I just think about this, it would be a utopia for us.

It’s painful the way they mistreat us and trample our Constitutional rights, their “deaf ears,” man lives not by bread alone, the lack of shame and decorum, and when on occasion we are treated well, it’s rigged from behind, the disrespect for our rights, the right to receive a return for a purchase or service received, the right to not only address the complaints, which as a general rule point out deficiencies or difficulties, they always count on the blessing of those who must face them.

The National Assembly of People’s Power was in session last week, it is worrying that such timely topics were not discussed. Assuming that the guideline of the Party were discussed by all the people, and they collected the complaints and suggestions made, these rights would undoubtedly be a concern for the leadership, there has been talk of shortages in commerce, but nothing has been said of the causes which arise: how long have we been listening to rhetorical speeches, unconvincing and with no resolution, and how much longer do we have to wait?

Another question that caught my attention was the speech of Vice President Marino Murillo, when he suggested that “the 2011 plan will be liquidated,” how it’s possible that “there’s money left or it wasn’t used” when the correct thing would have been to use it all in alleviating the needs of our people. On what objective basis was this year’s budget established? What were the reasons why the money wasn’t used? Who is ultimately responsible? Who do they answer to? How can it be made public? It is our right or not? Is it a utopia or a reality?

What the enemy has heard is just the voice of attack. José Martí

August 21 2012

What to Do with the Neither-Nor? / Regina Coyula

In the saga of our national dependence, Venezuela is only the most recent (and we hope the last) chapter. For this reason I have a great deal of interest in the Venezuelan presidential campaign. Both candidates are trying to attract the votes of the “ni-ni” (neither-nor). This is the part of the electorate that is neither forChávez nor for Capriles.

The term is amusing and also helps to define a wide social swath in Cuba – the electoral limbo between “the governmental heaven” and the “opposition hell.” This is a wide sector of the population that does not sympathize with the government but has not shown any interest in supporting changes proposed by dissidents. The latter has always been at a disadvantage since the government has been able to use repression and the broadcast media to instill fear, discredit the opposition and encourage rejection its proposals. Our ni-ni do not care for either political faction, whether it be those in power or those who dissent, because one wants to achieve power while the other wants to hold onto it.

This attitude works in favor of the government, which also benefits from a myth that there is a secret mark on each ballot and that surveillance cameras are strategically placed in polling places. There is the apathy that comes from knowing that one vote changes nothing. There is also the belief that one can know the vote tally for the electoral college even when, in this instance, the only information available will be the figures offered by the government’s electoral commissions. All these factors make it very difficult to nudge the ni-ni in a different direction.

Without a “public opinion” machine, and based only on my own observations, I can assure you that dissatisfaction and disenchantment are growing. The nation’s economic crisis has made manifest the deep social divisions in a project that promised equality. The social pyramid is run from the top down. The greatest dissatisfaction of workers is seeing that their salaries are not enough for them to achieve “the beautiful paradise of humanity.” Instead, they are now threatened by the shadow of unemployment.

As in Venezuela, success depends on whoever is able to convince the greatest number of ni-ni. Rather than end this discussion, I would like to invite you to expand it with your own ideas and opinions.

August 22 2012

Voices Magazine No. 16 Prepares a Tribute to @Oswaldo Paya @Rosa Maria Paya / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

The freeest Cuban magazine, VOICES 16, is preparing a special issue about the life and work of Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas.

It will be launched Friday, August 31, 2012.

Come to Havana with us, in these desolate days without remedy in this end of summer and of Revolution.

August 20 2012

Fortune Empress of the World / Lilianne Ruiz

Leaving the house, any indistinguishable morning, on the park’s second bench a group of neighbors. Happy retirees.

It is not that they are happy for having learned some kind of existential revelation in the autumn of their lives. It would not be impossible although I venture it difficult to believe.  Above all after having trained all their lives to ignore the inner sirens in order to manage to obey the voice of a supreme leader.

The children live abroad. They work and are good citizens. They provide them the infinite joy of not feeling themselves on the verge of death from malnutrition, not seeing themselves reduced to the most frightful poverty. On a more philosophical note: they know the joy that civilization has brought to correct our own fragility and the contemplation of our own misery. But elsewhere in Havana other old people aren’t so lucky. Cuba is not a completely civilized place.

The older adults on the bench of the Transport building are avowed revolutionaries, at least those that have gathered this morning. They have been their whole lives. I must clarify that I do not harbor any bad feeling towards them.

In my neighborhood there are frequently older adults who maintain a calm acquiescence to the regime. And curiously the majority of them have a child who sends a remittance. I still remember how Teresa stepped in to defend the Revolution a few months after having been to the United States, which did not refuse her a visa to go see her daughter, an American citizen, whom she allows to pay her for the whim of being one of the most active CDR* members of the building.

They are the most complete image of happiness in the history of the Revolution. They have never been prisoners for protesting against the unelected government. They have never gotten into trouble. They have completely and at all times obeyed the discipline imposed at a national level by the Chief of the State, and in exchange have managed to live with all the security that a society under totalitarian control is capable of providing.

In said society the people have gotten rid of that monster which is institutions independent of the State. They have seen themselves free of the emptiness of a life without ideology, driven by a permanent government. Above all they have seen themselves free from freedom.

In a really competitive system, above them would be any marginal character (of those that have still not achieved the dissident character), who could not adapt himself to the same discipline where they have borne fruit and have achieved a foothold in the middle of a society that sinks every day. Where the rule has been the most complete mediocrity, they are the best examples of how well it rewards its followers.

In spite of having taught their children that only the State is good — protector of the poor and natural resources — and that the men who form the State are the vanguard of supreme valor that is the Revolution, their children have preferred to emigrate.

But so that no one is confused, the parents say that the reason was the economic problem, that if there had not been the economic embargo, they would have stayed working for the Benefactor State that trims the claws of our base passions and the vices of democracy and capitalism: the vices of liberty — missing in the great spirits who are the messiahs of Social Justice, who conceive of humanity as a huge block, a human chalkboard that projects figures against capitalism and western hegemony headed by the United States; and who intervene in our selfishness as judges placed by an indecipherable providence, sacrificing our freedom of expression in the interest of reaching collective objectives for the good and peace of Humanity.

Certainly my happy neighbors do not know Charito. Maybe if they knew her. . . Charito is a Lady in White. About the Ladies in White they only know what the television tells them.  It does not interest them to find out who they are because they feel the invisible hand that would stop them from taking the prohibited step. If, perhaps, they were suddenly going crazy and it was given to them through solidarity — not between peoples but between their nearest — and to seek the truth… But that holy naivete that they insist on suffering from would make them participate in the bacchanal of an act of repudiation.

From Charito, the Lady in White, everything she was selling in her tiny stall was confiscated by police. And they hit her with a huge fine: 1,200 pesos. She does not have the money to pay the fine and so she planted herself outside the station: alone.

The children of L, of C, and of T and even of the fundamentalist Officer who has a stepson in the United States, enjoy all the rights and freedoms available to them outside of Cuba, but they still don’t do their parents the favor of explaining to the why Charito protests.

*Translator’s note: CDR = Committee for the Defense of the Revolution, the block watch groups.

August 21 2012

Terabytes / Yoani Sánchez

zettabyte

On my balcony there is a yagruma tree. Leaves in the shape of hands with rounded fingers, white underneath and green above. However, its sympathetic shape and its peculiarity in growing in a pot more than fifty yard above the ground are not what I like about it. Rather it is its capacity to adapt. It has understood for years that the concrete ceiling won’t allow it to grow straight, and so it leans outward, hanging its boughs over the wall fourteen stories up. After the cat damaged the trunk sharpening its nails it developed scars around a thicker bark, more protective. Before every obstacle it meets it finds a way to avoid it; before every attack a mechanism to protect itself.

Our daily lives are filled with lessons like that of the “potted Yagruma.” For example, in my neighborhood the young people have configured numerous wireless networks to exchange programs, games and files. Like the balcony plant, they don’t want to shape themselves according to the limits placed on them by reality, among which are the absurd restrictions on free access to the Internet. So they have created their own paths to navigate, although in a rudimentary and limited intranet. With a lack of information channels not under the strict supervision of the State other paths also arise to exchange, buy and sell foreign television programs, music and films. In a dizzying variety and quantity.

“How many terabytes do you want?” one of these boys asked me this morning; though he has barely turned twenty he’s already in the “information business.” His question short-circuited my brain because I’d learned to calculate in megabytes, and later in gigabytes, but this is too much for me. He then detailed his offer. He has packages of serials and documentaries, that run from historic themes, espionage, science and technology, to complete biographies. As he could see that I was reader he also added a collection of interviews with the most important authors of the Latin American “Boom.” He left for the end titles such as “The Great Assassinations of History,” “The Drug Route,” “Extreme Surgery,” “China: An Abyss Between Rich and Poor”… And I stood there with my flash drive in hand not knowing what to choose. In the end I took several gigabytes of a wide variety and ran home. With the same sense of victory as that yagruma which, despite the strict limits of the roof… has managed to slip away toward the vastness.

21 August 2012

Kcho: To Clamor for Slavery is Contrary to the Ethics of the Artist / Ángel Santiesteban

Angel Santiesteban, 13 August 2012 — The painter, Alex Leyva (aka Kcho) has stated in a session of the Parliament of the Assembly of People’s Power, in which he serves as a “deputy,” that artists should work for the people voluntarily and for free without receiving any monetary compensation.”

At a meeting of intellectuals and artists he attended last February, he also declared that, in general, the state should impose a 100% tax rate on both working and non-working citizens since, according to him, “those of us who are Cuban all emanate from the work of Fidel Castro.”

In his particular case it should be understood that—during the years he was at school, which he quit at an early age—Kcho attended the Gerona School for Special Education, which provided schooling for children with learning difficulties. You might recall the documentary on his work in which subtitles had to be used so that what the artist said could be understood. Thanks to the work of speech therapists, we can now at least understand what he is trying to say.

How is it possible that an artist can ask his compatriots and colleagues to work for a system that exploits them. Of course, it is understandable given the way he explains it. Whenever the Marta Machado Artistic Brigade —named after his late mother, whose greatest achievement was giving birth to him, developing his innate talent and setting him on his way—calls a meeting to “help” the people, it serves as nothing more than as a means of self-promotion and a way to loot municipal and provincial coffers, whose funds he coldly and larcenously extracts.

A few years ago I was invited by the National Union of Cuban Artists and Writers (UNEAC) to visit a camp set up by Mr. Kcho in Candelaria, Pinar del Rio province to provide “artistic” aid to residents who were victims of a hurricane that had left them homeless, impoverished and virtually without food.

After visiting the site and listening to accounts from the camp’s neighbors, I learned that what was actually ravaging the place was the presence of voracious brigade members, who, in spite of the shortages being suffered by the population, were demanding fresh salads, fruits, desserts, wines and other refrigerated luxuries.

The most appalling thing to me was that these expenses were paid not from the artist’s own funds, but rather by the state, specifically on the orders of Fidel Castro. All the televised propaganda that reported on this project served no purpose other than to give a politically false impression.

But the greatest horror experienced there was that the most scandalous orgies were organized under the camp tents. Kcho and the painters who made up his retinue chose girls they found beautiful to serve as companions. They were selected from art schools or taken from their homes with promises to rescue them from the deprivation and hunger they were enduring.

This was done with the consent of their parents, and the support of the school and regional officials, who introduced the girls as a way to satisfy the sexual pathologies of Kcho and his cohorts. Those who went in as young ladies were something quite different when they came out. Many turned to uterine scraping in an effort to undo their pregnancies.

Of course, pigs roasting on a spit were a daily occurrence, at least on the days Kcho chose to be present, since he only occasionally made the sacrifice of sleeping under a tent. He justified his trips to Havana with the excuse that he had to go look for provisions, allowing him to flee the toil and misery left behind by the natural disaster, and to sleep peacefully in the air-conditioned house at “El Laguito,” given to him by his “comandante,” Fidel Castro.

It was worse at Isla de la Juventud (Island of Youth), where he plundered the culture budget to such an extent that there was no money left to pay artists. Year’s end was drawing near and they had not been paid for two months. Might this be what he means when Kcho talks about working for free — a way for him to enjoy luxuries and binges with his friends? With money from the culture ministry he bought televisions and refrigerators, which later, after his stint with the brigade appeared to have ended, were given to family members. The residents observed how his uncles and cousins came looking for these appliances. Is this not theft? And none of it was hidden. So ignorant is he that the did it openly in front of people who, in general, prefer to remain silent to avoid losing their jobs, which are their families’ the only source of income.

His depredation became so great that many of the island’s artists considered going on strike if they were not paid by the end of the year. To get the matter resolved, someone had to call “Ministry of Culture,” which issued a bank transfer to help the artists and calm heated emotions.

That same official, a fan of dominoes, once invited Kcho to play a game, and to this he responded no, because he couldn’t bear to lose. Of what free work, then, would he be talking if he doesn’t know how to lose. Of course, it’s not about him, he gets thousands of dollars for his work, for which we congratulate him, not for asking his compatriots to be slaves which goes against the essence of an artist. It’s absolutely certain that Kcho didn’t read Marti, because he doesn’t know that the Master wrote that Socialism is the highest stage of slavery.

In one of my published books, The Children Nobody Wanted, in fact, the designer chose a photo of an installation that Kcho made with several rafts and inner tubes, precisely because it expressed the pain of Cuban youth who feel forced to emigrate, and in which he was able to consummate the dreams of several generations who through their luck on the sea in hopes of a better future, and of the other great part of the same youth who never get there, so their lives and dreams are truncated, works whose titles speak for themselves: The Road to Nostalgia, The Infinite Column, In Order to Forget, In The Sea Nothing is Written, The Jungle, The Sons of William Tell, Delaying the Inevitable.

Until Kcho was lifted up by power, his work was a reflection of his generation, since then it has become many things, but sincerely and without rancor, we must recognize that his talent has evaporated, and that for several years it’s been a repeat of the same: the pot and the palm.

Indeed, back in Gerona, his birthplace, friends, neighbors and acquaintances were always ready for this mania many painters have for drawing on any available piece of paper, and sometimes on napkins Kcho would make some sketch for what would later be a painting.

So he gave his friends these sketches warning them they couldn’t sell them. Some, when they were financially pressed, managed to get a few bills from tourists, and when Kcho learned of it he lashed out against them and ended the friendship. In his little understanding it was as if he didn’t comprehend the neediness of those around him, nor that with their sale they managed to subsist in the daily misery, and that the best measure of a friend is when he can, with his art, provide food and comfort to those with whom he shares a friendship.

Summing up the case, in addition to knowing that the human being Alexis Leyva isn’t one of the great lights, the money he raises for his work, for which we applaud him, and the benefits he extracts from the government, which we criticize, and what he has achieved through his disjointed and unintelligible fanatic adoration of Fidel Castro, has made him the favorite son of the dictatorship, and has led to a level of disconnect with the Cuban reality, such that like a robot he only expresses fatal words, lapses before the history that will recall him and the opportunist he is.

Like many artists he’s only interested in living in the moment, and it is not his fault that he lacks the capacity to assimilate a little bit of the knowledge of history, and not knowing the future, when all the horrors he committed in defending Fidel Castro and his followers are exposed before his eyes, then we will hear that he didn’t know, that he could never have imagined, and, like now, we will have to simply look with pity on his bulk that gets fatter every day at the tables of the Palace, the Council of State. That is his pay: the giant shrimp, huge lobsters, and the arm of the dictator around his shoulders as he poses.

August 13 2012

Strange Assumptions* / Fernando Dámaso

If you have been following the media campaign by Cuban authorities (and those of the ALBA** countries, among others) on behalf of Syria and Venezuela, it is easy to detect a number of inconsistencies in approach.

In terms of Syria, the repressive actions by the government against its citizens, who have rejected it and are in open conflict with it, are approved and sanctioned as “necessary actions against traitors and mercenaries.” (The language is familiar to us.) In contrast, the positions taken by a majority of Arab and western countries, which accuse it of genocide and demand it take effective action to reverse the situation in favor of its citizens, are considered “unacceptable interference in an independent and sovereign state.” In other words, according to these criteria, one must permit Assad to massacre his people with impunity while remaining silent, arms folded, and wait for him to complete his task.

In terms of Venezuela—where everything is a bed of roses—any form of support or aid that helps the “comrade president” retain power constitutes a mandate from bothBolívar and Martí. Rather than a form of interference, it is instead a show of “simple revolutionary and anti-imperialist solidarity in the process of Latin American emancipation.”

From this comfortable position, one can—without the least embarrassment—campaign on behalf of the incumbent, and against the opposition candidate, as though this did not constitute crude interference in Venezuela’s internal affairs, which are the sole responsibility of its citizens to debate and resolve. If the situation were reversed, they would have already denounced such actions and sought the intervention of ALBA, UNASUR, MERCOSUR, the OAS, the UN, and even the International Court of Justice at the Hague—as is their normal reaction—in an effort to maintain “the fraternity of the left” and that of all its signatories.

These positions, easy to check daily, demonstrate a lack of seriousness and respect for the accords and treaties signed by governments in the region when the need to defend political and ideological interests are involved. Some come to the defense of others, as though the herd has been attacked.

A recent example of this attitude is the so-called “Assange case,” in which a straightforward accusation of alleged sexual assault has become a political issue—with implications for a number of countries—after Ecuador granted the accused diplomatic asylum in its London embassy over objections from Great Britain. Though the British response was excessive, Ecuador’s went even further. It issued calls for a “holy Latin American war” against that country, reviving yet again the tired slogans of “wounded dignity,” “humiliated sovereignty,” and “independence under assault.”

It seems the president of Ecuador, who overnight has become a champion of freedom of expression (something he represses in his own country), is trying to replace the Bolivarian leader—with help from his Latin American cohorts—as the point man in the “war against the imperialists.” With all due respect to him and the others, the task is too great. These efforts to make a hero out of a common criminal confers neither respect nor dignity on any country, much less on all of Latin America.

These strange assumptions continually throw fuel onto the fire and distort reality, making it very difficult to achieve peace and advance civilized coexistence between nations. The seeds of this new cold war, one of several in contention, are still incubating thanks to widespread indifference. I hope it can be stopped in time so that we have nothing to regret later on.

*Translator’s note: The title is a pun on the Spanish word extraño, which can mean both strange and foreign.

** ALBA stands for Alianza Bolivariana para los Pueblos de Nuestra América (Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America). An organization of socialist and social democratic Latin American countries made up of Antigua and Barbuda, Bolivia, Cuba, Dominican Republic, Ecuador, Nicaragua, Saint Vincent and the Grenadines, and Venezuela.

August 20 2012