Official Communication: Angel Santiesteban Admitted to Salvador Allende Hospital with Dengue Fever / Angel Santiesteban

Headline in Official Newspaper: There is no dengue epidemic in Cuba

From Friday the 13th, Angel Santiesteban Prats presented with sporadic fever spikes, without the prison authorities responding to his requests for medical attention.

Just yesterday afternoon, Tuesday the 17th, they decided to send him “just as a routine” to the doctor, and after the results of the clinical test were back, they allowed him to be admitted with “suspected” dengue fever, into Salvador Allende hospital in the Cerro municipality. According to how things go, he will be discharged.

The mosquito that carried dengue fever, common in Cuba

They invented crimes he did not commit to imprison him and to silence his uncomfortable voice, critical of the dictatorship, refusing to listed to their own witness at his rigged trial, and all the witnesses to his innocence.

Imprisoned unjustly, they also refused to listen when he said he felt ill and needed medical attention, he had to endure five days with a fever for them to, finally, take him to a doctor.

Today he is admitted with “suspected” dengue fever.

Exiled Cuban writer Amir Valle presents Angel’s book in Berlin

How far does the regime intend to go? Angel spoke the truth when he said that he was innocent, Angel spoke the truth when he said, beginning on Friday, that he felt sick and had a fever. And here we have new proof that Angel always tells the truth: Angel has dengue fever.

In Cuba there are epidemics of dengue fever and cholera. In Cuba there is a complete lack of freedom and an abundance of cholera, dengue fever and official lies. These are truths that they can no longer hide though they keep trying. Every effort will be useless.

Angel at Estado de Sats before him imprisonment

Raul Castro Ruz, you and your cliques are absolutely responsible for the integrity of Angel Santiesteban-Prats, recently awarded the International Frank Kafka Novels of the Drawer Prize, and whose prize-winning novel, “The Summer God Was Sleeping,” was presented with great success at the Cervantes Institute in Berlin on that same Friday the 13th — when he was already demanding medical attention — despite the futile attempts of the government to rain on the parade through “Netxwerk Cuba.” The world is watching, the world is waking up. Just yesterday, in Geneva, once again the painful and shameful attempts of your representatives to silence Ofelia Acevedo, widow of Oswaldo Payá, failed before the Human Rights Council of the UN.

Every day there is less room for impunity and we hold you directly responsible, Raul Castro Ruz, for the life of Angel Santiesteban-Prats.

The Editor

18 September 2013

Novel by Imprisoned Cuban Writer Wins Prize / Luis Felipe Rojas

 C218162E-DBBC-40CA-BC59-CE6E82DB56BB_w640_r1_s“He deserves it twice over, for suffering an unjust imprisonment for his gifts, as status as a narrator,” said the writer Jorge Olivera Castillo in celebration of the news that his colleague Angel Santiesteban-Prats received the Franz Kafka Novels From the Drawer International Prize, awarded to censored writers by the Czech Republic.

The Summer When God Was Sleeping, focused on Cuban rafters trying to escape the country, is the winning work and will be presented this Friday in Berlin at the Cervantes Institute in the German capital

At the event José Manuel Prieto, Jorge Luis Arzola and Amir Valle, Cuban writers in exile, will take part in a discussion moderated by the German editor Michi Strausfeld, where they will talk about issues of Freedom and Creation in Cuba.

The Franz Kafka Novels From the Drawer International Prize was first awarded in 2008 in the city of Prague to the writer Orlando Freire Cuban writer Santana for his novel The Blood of Freedom, and its name “Novels from the Drawer” is from the need to promote those authors that are censored by the authorities.

Olivera Castillo, former Cuban television editor and author of several books of short stories and poetry, was sentenced to 20 years in prison in the Black Spring of 2003, believes that Santiesteban’s award shows “his caliber as a writer.”

Santiesteban-Prats is serving five years in prison after a trial full of irregularities which has been denounced by his colleagues and several independent media within the island, as well as relevant international organizations.

His literary work won important awards from Cuban institutions such as the House of the Americas, the Prize of the Union of Writers and Artists of Cuba (UNEAC) and the “Alejo Carpentier” prize granted by the Cuban Book Institute of the Ministry of Culture, until he decided to publish his blog, The Children Nobody Wanted, openly critical of the situation in Cuba today.

“Previously he won the three main awards for stories, which is something unheard of, for someone who is barely 50 years old,” says Olivera who chairs the Cuba PEN Writers.

Other Cubans writers who have been awarded the Franz Kafka Novels From the Drawer International Prize are Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo, for the novel Boring Home; Frank Correa, with The Night is Long; Ernesto Santana, for The Carnival and the Dead; and Amel Hechavarría for Training Days.

The Czech library Forbidden Books Czech, dedicated to documenting the literature of the anti-communist Czechoslovak dissidence, and initially the Independent Libraries of Cuba (Founded by Ramon Colas and Berta Mexidor) are responsible for editing and promoting award-winning books inside and outside Cuba.

12 September 2013

Sonia Garro’s Husband Speaks From Prison about the Accusation of Murder / Augusto Cesar San Martin

Sonia Garro and Ramón Alejandro Muñoz
Sonia Garro and Ramón Alejandro Muñoz

HAVANA, Cuba , September 17, 2013 , www.cubanet.org.- In a phone call this morning, from the Combinado del Este prison, political prisoner Ramón Muñoz described as embarrassing the prosecutor’s request for a sentence between 10 and 14 years in prison for his wife, the Lady in White Sonia Garro.

“We are being accused of something we did not do,” said Ramón. “We will prove that this is a lie, there are videos that show the opposite,” he added.

The prosecution asked for 14 years for Muñoz for the crimes of Public Disorder and Attempted Murder. It also asks for 10 years for Sonia Garro on charges of Assault, Public Disorder and Attempted Murder. The trial date has not yet been set.

In this regard, Ramón said, “If there is someone here guilty of attempted murder, it’s them, who come in shooting and throwing stones. At no time did we attack them.”

He said the government document does not mention that Sonia Garro was shot in the leg and the beatings she received.

According to the prosecutor’s request, read by Ramón, the government has 16 witnesses, all members of the National Revolutionary Police (PNR), who accuse the couple of Attempted Murder.

Ramón said that Sonia was arrested because she was one of 17 women who would meet with the Pope Francisco in the Bishopric, during the prelate’s visit to Havana during the prelate’s visit to Havana.

“We do not deny the arrest, just ask that Sonia’s arrest be legally documented, something that they never showed.”

The prosecutor’s report describes the Lady in White as socially “undesirable,” with family life issues . The document also lists Garro as a person who “openly demonstrated against the revolutionary process,” the reason why, they say, she “is rejected by the residents of the neighborhood.”

“Sonia was studying for a university degree in clinical laboratory and was never unemployed,” said her husband. “It’s another big lie in the request,” he added.

Ramón Muñoz wrote a public document for all Cubans where he accuses the government of carrying out acts of terrorism to come to power. Also, he denounces beatings of the Ladies in White and the defenders of human rights in Cuba.

He recalls in his statement the executions of the young people trying to leave the country hijacked vessel, comparing it with the assault on a military barracks — the Moncada attack — by those who are still the rulers.

The statement ends with the exhortation to the people to save Cuba from the dictatorial regime prevailing since 1959.

The couple was violently arrested in 2012. Initially accused of Terrorism, until the government changed the accusation for the current one.

A home video with the image of Ramón entrenched on the roof of his house went viral on the internet then. He simply demanded that the his wife be released.

From Cubanet

17 September 2013

Where is Robertico? / Luis Felipe Rojas

Photo: Luis Felipe Rojas

This is the question many are asking after the events at the “Protestdrome,” where the Cuban musician Roberto Carcassés let loose with good things.

The first thing that happens in these cases is a silence that is scary … the repressed and repressor (for different reasons). Although they haven’t taken physical measures, Robertico knows what the tools of torture are. They’ve just told him that he would not be performing any more for a while. But he knows with what pliers they’ll tie his jaw shut, what is the substance they smear on you so you stink for a thousand miles and not even some of your colleagues in your own band will come by the house.

It happened recently to the painter Pedro Pablo Oliva, it has happened to a lesser or greater extent to Pablo Milanes, Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo, Ana Luisa Rubio, Rafael Alcides and Antonio José Ponte. Maria Elena Cruz Varela and Carilda Oliver fared no better; Antón Arrufat, Fausto Canel, Marcos Miranda, Cundo Bermúdez and Reinaldo Arenas lived a hell of  full of thorns when in their way they also said, like Robertico: “I want / remember that I always want.”

There is a big distance between the poems for which José Mario went to labor camps and this timba-with-swing where it seemed the leader of the Interactive musical group was going to dedicate it to the 4 remaining spies imprisoned in the United States … or five because Ana Belen Montes is imprisoned due to the inexperience of Castro’s intelligence apparatus.

This time it is not a documentary like PM, a magazine like Diaspora, the  troubadour intimacy of Pedro Luis Ferrer or the rawness of Lichi Diego, informing against himself (and the family, partners and all the rest divided). The last straw came under the Mount of Flags (hehehehehe, so great that) with the United States Interest Section in the background, presided over by the freed spy and the story of the yellow strips. Fiesta and dance, the best of the Communist youth danced and shouted against President Obama and the killjoy Robertico was seen with the tight note, the peg leg, the red flag, the witchcraft and the creole tripe.

A few weeks ago the poet Rafael Vilches was expelled from a cultural institution for joining up with the disaffected with the government. Angel Santiesteban receives a prize for a novel in prison, the PEN Writers in Cuba continues to operate even though squeezed into Johny Feble’s house, and Alina Guzman Tamayo continues offering some really good performances from Alamar, without the help of anyone, according to what I’ve been told.

Robertico will appear and those of us who love the irredeemably crazy music that he makes with Interactive (or without the partners) will sing: “I want / remember I always want.”

16 September 2013

“We Want Many Things More” / Rebeca Monzo

Thursday the 12th of this month everything was ready for the presentation of the big concert, “dyed yellow” by suggestion of the agent himself Rene, in the “Protestdrome,” as the “Hill of Flags” is popularly known, in front of the United States Interest Section.  All was previewed by the Ministry Culture, the Writers and Artists Union of Cuba (UNEAC) and controlled by State Security.

The musical groups and artists that usually act in all the “so called patriotics,” had rehearsed and previously reported the musical numbers that they would present. What no one could foresee is that in front of his very well known and popular group, Interactive, a brave young man, Robertico Carcasses, great improvisor, in the middle of that well-rehearsed scheme, would give the discordant note, which would put all the Nomenklatura on edge.

The moment arrived to perform the well known number Cubans for the World, and Robertico, leader of the group, dressed all in white, left the piano to take the microphone and improvise, before the astonished gaze and surprised ears of all those present, who could not really believe what they were hearing, and which the public repeated enthusiastically, following the contagious cadence of the chorus:  ”I want, remember that I always want,” “Free access to information in order to have my own opinion,” “No militants nor dissidents, all Cubans,” “We want many things more,” “Direct election of the president. . .,” “I want, remember that I want, the end of the blockade and self-blockade. . .”

He surprised everyone, he gave the authorities no time to improvise, they could not divert the cameras to the dark night sky, he did not give them time to project something else on the screens.  He caught them “in motion” as we say here. Robertico knew how to intelligently take advantage of the opportunity that presented itself. That was no accident, it was his deepest feeling, to which he could give free rein, where he knew he was going to be heard, not like that open letter that he made to Harold Gramatges, in front of the music section of UNEAC in 2007 and that surely was shelved, maybe with one or another similar.

Now it is only left to us to be very aware of what could happen to this artist and, using word and writing as effective means, try to prevent reprisals against this valiant musician. I am sure that you, I, everyone, we are agreed that “we want many things more.”

Translated by mlk

17 September 2013

Cubans: The Plague of the New Century / Jeovany Jimenez Vega

Since the Cuban government enacted amendments to an emigration policy that had remained unchanged for over 50 years, a trend that could have been foreseen is increasingly apparent: now almost all embassies suspect that every Cuban is really an immigrant, and consequently they have turned the process of obtaining a visa into a chimerical enterprise, translated into requirements that place the bar too high for most applicants.

These embassies may only exercise the sovereign right of each state to decide who enters their territory and under what conditions they will allow it, but there are stories that are so illustrative that they suspect that within this wood they could also have termites and to illustrate what I am describing here in broad terms, I have the testimony of Israel Reinoso Valdés , a Cuban citizen residing in Guanajay, Artemisa Province.

It turns out that Israel, along with Alonso along Lázaro Gonzáles Alonso and Gerardo García Álvarez — both also Cubans, residing in Guanajay and Mariel, respectively — decided to apply for a visa at the Guatemalan Embassy in January 2013.

The three young men met each and every one of the requirements of the embassy and consequently each was issued a tourist visa under the current procedure (Israel was issued visa No. 1,704,909). The three reserved tickets for February 6 for the price of $599.00 CUC, and flew to Guatemala on TACA flight TA451, which left Havana at 4:55 p.m. and arrived at their destination the same day at 8:20 p.m., local time.

Israel says that once at the airport they were taken aside by the Chief of the Immigration Group, Jose Canisa Valenciaga, who in an extortion attempt demanded from each of them the sum of $1,200.00 USD, which they had to pay through an intermediary, if they wanted to clear Customs; otherwise they would be deported to Cuba.

When they refused, the three Cubans were detained for more than 10 hours, held incommunicado like criminals, and not even allowed to use the restroom or make a phone call to their consulate.

The three young men were actually deported to Cuba on February 7, 7:00 PM, local time. The following day they delivered a first document of complaint to Cuba’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MINREX), in which they explained the essential details of the abuses committed against them by the Guatemalan authorities. After over a month with no response, Israel delivered a second complaint to MINREX and then made several more visits and multiple phone calls, all unsuccessful.

MINREX is legally, morally, and ethically obligated to represent its citizens in every country in which there is a Cuban consulate, and to ensure their rights, as is guaranteed in every Cuban passport that is issued. Absolutely nothing justifies MINREX ignoring the humiliation, abuse, and arbitrariness that a Cuban citizen has been or may be subjected to by any foreign authority.

True, the final decision on entry to a country may be subject to the discretionary consideration of the customs or immigration authorities, but here we have the case of citizens who rigorously complied with all the requirements of the Consulate of Guatemala in Havana — which as a result issued a visa that gave them the legal right to enter the country — and who in correspondence submitted all documents in the form requested by the relevant authority, but this was not sufficient to avoid being the victims of such arbitrariness.

There are rules, international mechanisms, and tools that can be used to resolve cases like this, where it is clear that three Cubans were victims of an outrage, because nobody in their right mind would pay hundreds of dollars for a ticket and fly thousands of miles just to drink a glass of water and return the next day without even clearing customs.

It is indisputable here that three Cuban citizens were subjected to a tremendous humiliation, were victims of attempted extortion and an undeniable abuse of power by corrupt officials.

Cuba maintains diplomatic and consular relations with the Republic of Guatemala and MINREX has an embassy in that country, so it has the resources necessary to intercede before the competent authorities — in Guatemala or any other country — to press the appropriate claims in cases like this where they deem that our rights were violated.

If that is not the case, then why are we paying the 100 CUC (the average salary for six months of work) we are getting charged for our passport, which supposedly certifies that, wherever we are, we remain under the aegis of the Cuban Government?

Or does that only apply during the time when we have to fill the plazas during grandiose parades, and not at the time when we need actually need help — away from our land in front of a despotic official? Will they always leave us in a state of helplessness when we decide to leave this country, where contrariwise they treat foreigners with kid gloves?

I doubt very much that their counterparts would stand idly by in a similar situation if a victim in Havana was a citizen of Germany, France, the United States, or any country whose Foreign Ministry is respected.

MINREX, the voice of the Cuban government to the world, should be at the pinnacle of what this moment demands, and it is therefore unacceptable to abandon us so completely — in this case it should never have been so slow as to issue its final response almost five months after the complaint was made, and thus tacitly agreeing that these young men “… did not meet the requirements of the Migration Act …” when in fact they met every requirement demanded by the Guatemalan Consulate. Moreover saying in effect that the three young men lost the money for their passage without recourse.

What if suddenly this case is not an exception? What if we have discovered a clear trend to treat us as the new plague, at least those of us who come to where we want to go?

Today it was Israel, Lazarus, and Gerardo. Tomorrow it could be any Cuban, including me of course. Because as a result of the brutal reality in which we live, and the indolence of our Foreign Ministry, we could be condemned to be seen as outcasts, as those “welcome” in the context of work missions, but then regarded with suspicion if we decide to travel to these countries by our own choice.

We, the children from the same land as the one that declared that “homeland is humanity,” something surely unknown to those corrupt Guatemalan customs officials.

By: Jeovany Jimenez Vega
19 August 2013

 

Discrimination Against Women in the Cuba of the Generals / Miriam Celaya

13-generales-okLA HABANA, Cuba, September, Miriam Celaya, www.cubanet.org –The revolutionary movement that took power in 1959, from its inception kept women in a position subordinated to male leadership.  None of the revolutionary programs included female emancipation.  Moreover, no woman took part in the crafting of the program or gave input about the objectives and social aspirations of society’s feminine sector despite the fact that already in the 1950s they were an important labor and student force, even in the universities.

At the end of the insurrection, no woman had reached higher military ranks as opposed to those who participated in the 19th century wars of independence.

The feminine sector committed to the revolutionary movement followed the patterns established by a strongly sexist tradition, and submitted itself to the always male high command’s decisions, thus being relegated to reproduce –during the war and later on the new social stage– the patriarchal model with its rigid separation of gender roles.

Women’s Front at Sierra Maestra

Nevertheless, Fidel Castro recognized the importance of the feminine force as shown during the brief imprisonment of the attackers of the Moncada Army Barracks when many women mobilized themselves into action to collect 20 thousand signatures requesting amnesty for the young revolutionaries and presented them to the Senate. Castro understood the importance of this force, and therefore created a women’s front at Sierra Maestra –Mariana Grajales Female Battalion (1958)– under the command of the 26 of July Movement lead by him.

Once in power, they created the Revolutionary Women’s Union, the predecessor of the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC), to mobilize women in support of the revolution’s social programs.  All republican women’s organizations, including those that had supported the revolutionary struggle, were dismantled to preclude tendencies different from those dictated by the new political power. At the same time, no woman was considered to occupy a position with the decision making circles; only one occupied  briefly the post of Education minister, and Vilma Espín, Fidel Castro’s sister in-law, led the FMC from its creation to her death.

Feminism for idle bourgeoisie

The main objective of the FMC was, in principle, to promote women’s participation in the country’s political, economic and social life, but always dependent on a complete loyalty to the revolution and the new ideology now in power.  Thus, “the FMC described itself as a feminine organization, but not a feminist one since feminism was considered a social movement that took away efforts and attention from the revolutionary struggle, aside from being the ideology of idle bourgeoisie.”  Most women accepted being part of the organization. Eventually, membership became automatic for women older than 14 years of age, so by 1995 around 3 million Cuban women, 82% of the female population, were “affiliated” to the organization.

Feminist ideology was diluted within a “collective revolutionary way of thinking.”  As the civic tools developed during the Republic disappeared, women were definitely left at the mercy of the government’s will.

Paradoxically, paired to the loss of female autonomy in politics, more than 60 percent of professionals and highly specialized technicians are women.  In contrast, most of the leadership positions are occupied by men, and this illustrates the prevalence of male patterns that maintains discrimination vis-à-vis the supposed “conquests” granted from the circles of power.  Despite their alleged emancipation, Cuban women continue to be subjected to discrimination masked by a false egalitarian discourse.

More male business owners

Currently, government reforms that legalize investments in the private sector also show the wide prevalence of men as business owners and entrepreneurs.  Women come to the new economic stage, where male protagonism prevails, at a disadvantage.  There is no political program to equalize the opportunities between the genders for the future of the island, and in the absence of a really autonomous feminine movement, women are left in the most abject civic helplessness.

But full emancipation also requires full civic responsibility.  The strong presence of women within the dissidence and the independent civil society points to an opportunity for the resurgence of women’s struggles in times to come.  Only in a democratic scenario will it be proven whether the necessary foundations for a gender conscience exist in Cuba.

Translated by Ernesto Ariel Suarez

From Cubanet

12 September 2013

Robertico Carcasses, The Monster / Juan Juan Almeida

Roberto Carcasses at the piano. Photo from Cubanet.

I am happy and confident that at some point in the future, the world’s dictionaries will exclude some words, among them Ideology and Dictator. By then, most fortunately, no one will speak of Fidel, Hitler or Pinochet; and in the schools they will continue mentioning names like Beethoven and Mozart, fortunately art transcends, as do performers.

No wonder, although there are always people who strive to get our attention and try to manipulate us from one shore or the other using bombastic verbiage, dangerous pandemic ideas and/or extravagant dress, that it was a musician, Robertico Carcassés, who hit the home run in the middle of the Malecon, during a political event held at none other than the José Martí Anti-imperialistic bandstand in Havana, the social gateway, also known as the “Protestdrome,” a plaza erected facing the United States Interest Section in Cuba, where the Cuban government sends its frequent, soporific and boring missives, with which it tries to show a false political strength and/or popular cohesion.

It is clear that the young artist, famous for his talent and his magisterial way of interpreting the difficult art of musical improvisation, does not live divorced from reality and knows with certainty the significance of each and every one of the words he chanted.

And it’s not the hair that’s bad, it’s that the comb is no longer working.  Free access to information, the manipulation of public opinion, the electoral system, the “blockade,” the internal blockade and lack of rights, are issues that constantly weigh on Cuban homes. And also in Robertico’s home which, in addition, in his case, suffers like so many other Cubans the mark of family separation. One of his sons has lived for some time in Miami.

Consciously or not the scope of what he said in his catchy improvised interpretation, the truth was that he made an impression, and now the question is, what will happen.

Well, if we put the event in context, using our brains and not our hearts, it’s easy to know that nothing will happen to the artist.

In the Facebook profile of his group, Interactive, it is announced that he would not perform this past Saturday, day before yesterday, at Cafe Miramar, nor will he be in Havana in the Bertolt Brecht theater hall of Vedado this coming Wednesday.

Also posted was a note, but then it disappeared, saying that the members of the group had been summoned to a meeting at the Cuban Institute of Music, where they were informed that Roberto is “separated the sector” indefinitely. A word too ambiguous that to my mind means an eighth note, because I am sure that very soon Robertico will again play and enjoy national and international stages, but now more firmly because he has shown that he is not only a part of that large group of outstanding musicians within a generation of monsters, as Cubans always say, that feels committed only to playing a musical instrument, it is also of those cabinetmakers who can chisel ,in a piece of the national wood, the sculpture of a new social life.

17 September 2013

My Kingdom for a Microphone / Reinaldo Escobar

 Subtitles read:
Free access to information for me to have my own opinion.
I want to elect the president by direct vote, not by other means.
Neither militants nor dissidents, all Cubans with the same rights.
End the blockade… and the INTERNAL BLOCKADE.

It’s been six days since the Cuban musician Robertico Carcassés surprised everyone with his daring improvisation in the midst of a concert at the Anti-imperialist Plaza on the Havana Malecon. As with any urban legend, there are versions that add and others that subtract words from his unusual speech. Like many other television viewers, I was watching another channel when the event  dedicated to demanding the release of the Ministry of the Interior’s five combatants in the United States was broadcast, but in less than 24 hours I received a text message which reproduced the words where he asked for free access to information, the right to elect a president by direct vote and equal rights for Cubans, be they militants or dissidents, adding the desire to end the blockade and the internal blockade.

There are many of us who envy the luck of the singer. To have a microphone in hand while broadcasting live and direct to the whole nation. Everyone would like to say their piece, personally, if only for a few brief seconds; I would limit myself to demanding the decriminalization of political dissent. Others would ask for freedom of the press or justice before a specific outrage. Robertico Carcassés must have thought very hard about his improvisation. I hope he can come to terms with the consequences.

Now some are criticizing him for what he said and others for what he didn’t say. From this modest space, I congratulate him.

Oh, if I only had a microphone!

16 September 2013

My Words at Forum 2000 / Yoani Sanchez

Good evening:

More than a decade ago Vaclav Havel’s book “The Power of the Powerless” fell into my hands for the first time. It came wrapped in a page of my country’s official newspaper, the Cuban Communist Party’s daily. Covering books was one of the many ways of hiding inconvenient texts forbidden by the government from the eyes of informants and the political police. In this way we had been reading, clandestinely, stories of what happened with the fall of the Berlin wall, the end of the Soviet Union, the Czech transformation, and all the other events in Eastern Europe. We knew about all these transitions, some more traumatic, others more successful and many of us dreamed that the transformation would soon come to our Island in the Caribbean, subjected to more than five decades of totalitarianism. But the transition most yearned for remains to be built. The processes of change don’t come alone, citizens have to spark them.

Today I am here, in the very city where Vaclav Havel was born, this man who summed up as few others have the spirit of the transition. I am also facing many people who have encouraged, pushed and personified the desire for change in their respective societies. Because the search for horizons of greater freedom is an essential part of human nature. Thus, it is twisted and unnatural for regimes to try to perpetuate themselves over the people, to immobilize them, to take from them the desire to dream that the future will be better.

In Vaclav Havel’s era, for Lech Walesa, and for so many other dissidents of the communist regimes, methods of peaceful struggle were effective: labor unions, even artistic creation was put to use for change. Now technology has also come to our aid. Every time I use a cellphone to denounce an arrest or write in my blog about the difficult situation of so many Cuban families, I think about how these gadgets with keyboards and screens would have helped the activists of previous decades. How far they could have cast their voices and projects had they had the social networks and all of cyberspace that opens today before our eyes. The Web 2.0 has been, without a doubt, a boost for the spirit of transition that dwells within us all.

Today, for the first time in Forum 2000, there is a small representation of Cuban activists. After decades of island confinement in which our country’s regime blocked many dissidents, independent journalists and alternative bloggers from traveling abroad, we have achieved the small victory of their opening to us the national frontiers. It is a limited victory, incomplete, because many others are still missing. Freedom of expression, respect for free opinion, the ability to choose for ourselves who represents us, the end of those acts of hate called “repudiation rallies” that still persist on the streets of Cuba against those who think differently from the ideology in power. However, many of us feel that Cuba is in transition. A transition that is happening in a more irreversible and instructive manner: from within the individual, in the conscience of a people.

In this transition we see the influence of many of you. Many of you who have arrived first to freedom and who have found that it is not the end of the road, rather freedom brings new problems, new responsibilities, new challenges. You who, in your respective countries, kept alive the breath of change, even risking your names and your lives.

Like the spirit of transition contained in that book by Vaclav Havel, wrapped — to disguise it — with the pages of the most stagnant and reactionary official newspaper you can possibly imagine. Like that book, the transition can be prohibited, censored, decreed to be almost a dirty word, postponed and demonized… but it will always arrive.

The post Mis palabras en el Forum 2000 appeared first on Generación Y by

16 September 2013

“Pioneers for Communism”: Doctrine with Bandana / Miriam Celaya

Aspiring Pioneer in 1965

This school year my grandson César began the first grade. He is pleased with the expectation of learning to read and write, but above all he is very excited that soon he will get his blue bandana and become another “pioneer for communism,” like his father 28 years ago, and like his confrontational grandmother a long time before that.

Last Monday, fresh from school, he phoned me: “Grandmother, I’m going to recite poetry and I learned what all the children in my class have to recite the day we put on the bandana.” And he continued, in his clean fresh voice, repeating the rhymed doctrine in the worst doggerel:

For my commander with the sweet smile

I keep forever the sun and the breeze

For my commander with his beard and hat

I cut garden flowers in January

For my commander lost in October

This blue bandana covers me   

Struck dumb for a moment, absorbing the bad effect, I surprise myself seeking the stupidest consolations in the world: at least it’s not an ode to the Unnameable, or to the Argentine who murdered so many Cubans with impunity… although I recognize this is a fool’s comfort; before and after, the Revolutionary catechism includes in the program those two protagonists in the sainted olive-green, and there will be other bad poetry, and there will be slogans and ritual perfidies.

Then I was assaulted by the old memories of my own initiation into the Pioneers, when I was the same six-years-old that César is today, and walked gap-toothed and happy about the nearness of my bandana, blue and white then, on the light gray blouse of my elementary school uniform. A photographer came to the school to take pictures of the kids aspiring to the Pioneers, seated one by one at a desk in the school courtyard with an enormous Cuban flag as the background and a pen in hand, as if we were writing the application form, although hardly any of us knew how to write even a little. Because then it was an essential requirement to aspire to the Pioneer organization and to receive authorization from our parents, who had to sign this form giving us their consent, before we could belong to it.

In the span of 48 years some details have changed. For example, in my generation membership in the Pioneer organization was not mandatory, the Pioneer stage was limited to the elementary school years, the bandana was only worn for certain dates and ceremonies, and the textbooks weren’t so overwhelmingly ideological. But basically the content of the organization has always been the same: to establish mechanisms of social control in service to the government, beginning with the manipulation of the conscience of the great masses from very young ages. Thanks to this method, eminently fascist, most of those individuals were subject, if not to the ideology itself, at least to passive submission, acceptance.

For children, however, being Pioneers does not represent a political-ideological affiliation, which in effect it is, rather the bandana is a sign denoting belonging to a school, a group of friends and classmates, who share learning, games, common interests. The bandana says “they are big,” they already know how to read and write or are close to having this knowledge. They ignore that they will receive, between poetry, readings, mottos and slogans, the systematic official brainwashing that their parents and grandparents born under this regime received before them.

In fact, the process of “Communist Pioneerization” has degraded over the last 30 years, through the generation gap between Cubans born just before or just after the establishment of the Castro regime, and the guerrilla caste of the Moncada barracks attack, the Granma Yacht and the Sierras, and those in the wake of the growing disenchantment that occurred basically from May 1980, following the events at the Peruvian Embassy and the Mariel Boatlift.

The “Revolutionary” romance had ended, and in consequence, the conscience of tens of thousands of Cubans gradually began to become independent of the official discourse, while publicly expressed attitudes continued to respond to the call of the government. Thereafter, almost every Cuban who deviated from the Castro creed began to wear two faces and to hold two, opposite, moral standards: a “real” one, for private life with family and close friends; another “false” one, to blend into the labor collective and into society (in “the mass”) and to keep themselves safe from reprisals and accusations.

Thus, the Pioneer initiation rite that marked the official and socially acceptable indoctrination for ideological servitude, has also become a turning point in the exercise of the so-called “double moral standard” (immorality). A vile pact tacitly accepted by the parties, in which the government pretends to believe that all Cuban parents accept the “Pioneer-Communist” militancy of their children, at the same time that they teach their children to “go with the flow” of the doctrine in the schools and to repeat the verses and slogans praising the regime, while at home illegalities and even anti-government speech survives. “What you see and hear here you don’t say at school,” “if the teacher asks you say this, but in reality things are different.”

Finally, there are the children who wear the bandana of “Pioneers-for-Communism-we-will-be-like-Che” even a few days before emigrating with their parents in search of a freedom they don’t find in their own land. And with this practice, for one generation after another, we have inculcated lying and hypocrisy in our children as values for facing life.

Maybe that’s why hearing my grandson recite the stanzas of that bad versification left me cold. However, quick as a flash I thought of a solution when, surprised by my silence, my little boy asked me, “Grandma, why are you quiet? Don’t you like poetry?” “No, but I know many nursery rhymes prettier than that. Let’s make a deal: I’ll teach them to you.” He was delighted. I also know the power of verses, but not to indoctrinate, rather to enrich the soul, to make us free. We’ll see which verses better calm the spirit of my boy, but I’m inclined to think they will be the ones I recite.

16 September 2013

Among Fish and Cats / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Photo by OLPL
Photo by OLPL

The catfish has conquered Cuba. The Communist Party and Youth Wing newspapers are singing the praises of its soft, white flesh. However…

The forced introduction of catfish to Cuba from Africa and Asia, in the late twentieth and early twenty-first century, can now be considered an ecological holocaust. The animals’ voracious appetite has wiped out countless freshwater animals on the island, in addition to non-aquatic species.

This breed of catfish, otherwise known as Clarias batrachus, or walking catfish, can weigh dozens of pounds and grow to a monstrous size. They are scavengers and, thanks to their ability to survive out of water for an extended period of time, all kinds of objects have been found in their stomachs: Spark plugs, marbles, coins, stones, plastic, the remains of vegetation, fish, amphibians, birds, rodents, and sometimes even feces. They will also devour one another when overcrowding occurs.

Sooner or later the Cuban Ministry of the Fishing Industry will have to respond to this irreparable idiocy on a national and international level. In the face of shortages of other sources of protein, the government has tried to provide the population with cheap meat, but many still find the texture and flavor of catfish disgusting and, in practice, even if they don’t have any other option, many buy catfish to feed their pets. (In particular cats, whose numbers were decimated during the Cuban famine of the 1990s, finally seem happy with the Revolution’s food policy.)
Claria Catfish

Photo: OLPL
Photo: OLPL

Although Cuba is surrounded by water, and our archipelago has more than 3,500 miles of coastline, the Cuban Fishing Fleet is a mere phantasm floating across the memory of the Caribbean Sea. Private fishermen came under suspicion for possibly smuggling people to Miami. Cuba is too close to the United States, where, paradoxically, catfish is treated as a delicacy: “God gives a beard to those who don’t have a jawbone,” is a common saying on the island, except that in this case the catfish has a moustache.

Translated by Alex Higson

From Sampsonia Way Magazine

15 September 2013

Between Neglect and Helplessness. Prostitution in Cuba, Part 3 / Miriam Celaya

jineteras090913Official secrecy and complicit silence

The original sin of the “Cuban Revolution” in relation to prostitution lies not in the fact of its not being able to eradicate it, a clearly impossible task, but in denying its very existence. Such a denial doesn’t only retard the search for solutions for social problems — sexual slavery, drug trafficking, child prostitution, the spread of sexually transmitted diseases like AIDS, etc. — that have appeared on the Island, but also prevents the population from having a clear perception of the issue and its social implications.

By excluding the issue from public debate it remains buried under less pressing emergencies related to economic survival and the precariousness of material resources. At the same time, these very privations accelerate the the deterioration of moral values, and feed the growth of prostitution, especially among teenagers under 18, who constitute the most vulnerable sector. A vicious circle that closes in on itself with a Gordian knot that seems to have no solution.

The end of innocence

While many adult women have chosen for themselves the path of prostitution, it is not less true that the entry of minors into the profession is ever more frequent. Eighteen marks the age of sexual consent in Cuba, but it is not rare to find girls between 13 and 17 who have already become prostitutes.

These kinds of activities, although prohibited by current laws, are difficult to detect due the complex web of illegalities that has been consolidated in the heat of impunity, and that now includes the networks of “recruiters” (generally older prostitutes and pimps), brothels — often protected behind the facade of a legal business, clandestine hostels, etc. — and, in some cases, with the complicity of law enforcement.

Police corruption, meanwhile, can be gross or subtle and ranges from simple extortion of the prostitute to the direct participation in obtaining monetary benefits under the concept of protecting the business; but in all cases it constitutes an important obstacle in combating this scourge.

According to the testimonies of several prostitutes, some police officers who cover shifts at certain key points in the capital receive direct payment from them, or from the employees of neighborhood bars, to permit both the trafficking of these sex workers as well as the clandestine trade in rum and cigars that is a scam usually played on unsuspecting foreigners. Prostitutes and bartenders have established a kind of mutually beneficial professional collaboration and have created true niches of corruption, particularly in poor areas of dubious reputation, such as Chinatown in Havana or San Rafael Boulevard.

The absence of institutions

In addition, some life stories suggest that the majority of minors who venture into the world of prostitution come from dysfunctional families and have grown up in hostile homes, both materially and affectionately, without there being any institutions truly responsible for their safety and protection.

A sample study conducted with a group of young prostitutes between the ages of 15 and 25, allows the conclusion that almost all of the cases came from dysfunctional homes, that prostitution among minors is a growing trend, and that the representatives of the repressive bodies or the courts are the only representatives of any official institution with which they have had any contact or relationship, whether it be to be blackmailed, arrested or punished; but never to offer them an alternative life or to enroll them in some social program that allows them to overcome the serious existential conflicts facing them.

Some of them are completely lacking in family support, others have minor children, are school dropouts, have used drugs at least once, and/or smoke and drink alcoholic beverages regularly.

The issue is compounded because it appears that there is no national program, nor even a local one, charged with supporting those who, given their particular circumstances, have taken to prostitution as a way to solve their material problems, not even for those who have lived in conditions of extreme poverty and lack of attention in dysfunctional homes, those who have been abandoned by their families, or for those who have been systematically abused, including by their own close family members.

Such helplessness is even more inexplicable given that, for over half a century, the Government has developed organizations dedicated to “surveillance” on every block through the so-called Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR), or to the needs and defense of women through the Federation of Cuban Women (FMC). An institutional structure that, had it functioned in the social interest or fulfilled its founding principles, would have been capable of controlling this evil from the beginning.

Neither the Government nor independent civil society

Even though the problem of child prostitution potentially affects thousands of families, it does not seem to arouse significant interest on the part of the Government, largely responsible for the fate of so many frustrations; the same Government whose educational system, for decades, has robbed parents of their authority and awarded the “paternalistic” State custody of children, teenagers and young people, now abandoned to their own bad luck.

More worrying still is that not even within the alternative spaces is there a particular interest in this matter. In any case, a debate on the topic is not emerging, nor are there civic proposals that take it on, to any extent, from independent civil society. This suggests that perhaps there is an underlying accumulation of moral prejudices or traditional taboos that prevent the same sectors which have opened spaces for questions as complex as racial discrimination or sexual diversity, from taking on the challenge of the debate about prostitution and its social effects.

But far beyond the lack of resources, what is really alarming is the apparent lack of political will within all parties to approach one of the most complex issues that Cuban social reality is facing in the near future.

From DiariodeCuba

Prostitution in Cuba: Part 1Part 2.

9 September 2013