“I Don’t Want Any More DTI People in My House,” Complains a Cuban Medical Student in Las Tunas

Another university student warns, in the face of the advance of dollarization, that the country “also belongs to those of us who don’t have dollars.”

The young woman holds State Security responsible for any health problems her mother may suffer due to this coercion. / Screenshot

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 13 June 2025 — “I don’t want any more DTI [Department of Technical Investigations] people in my house,” a young medical student blurts out in front of her professors and classmates, with the anger that only comes from being fed up. The scene, captured on video and viral on social media in recent hours, has put a face, name, and anguish to the latest chapter of university repression in Cuba.

Anisleydis Reyes, a student at the University of Medical Sciences of Las Tunas, is no longer afraid to speak out, even though she could lose everything. Her crime: speaking out against the ‘tarifazo‘ — the rate hike recently imposed by Etecsa, the State telecommunications company. The future doctor reports that the political police have visited her home and she holds State Security responsible for any health problems her mother may suffer due to these coercive strategies.

“It would be a shame if you study for six years only to end up not getting your degree,” Reyes was told.

Since data package prices skyrocketed on May 30, classrooms have become trenches. Students protested however they could: they denounced the subservience of their representatives holding positions in the student control apparatus, stopped attending classes, and posted statements on social media. What followed was a well-worn State Security manual: warnings, interrogations, manipulations, veiled (or not so veiled) threats. “It would be a shame if you study for six years only to end up not getting your degree,” they told Reyes, while accusing her of being a ringleader, an instigator, and a counterrevolutionary.

But Reyes’s social media profile isn’t that of an activist, much less an opponent. She’s a teenager, like many others, who shares photos of herself on the beach or with friends, who enjoys reading The Little Prince, and who follows famous soccer players. If these protests have made any difference, it’s that discontent and open confrontation with power are no longer a rarity or an exception; they’re a widespread sentiment among young people.

In the videos that circulate, another student can be heard saying, “This country also belongs to those of us who don’t have dollars.” Another young woman questions, “If our government violates its own laws, how can they claim we violate them?” continue reading

The pressures were not selective. Raymar Aguado Hernández, one of the activists who openly supported the protests from Havana, received an unwelcome visitor at his home. They went to find him, put him in a patrol car, and took him to the Zanja y Dragones station. The initial interrogation was tepid, almost bureaucratic. Then came the confinement in a windowless room and a direct threat, whispering the name of the State Security prison of choice: “Villa Marista is waiting for you.” He didn’t sign the form. They took his documents. And they warned him that, without them, going out onto the street could result in arrest.

Aguado, 24, knows all too well what that means. In 2022, he dropped out of his psychology program after being constantly harassed by the political police. He was told he would never set foot in an official classroom in Cuba again. Today, he studies humanities at the Félix Varela Center, publishes essays, organizes cultural activities, and navigates the ever-narrower space of activism on the island. And although he has gained experience, he has never lost the vulnerability that comes with having those in power throwing their weight around.

The modus operandi is now familiar: nighttime visits, “informal” conversations with deans, threats about academic futures, interrogations that begin as dialogue and end as sentences. In the university hallways, there is fear, but also dignity. Outrage over Etecsa’s rate hike was the spark, but the fuel comes from before: insufficient scholarships, poor-quality food, constant power outages, hearing parents urging them to “speak quietly,” and a sense of unstoppable general deterioration across the country.

Their complaints are not only against the ’tarifazo’

The faces of Aguado and Reyes, on the other hand, have managed to break through the wall of silence. Their protests aren’t just against the rate hike. They’re against a system that turns students into enemies, that responds to protests with surveillance, that reduces the university to a field of political loyalty.

On social media, the video has sparked both solidarity and fury. Many recall that this is not the first time a student protest has ended in closed files, expulsions, or forced exile. In 2021, David Martínez Espinosa was expelled as a professor at the Cienfuegos University of Medical Sciences for posting on digital platforms “questioning the Cuban social process” and demonstrating “with open defiance and criticism” of the political system.

But what’s new about this moment is the synchronicity. The protests against the tarifazo weren’t an isolated outbreak, but a movement that spread spontaneously throughout all regions of the country. And although the government managed to put out the fire with the old method of intimidation, something remained. A crack. A message. A switched-on phone that they couldn’t detect.
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In Flor De Itabo, Cuba, “There Is No Life,” Only Resignation for Its 800 Inhabitants

“Nothing comes to the bodega. We’re living off the small and medium-sized businesses, off the hotdogs that cost 450 pesos.”

Flor de Itabo is surrounded by old dairy farms. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, José Lassa, Havana, 13 June 2025 — “This place is completely bad. There’s no life. I don’t see any prospects.” With these three phrases, spoken with utter desolation, Pedro sums up the situation in Flor de Itabo, a remote batey in Madruga, in the province of Mayabeque, where he has lived for more than 12 years. Life there has always had its ups and downs, but he doesn’t dare put a name to the situation its residents have been experiencing in recent months.

The town, consisting of about twenty four-story buildings housing nearly 800 people, was founded in 1972. There’s also a bodega , a primary school, a daycare center with about 40 children, a doctor’s office, and a pharmacy. Flor de Itabo is surrounded by old dairy farms. Mayabeque is a cattle-raising province and has always relied on dairy and meat, Pedro recalls. Now, everything is “practically empty.”

With a recent investment, he explains, a few “imported cows” arrived on the farms. But this has not contributed to improving living conditions in the village.

The town consists of about twenty four-story buildings / 14ymedio

Food, Pedro cites as an example, is worse than ever. “Nothing comes to the bodega, we’re waiting for rice, and it doesn’t arrive. We’re living off micro, small and medium-sized businesses, off hot dogs that cost 450 pesos, off an expensive chicken…” Bread, he points out, is also “conspicuous by its absence.” “We don’t know the cause. It hasn’t arrived for days.” continue reading

The MSMEs — small and medium-sized businesses — are a world apart, the guajiro continues, clarifying that while it’s possible to get bread and some other foodstuffs there, the prices aren’t always affordable. “We’re getting by with their bread, at 350 pesos a bag, and we have to eat because otherwise we’ll die.”

Many other problems plague the residents of Flor de Itabo, who have been without running water for about three months because the turbine is broken. “They haven’t said anything, there’s no solution.” When a water truck arrives, many take advantage of the situation to load buckets and tanks that they later resell. “I live on the third floor and buy my little bit of water so I don’t starve to death,” he says. A large tankful, for example, costs 1,000 pesos; but the buckets cost less, he adds.

It’s been about three months since they’ve had running water because the turbine is broken. / 14ymedio

“There are poor people, and there are people who have the budget and give 1,000, but I give as much as I can, and that’s how we get by little by little. We can’t do anything else.” He does the same with coal. “When the power goes out, I have to go and buy a sack, which costs 1,000 pesos more. There’s no life,” he says, resigned.

Pedro has no hope that things in the village will improve anytime soon. “Who do we complain to? No one. Where? We have no choice but to go to those expensive MSMEs. Money doesn’t fall from the sky. Many are doing well because they have their own little business, but others can’t afford it. It’s never a level playing field,” he laments.

Few people in the town are willing to give their opinion when asked by this newspaper. “Telling the truth makes you unpopular. Then you keep quiet, because you could end up in jail. Things are incredibly bad here,” but, Pedro argues, over time they’ve grown accustomed to neglect. “Not me. I’m 65, it doesn’t matter if I die tomorrow, but there’s still a town.”

The village’s children are one of Pedro’s concerns, as he claims the school lacks teachers to teach the few children. Third and fourth grades, he points out, are taught together, as if they were in the same class. And the park, “cramped,” as he tediously describes it, is also useless for them to play in their free time. For recess, they only have a patch of reddish land, with improvised fields made of sticks, which serves as a soccer field.

For recreation, they only have a patch of reddish land, with improvised fields made of sticks, which serves as a soccer field. / 14ymedio

The blackouts are an issue Pedro prefers not to touch on. Although they continue to cause him headaches, they’re a reality that’s already settled into his routine. “We go up to 20 hours without power. I don’t fight it anymore; that topic doesn’t interest me anymore.”

Sitting under a palm tree, taking advantage of the cool shade, Pedro watches from a distance as several children jump enthusiastically on a trampoline. Below, the owner of that and other children’s games—dreary and rickety, awaiting a child’s attention—rests on a sack.

The calm is almost absolute, interrupted by the occasional laughter of the children, and it also spreads to the animals: a cow grazes impassively, and a dog rests beneath an old tractor. Little blooms in Flor de Itabo, and its residents, accustomed to daily problems, are no exception. Meanwhile, says Pedro, “we ’invent’ and continue to fight; we can’t do anything else.”


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US Informs Thousands of Cubans, Nicaraguans and Venezuelans of the Cancelation of Humanitarian Parole

“This notice informs you that your [humanitarian] parole has been canceled. If you do not leave the country, you may be subject to enforcement action,” reads the message sent to hundreds of thousands of people.

Several people waiting for their flights at Miami International Airport on April 8, 2023 / 14ymedio

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Washington, 12 June 2025 — The US Department of Homeland Security has notified hundreds of thousands of immigrants from Cuba, Nicaragua, Venezuela and Haiti that the temporary protections for living and working in the country granted to them by the previous government are no longer valid.

This was reported by CNN, which had access to one of the emails sent to the people concerned.

“This notice informs you that your [humanitarian] parole has been canceled. If you do not leave the country, you could be subject to coercive measures including, among others, detention and expulsion, without the opportunity to do the paperwork and return to this country in an orderly manner,” says the message sent to hundreds of thousands of people.

The email also notifies them that work permits linked to that program will be revoked.

Sending these notifications is part of the Trump administration’s efforts to encourage millions of immigrants to leave the country

This notification is related to a ruling issued by the US Supreme Court on May 30 that allows the Trump administration to withdraw the temporary legal protection that the Biden administration granted to some 532,000 Cubans, Nicaraguans, Venezuelans and Haitians. continue reading

The US Supreme Court granted the emergency request made by the Department of Homeland Security to challenge a federal judge’s ruling that blocked the measure signed by Trump as soon as he returned to the White House in January.

The Biden administration announced in 2023 that it would grant temporary protection to migrants from these countries who meet certain requirements (such as having a sponsor in the US), a program criticized by Republicans that sought to reduce illegal entries into the country.

Sending these notifications is part of the efforts of the Trump administration to encourage millions of immigrants to leave the country and to expel them directly, as shown by the raids at the discretion of the Immigration and Customs Control Service (ICE) that have set off protests and riots for days in Los Angeles.

Many other places in the US are seeing demonstrations these days that criticize the immigration policy of the current government.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Without Tourism or Migrants, Including Cubans, the Economy of Tapachula Declines

Revenues from hotels, shops, restaurants, and pharmacies have fallen by almost 30%.

Migrants gather near the Comar (Comar) to apply for asylum. / Facebook/Rey Garcia Villa

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Angel Salinas, Mexico City, June 11, 2025 — “Some businesses are on the verge of collapse,” says Miguel Reyes del Pino, a hotel entrepreneur from Tapachula, Chiapas. Without migrants, whose number has declined radically with the new US administration, and tourism (the city doesn’t have the charm of other places in Chiapas), the rooming houses, restaurants, inns, shops and pharmacies “look almost empty,” and their income has fallen by almost 30%.

Luis García Villagrán, of the Centro de Dignificación Humana A.C., explains to 14ymedio that an individual migrant’s daily expenses are 300 pesos (almost 16 dollars). “We are talking about basic expenses: travel, meals, water, buying a cigarette, a soft drink or a telephone recharge.”

Villagrán says that it was common to see migrants “eating in the market, shopping in stores, looking for places to sleep and receiving shipments. Now there is hardly anyone in the streets, and without them, the activity has dropped a lot.”

About the various businesses on the verge of collapse, the activist says: “It really hurts them. Before they did not want to see the migrants, but today, now that they’re gone, they feel the blow. Tapachula is largely dependent on migrant money, and that’s what the authorities didn’t understand.” continue reading

Yaniel Ponce de León, a Cuban, is still waiting for an email from the Mexican Commission for Aid to Refugees (COMAR) to finalize his process and regularize his stay. “For a month I ate two meals a day of bread and hotdogs. At first they were from the Oxxo, where they sold me three for 20 pesos (a dollar),” and I got water from the tap. A Coca Cola was too expensive for me.”

“For a month I ate two meals a day of bread and hotdogs. At first they were from the Oxxo, where they sold me three for 20 pesos (one dollar),” says Yaniel Ponce de León

The migrant indicated that he slept for days between cartons in the Bicentennial Park, because renting a room cost 1,500 pesos (79 dollars) for two weeks. It was crazy, I couldn’t pay them.”

Odalys, a Cuban woman, told the local media Diario del Sur that “just to go to work, pay for transport, breakfast, a meal, some water, all simple, I spend 300 pesos, since one meal is between 80 and 90 pesos, and water is 25 or 30 pesos.”

The migrant told the same media that in the eight months she has been in Tapachula, she hasn’t been in a restaurant. “We are spending on the basics and saving money here, because what we earn is not enough for anything.”

The city on the border with Guatemala once housed up to 120,000 migrants who sought to reach the United States, but with the arrival of Donald Trump as president, “the American dream was cut short,” says attorney José Luis Pérez.

The National Institute of Migration has stopped publishing updated reports since last December. “COMAR reported 5,700 applicants at the end of last year. Certainly many migrants have returned to their country, but others continue to arrive,” says Pérez.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Several Spanish Companies Have Gone Bankrupt Due to Defaults of the Cuban Government

An employers’ organization says Havana owes more than 350 million euros to some 300 companies.

Mesol is an importer created by Meliá to bring to everything it needs for its hotels in Cuba / Melia

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 June 2025 — Cuba’s financial crisis and its informality in paying its debts have made even its historical partners begin to distrust it. This Thursday, resentful of the defaults to several companies in Catalonia, the employers’ organization Fomento del Trabajo Nacional, which brings together entrepreneurs from that region, denounced the debt of more than 350 million euros (406.5 million dollars) that Cuba has with 300 companies in Spain. Fifteen per cent of them, he says, are in a “critical” financial situation or have had to close down.

Bearing in mind that 40% of the companies with which the island is indebted (some 120 companies), mostly SMEs and micro-enterprises, are Catalan, and that the closure of several of them has led to the disappearance of jobs. The association has been operating since 2023 the Platform of Affected by the Cuban Government’s Defaults, which includes companies from all over the country “damaged” by debt.

Also, they say they has notified the Spanish government of the debt, as well as parliamentary groups, “with the aim of activating mechanisms that allow us to recover the amounts owed and avoid the disappearance of the affected export business network.”

“The outstanding debts are mainly related to export operations, many of them humanitarian in nature”

“The outstanding debts are mainly related to export operations, many of them humanitarian in nature, essential for sectors such as health and food in Cuba,” says Fomento, which regrets that the debts persist “despite the historical commercial relationship between Spain and Cuba, with Spain being one of the main investors in the Island.” continue reading

The Island’s private debt with hundreds of Spanish companies has increased from the 336 million dollars last claimed by the then Minister of Industry, Trade and Tourism of Spain, Reyes Maroto, who called for a “gradual” plan for payments during a visit to Havana in 2019.

In November 2024, during a presentation to the Congress of Deputies, the Secretary of State for Economy and Enterprise Support, Israel Arroyo, admitted that Cuba owed another 2 billion euros in debts to multilateral agencies. “It is a difficult problem to solve as long as Cuba cannot pay, because right now the situation is what it is,” said Arroyo with resignation.

The head of the portfolio then explained that most of the debt has a historical origin, which comes from the former Development Assistance Fund, from the 80s and 90s. To try to resolve the situation, three agreements have been signed in recent years with Cuba, the first two in 2015 and 2016, in which there was a restructuring with an extension of the deadlines. In 2021, another agreement was also signed to renegotiate payments, in this case without removing the debt. But the problem with Cuba “is that it cannot pay that debt,” Arroyo insisted.

Cuba’s problem “is that it cannot pay that debt”

In 2015, Cuba signed with the Paris Club the forgiveness of $8.5 billion of the $11.1 billion debt that Havana owed since 1986. Spain, which is part of the group, also negotiated on that occasion the restructuring of the short-term debt for $201 million, most of which was forgiven.

While the small Spanish entrepreneurs are not willing to lose their money, others with less risk of disappearing if business with Cuba falls apart, such as the large hotel companies, continue to invest in Cuban hotels. This is the case of firms such as Meliá, with more than 30 facilities throughout the country, and Iberostar, which recently took over the management of the hotel located in the controversial Torre K hotel project.

The operations of these companies have also not been free from difficulties. With the dramatic drop in the arrival of tourists in recent years, hotels are barely full – Meliá’s occupancy in 2024 was just 40% – and the economic crisis makes supplying hotels with basic products an odyssey. Meliá, for example, had to create its own importer, Mesol, to ensure supplies of all kinds, from food and drink to security measures and maintenance.

The Cuban Government’s eagerness to obtain foreign currency has also hurt foreign entrepreneurs, who last April received with displeasure the news that Cuba would not allow them to repatriate their earnings in foreign currency. To soften the blow to its partners’ finances, the Regime then promised that they could open unlimited hard currency accounts, but their operations would be restricted to the country.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Government Cheats Doctors Returning From Mission in Angola and Gives Them MLC Instead of Dollars

Two doctors told ‘14ymedio‘ that the bank told them it did not have the foreign currency to pay them what they were owed under the contract upon their return to the island.

The contract states that Antex, “provided there is cash available for this purpose, will credit the Worker (…) one hundred percent of the amount in USD from his monthly salary” // Embassy of Cuba in Angola

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Natalia López Moya, Havana, June 12, 2025 — After years of being on a medical mission in Angola, the Cuban doctors, when they return, are meeting with a very unpleasant surprise. The banks do not have hard currency for them to withdraw the dollar amount accumulated in their accounts. The only legal alternative left is to use their savings in freely convertible currency (MLC), an option they consider “armed robbery.”

Ana Isabel, a Cuban doctor whose name has been changed for this report, spent two years at the Hospital Materno Infantil do Camama Dr. Manuel Pedro Azancot de Menezes in Luanda. Separated from her family, the specialist placed all her hopes on the money that, while she worked on the African continent, was accumulating in her account at the Banco Popular de Ahorro (BPA) on the island.

“We were supposed to receive a total of $1,200 dollars per month. There they had to give us $200 in kuanzas [the official currency of Angola] and the other $1,000 would be deposited in Cuba,” the doctor tells 14ymedio. ” But in Angola, they never gave us the $200; something always happened and we were given only $100 (82,500 kuanzas), with the option that the family in Cuba could withdraw another $50 from the bank depending on the availability of hard currency at that time.” continue reading

“There they never gave us the $200; something always happened and they gave us only $100 (82,500 kuanzas), with the option that the family here could withdraw another $50 from the bank depending on the availability of hard currency at that time.”

Cuban professionals in Angola had to tighten their belts, because, although they have free accommodation, food and other expenses paid, “Sometimes I couldn’t even recharge my phone. But I thought that all this sacrifice was worth it if I had my dollars guaranteed when I returned, as the contract with Antex [Corporación Antillana Exportadora S.A] promised,” explains Ana Isabel.

The Antex Corporation, an entity included on the black list of the Office of Foreign Assets Control of the United States Treasury Department (OFAC), belongs to the Cuban military conglomerate Gaesa. The entity manages businesses on Angolan territory ranging from the construction of motorways, through the repair of aerodromes to travel agencies. Between 2013 and 2017 alone, Angola paid more than $1 billion to Antex, according to research published by El Toque.

The contract of Antex, Corporación Antillana Exportadora S.A. / 14ymedio

Cuba has more than taken advantage of the participation, financed by the former USSR, of its more than 300,000 soldiers in the civil war in Angola between 1975 and 1991. It has done this precisely through Antex. According to the Portuguese press, in 2015, 70% of the health personnel in that country were Cuban.

In the document signed by all Cubans on official mission to Angola – more than 2,000 now among doctors, nurses, health technicians, builders, drivers and higher education teachers – it is stated that Antex, “provided that cash is available for this purpose, shall credit the Worker during the month preceding the date of his return to the Homeland, one hundred percent (100%) of the amount in USD from his monthly salary”. For most doctors, the cumulative amount is between $20,000 and $22,000.

“When we returned, we were told that the bank had no hard currency available and that we could only access money through our cards in MLC”

However, the contract has become a worthless piece of paper. ” When we returned, they told us that the bank had no hard currency available and that we could only access money through our MLC cards”, explains the doctor to this newspaper. She, however, feels lucky. ” On my vacation in Cuba, in the middle of the mission, I was able to withdraw $1,500, because at that time the bank had availability, but now it doesn’t and probably won’t in the short term.”

Last February, a group of doctors complained to Antex about the lack of hard currency. The official response then was that they were working to switch their magnetic cards to the Classic prepaid mode, so that they could buy in the dollar stores that began opening on the island since the beginning of this year. “It was not ideal, because most people want cash, but at least we could buy some products necessary for day-to-day.” But the promise has not yet been fulfilled. “We have been robbed of our money,” a doctor says bitterly.

“We have to sell our MLC in the street, under the risk of being caught by the police and convicted for the crime of illegal currency trafficking, and then buy the dollars we need on the black market,” says Maria Isabel, aware that the informal exchange rate is now 260 pesos per MLC and 375 for each dollar.” With the cards we have now we can’t go to any of those markets, like the 3rd and 70th in Miramar. The ones we can use are almost empty, dark stores that don’t even have detergent.”

Arnaldo, a doctor, experienced a similar situation. After working for two years in several hospitals, including the Comandante Raúl Díaz-Argüelles, in Cuanza Sur. The professional, also with his identity protected to avoid retaliation, tells this newspaper that he had to “pluck up courage” in the last year of his stay in Angola to not desert. “I did not miss the hospital because they treated us like garbage, but in Cuba I have my parents who are very old, and I can’t leave them alone.”

Arnaldo knows that for his work as a doctor, Angola pays Antex $5,000 per month. Of that, the doctor received only $100 each month, in kuanzas. “The bank account in Cuba was designed for my return, to use that currency to go to Brazil with my brother, to make my way there and be able to get my parents out soon after,” he says. But of the money in the BPA, he has not yet been able to touch a single dollar.

Arnaldo knows that for his work as a doctor, Angola pays Antex $5,000 per month. Of that, the doctor received only $100 each month, in kuanzas.

Unlike Ana Isabel, when Arnaldo was on vacation in Cuba in the middle of the medical mission, he could not access a single dollar from his account, although the contract ensures that he could draw up to 50% of the amount accumulated during that break. They told me that they had no availability at the bank even though I had made the withdrawal request a few months earlier from Angola,” he says. “Nor did it help that I was given a hard time about the crisis and told that the country does not have access to international currencies.”

“The contract says very clearly that the account that Antex opens to deposit part of our salary is in dollars,” explains Arnaldo. “We were told that they guaranteed the withdrawals once we returned without deserting the mission, but the truth is that I have not been able to get anything out of the bank”. The doctor feels cheated and regrets not having accepted some proposals to move to the private sector that he received in Angola.

Contract with Antex, Corporación Antillana Exportadora S.A. / 14ymedio

“I made good friends there, including Cubans who work on their own in clinics in Luanda, and they told me to stay, not to return to Cuba, that I was going to make money, but I thought Antex would fulfill the contract and so I returned.” On several occasions, when the meager $100 he received in Cuanza del Sur did not suffice to eat, he had to ask his brother in Brazil for help. “No one can believe this, but when I went on vacation to Cuba a friend had to loan me some dollars so that I could have some money there.”

“I received proposals to do some consulting on my own and earn a little money directly but that was very dangerous. Because if you did work outside and they caught you, they would send you back to Cuba with a penalty, and they could take all the money accumulated in your account, so I didn’t want to risk it,”,says Arnaldo. His restraint did not serve him very well.

“Now I’m like a criminal; I had to set up an account with another name on Facebook to see if someone wants to buy my MLC in pesos and then try to buy dollars.” His goal is to recover at least between 5,000 and 8,000 dollars to buy the plane ticket that will take him off the island and leave him with something for the journey to the Brazilian border.” I’m tired of talking to Antex and the bank; now all I want is to get out of here”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Letter to Cuban Students on Strike

I can’t tell you what to do, but I can remind you that you have every right to protest.

Despite pressure from State Security, educational authorities, and FEU officials, some students continue their protest. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Ariel Hidalgo, Miami, 10 June 2025 — I, a former professor of Philosophy and History at the High School level of Education in Cuba (Pre-university and Workers’ Faculty), who was in jail for writing a manuscript warning the authorities that the model established in Cuba would lead the country to complete disaster, support the Cuban university students on strike and have already signed the petition in favor of their non-repression.

From a distance, I can’t tell you what to do, but I can remind you that you have every right to protest, as long as you do so without violence, either in actions or words. It’s more effective when you demand your rights forcefully, but without offending anyone, and that way you will have the support of international public opinion.

“It’s more effective when rights are demanded forcefully, but without offending anyone.”

It is clear that the highest authorities have maintained an incomprehensible stubbornness in the face of the misery suffered by the population, denying a profound reform that many intelligent and well-intentioned people have been proposing for many years within Cuba, such as the intellectuals of the CEA [Center for American Studies], who were responded to by labeling them as colluding with imperialism.

But what needs to be done has nothing to do with ideological positions, as the Vietnamese and Chinese have demonstrated. All Cubans, regardless of their beliefs, should put aside political positions in the face of the humanitarian tragedy the population is suffering and unite to help Cuban families, to seek the best for our people, and to lift up our country.

All Cubans are brothers.

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The Tone Is Raised Between the Critical Church Leaders and the Cuban Regime

Priest Lester Zayas’s car was vandalized, and a photo taken at the nursing home of nun Nadieska Almeida was manipulated.

Nadieska Almeida (in the center), at the nursing home where she works, in a 2022 photo / Facebook

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, June 9, 2025 — “I don’t think, I don’t hope, I don’t see anything of value in the revolution. So many lies, so many ways to crush my people, so many deceptive promises”. These are the words expressed this Monday by the Mother Superior of the Daughters of Charity in Cuba, Nadieska Almeida, days after receiving a visit from government officials at the nursing home where she works.

According to her post on Facebook, the government visit -“mandatory for the subsidy that is given to all nursing homes for the elderly and hospitals”- was normal. “I do not object; it’s simple: there is nothing to hide and much to express, because the elderly are also suffering the hardships that the country is going through, with the aggravating factor that many lack the human warmth of their family, which no one can replace,” she explains. They are meetings, she continues, that “at least serve to tell someone truths, without fear, face to face and with respect, although as it usually happens, nothing is resolved”.

Something extraordinary happened afterwards. At the meeting, the authorities asked to take a photo and the nun agreed. However, days later she received “the surprise that, without permission, they had put her on social networks with the following caption: ’United for a revolutionary ideal’. This caused Almeida “much annoyance, as one would expect”, and it was what drove her to write her text and lash out against the Revolution.

“How can I believe in a project that continues to claim the lives of young people who are forced into military service? How can we believe them when they want to silence the crying from hunger of our children and old people”?

“How can I believe in a project that continues to claim the lives of young people who are forced into military service? How can we believe them when they want to silence the crying from hunger of our children and old people? How can we believe them when they once again plunge us into isolation, disconnection, when they shamelessly lie to us and insult continue reading

the intelligence of an entire people with prices that are unattainable for many?” she says, in clear allusion to the phone and internet price increases (tarifazo) of Etecsa. “How do they expect us to work together if they are able to threaten to remove the subsidy if anyone disagrees? How can we believe right now that our young students are being threatened for claiming their rights and those of the people”?

Sister Nadieska is blunt: “No, the Revolution is not an ideal. It’s a failure; it’s a guillotine that is killing us year after year; it’s a circus where you can be a puppet that will later be kept in a miserable trunk because they have already squeezed out the last of your energy. Walking through our streets we see so many combatants who say with pain: ’I fought for this and they have abandoned me”. They dare not even pronounce the name. What can we expect? A project that is leading us more and more to misery: almost permanent darkness, coal, slow death, suffering and despair”.

Invoking the Gospel to offer hope and encouraging to people “to seek and trust in divine companionship”, she also urges them to “not be silent”. With “respect for those who continue to believe in the project”, she states that “the regression of these almost 66 years should lead them to think that it is now the time to let others propose a truly democratic State, one of justice and rights”. And she concludes, quoting the late opponent Oswaldo Payá: “The night weighs on us enough to have the courage of a mambí [independence fighter] and tell them once and for all that the night will not be eternal”.

“That’s how our car looked after a long night of blackouts all over El Vedado,” wrote Lester Zayas / Facebook

The Mother Superior’s publication takes place a few days after the priest Lester Zayas reported the break-in of his vehicle. “It is true that coincidences exist, but do they always happen at the same time? So our car looked like this today after a long night of blackouts throughout El Vedado, right in front of our convent”, wrote the Havana priest on June 3.

He illustrated the publication with an image of the vehicle with a broken window and part of the radio destroyed. He offered poverty as the first explanation but then let it be understood that the “vandalism” could actually be “a form of revenge against some people for expressing a common feeling”.

The priest was referring to a long article he wrote and published the day after president Miguel Díaz-Canel appeared in a new edition of his podcast to offer explanations for the blackouts. Faithful to his ironic style, Zayas expressed his amazement at the lack of a “good advisor” to the leader of the island.

Point by point, the priest reviewed the arguments put forward by Díaz-Canel, which he calls a “grotesque, ugly and unacceptable mockery”

“It has been absolutely disturbing to me to see a ruler – the one of my country – standing in front of thousands of spectators (and I say thousands, because others, lacking electricity, couldn’t watch, and some no longer turn on the television), addressing the people, blaming them for what, in no way, can be their fault,” he said. “Have thermoelectric power plants in Cuba been privately owned? Have they been in the hands of the MSMEs? Have they been owned by the people”?

These were rhetorical questions, which preceded a harsh reprimand to the president-designate, to whom he addressed these words: “It is the State that you represent that is solely guilty for the energy failure. If you want to blame the embargo, blame it. But the sole responsibility for dialogue with those who have imposed the embargo, and negotiation, agreement and reaching solutions, is yours and the Government you represent”.

Point by point, the priest reviewed the arguments put forward by Díaz-Canel, which he calls “grotesque, ugly and unacceptable mockery”. “What do you and those who advise you intend to do? When the electricity comes on, should we continue to cook with coal so as not to overload the SEN [national electricity system]? Should we not take advantage to run the water that for months doesn’t arrive in many places? Should we stay in darkness and without fans? Do those who advise you know that when they turn on the power at dawn, people get up at that time to cook, wash, and carry out household tasks which, until then, are impossible and inhuman to carry out”?

“Tell your advisers to get into the car of the head of the American Embassy, invite him to go for a drink and learn together how the people really live”

Stating, as the president did, that electricity consumption goes up at noon and that it wasn’t that way before “shows an immense lack of respect for the people. Consumption will always rise at the time you put on the power, after 19, 25, 30 hours of blackout”.

And he recited a litany of things that shouldn’t be asked of Cubans, who are wrapped in suffering, such as that they should “continue cooking with coal”, whose price is 1,500 Cuban pesos a bag; or that the “elderly people with bedsores, in poorly ventilated rooms and without electricity continue resisting”; or that mothers “look elsewhere when they see the lives of their children languishing without even being able to put cartoons on the television, so that at least they can forget the hunger of their empty stomachs”; or telling the young people to “hold on and give up their lives in the name of an ideology that they did not choose, that they only inherited and about which they have not been consulted as to whether or not they want it”.

Similarly, the priest finds it intolerable “to criminalize the legitimate right to protest because there is no food, because there is no current, because every day there is less”, as well as calling anyone who cries out “food” and “freedom” a “criminal”.

He also has words for the regime’s criticism of Mike Hammer, head of mission of the United States Embassy in Cuba, who persists in his intention to visit every corner of the island and listen to ordinary citizens. “You can’t condemn an ordinary official for doing what all the Party cadres should be doing: mingling with the people; having a dialogue with the people; learning how they feel; even joining the protests of the people; because in principle, they too are the people and should know and feel the same as those who protest”.

Except, he adds, “that it can’t happen because then they would no longer be authentic representatives of the people”. Thus, he recommends: “Tell your advisers to get into the car of the head of the American Embassy, invite him to go for a drink, and then learn together how the people really live: the reality, not what you see on the news”.

Doing that, he concludes, “they would have realized how absolutely unpopular and ill-advised Etecsa’s new rates have been. Don’t your advisers know what the people earn? Don’t they know that the data package is the only way for thousands of elderly mothers to see their children’s faces? Do those who advise him not know that such measures only increase the pain of remoteness and frustration of those who, separated by distance, have no other means to feel close? Don’t they know how much joy they snatch through a video call, how many ’Dad, I love you!’, ’Mom, I miss you!’s have been ended?” Zayas continues.

The text concludes by stating that the Cuban people “want to obtain the legitimate right to eat with dignity, to have 24 hours of electricity, to speak freely, to be consulted about what they want and desire, to not be afraid to protest if it is necessary, with the dignity that characterizes us, if we feel that we are mocked or denied”. If the present leadership cannot permit this, Zayas urges them to leave “someone else in charge” so that “our people can still be saved”.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban State Security Harasses Students and Activists Who Protest Over the ‘Tarifazo’

Teachers and students report a strong presence of political police agents in universities.

Many students prefer not to sign their complaints or communications for fear of direct reprisals / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 10 June 2025 — The Cuban regime has intensified, during the last few hours, the harassment against the student protests unleashed by the state telecommunications company Etecsa’s ’tarifazo’ – a sharp increase in phone and internet rates. While the spokesmen for official propaganda speak of “dialogue” and “normality”, the state apparatus has deployed its repressive arm with the active complicity of academic authorities and the leadership of the Federación Estudiantil Universitaria (FEU), an organization hijacked by the Union of Young Communists.

On social networks, videos circulate in which several students denounce the presence of State Security agents inside universities.

Officials from the Ministry of the Interior have summoned students in the last two days, visited their homes, inspected university dormitories and forced digital group administrators to close them down. One student, at the Central University Marta Abreu de Las Villas (UCLV), was forced to read a “rectification of attitude” to his classmates in order to avoid major sanctions. The Havana Technological University, the most active student group, disappeared from the digital map after an “unofficial” visit by two men dressed in civilian clothes. From Holguín, a young teacher reports anonymously that her family fears for their safety after receiving a visit from two counterintelligence officers in their own home.

Not all are willing to renounce their demands

Many students prefer not to sign their complaints and statements, for fear of direct reprisals. Some people subtly record the interventions of agents and officials and then send those materials to influencers on independent media. Despite decades of fear and institutional pressure, not everyone is willing to renounce their demands.

This Monday, a part of the UCLV student body published a statement in which they denounce institutional censorship, complicity of the representatives of the FEU, opacity in the negotiations, as well as the attempt to criminalize peaceful protest by “institutional clientelism”, that is, “prizes” for those who betray their colleagues. They demanded the immediate end of the unpopular Etecsa rate increases and the withdrawal of State Security agents from the campuses. The statement concludes with a phrase rescued from Republican politician Eduardo Chibás: “honesty against money”.

Miryorly García Prieto, a student movement activist, received a police summons this Tuesday

Not even those who aren’t directly involved in the protests have escaped the repressive machinery. Miryorly García Prieto, an activist in support of the student movement, received a police summons on Tuesday, with barely 45 continue reading

minutes to respond. The document, signed by a captain with the surname “Martínez” and an illegible first name, was full of errors: from incorrect personal data to the use of the word “sympathize” instead of “appear”.

Her “interview” was atypical. She was to be received by a captain of the political police but was interrogated instead by a major of the National Revolutionary Police (PNR), who allegedly knew very little about her. The major, visibly upset, threatened to charge her with replicating “false information,” referring to student statements shared by the activist. He also mentioned the crime of “disobedience” without clarifying further details.

A similar complaint came from the activist Raymar Aguado Hernández. Around 1:30 p.m., the PNR sector chief in the Cayo Hueso neighborhood, identified as Oribel Diaz, threatened him with “consequences” if he does not show up this Wednesday at the Zanja and Dragones police station. The officer did not specify the reason for the summons.

Several telecommunications agents have returned their business licenses

The impact of repression against protests has also been felt in the digital world. Between June 4 and 6, tags like #InternetParaTodos and #NoAlTarifazo reached high levels of activity. However, from day eight, many sites were shut down or silenced. Publications with these slogans were dropped, not because of apathy, but because of the repression and high costs of web browsing implemented since May 30.

The economic blow from Etecsa’s new policies – limiting recharges paid for within Cuba to favor those paid for from abroad in hard currency – has been felt strongly throughout the island. Several telecommunications agents have returned their business licenses as a result of the drastic drop in revenues, according to what one told this newspaper. The MSMEs, for their part, try to contain the bleeding of followers on social networks by offering tips to save mobile data, although visits to their sites continue to decrease, and customer dropouts continue to increase.

Some now dare to call the events “The Data Spring”

Meanwhile, the Cuban regime deploys a repressive strategy that seeks to disrupt unity among students, in addition to accusing exiles and Washington of being behind the protests. But this time something seems to have changed. The split between those in power and the students has become visible. Solidarity with those who protest has even come from sectors of the international left that, until recently, solidly defended the Cuban government. Some already dare to call the events “The Data Spring”.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Experts Predict a ‘Busier’ June for the Dollar Exchange Rate in Cuba

They warn that the currency will reach or even exceed 400 pesos.

Photo of a currency exchange counter in Cuba, September 2023 / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, June 9, 2025 — The calm that parallel exchange rates have experienced in Cuba over the past year seems to be coming to an end. So believes the Cuban Currency and Finance Observatory (OMFi), which shared on Monday its monthly report warning with a spoiler: “June could be a busier month in the informal Cuban currency market”. Thirteen months ago, the dollar hit its peak, selling for 395 pesos on May 9, 2024, and after a long period of stagnation at 340, the rise has been consolidating slowly, to reach 375 pesos.

By the end of this month, the OMFi estimates a rise of at least 15 pesos (4%) in a central scenario, but warns: “In the maximum (most extreme) scenario, the dollar rate would increase 38 CUP (10%); which would occur if the excess demand expands”. A similar account remains for the euro, which has remained higher recently but may rise more slowly, between 3% and 7%. This would mean that both currencies will come to touch or even surpass 400 pesos.

If this situation is reached, warns Pavel Vidal, the Cuban economist responsible for the Observatory, it is possible that a “downward correction” will happen, since in the past, the exchange rate of 400 pesos per dollar worked as a “psychological barrier”. In that case, a scenario of uncertainty and volatility in the market would return, which has not been seen since last year.

It is possible that a “downward correction” will happen, since in the past, the exchange rate of 400 pesos per dollar worked as a “psychological barrier”

In that context, the Cuban regime unleashed a campaign of attacks on El Toque, the media to which the OMFi belongs and the first to publish the rate of the informal foreign exchange market daily, which it accused of manipulating prices and generating expectations. The Government accused the publication of wanting to bring the rate up to 500 on dates close to July, seeking a repeat of the Island-wide 11J protests in 2021, which had erupted three years ago. But time eventually showed that the markets stabilized and currencies fell regardless of the alleged dark interests attributed to El Toque to push them up. continue reading

In this Monday’s newsletter, the OMFi analyses the latest inflation data, as well as causes and prospects. The May CPI showed that prices are contained in the official market, a very partial figure given the great weight of the informal economy in the daily life of the island, even though they continue to rise: 0.8% in May, 7.45% monthly and 16.4% year on year. The respite is not trivial, since in May 2024 it was double (15.2% accumulated and 31.1% year-on-year), but the mere number is not useful if we do not look at all facets.

As the OMFi report warns, the fall of the CPI is positive in that it transfers less uncertainty to businesses, which can count on fewer price swings and thus plan with more margin and tranquility. But it indicates that the deficit is being contained, as the government has been warning since last year, which in turn has another good consequence: less currency issue is needed to finance it, and this cuts the excess cash in circulation, which puts pressure on prices.

Inflation has been high for so many years, without compensation for wage depreciation, that the population is overtaken

However, in the social sphere it has counterproductive aspects. On the one hand, which has been much talked about, it reveals a lack of public spending, supposedly aimed at improving the living conditions of the population or meeting the needs of the most vulnerable. On the other, inflation has been high for so many years, without compensation for the depreciation of wages, that the population is overtaken. In fact, as several economists have already stressed, including the OMFi in previous reports, the fall in inflation may also be due to the limit at which families seem to be reaching.

“Certain key products may have reached a price ceiling in the short term because of the impossibility for the consumer to continue paying for them. This does not imply that supply conditions have improved but that limits of demand are becoming determinant in price behavior,” states the report. In addition, there is another factor that will not appear in the data analysis: there are goods that simply do not exist, no matter how much money is available. This is the case for many basic services, such as electricity, water and fuel: even if some remain on the informal market, shortages are rampant.

“A lower rate of inflation does not mean that prices go down or that households gain purchasing power,” the report regrets. In addition, it warns of a curious phenomenon approaching in the short term. In the next official data, there will be a significant upsurge in inflation, forced by the stratospheric rate increases of Etecsa, the so-called ‘tarifazo’. The telecommunications sector has been stagnating for years with figures around 0.1% for most of its price increases. Next month there will be several figure increases for phone and internet services, resulting in a high CPI that will surprise no one.

But, warns the OMFi, “nevertheless, its net effect over time can be anti-inflationary since it also helps to generate tax revenues and reduce the amount of pesos in the hands of the population”. It would be the same reason why the high CPI of the months in which tobacco and alcohol costs multiplied, as well as fuel prices, ended up resulting in the containment of inflation.

“The new rise in prices of public services is part of a logic of adjustment which disproportionately affects the purchasing power of households, while the government continues to evade structural reforms of the exhausted centralized economic model monopolized by state enterprises. Since the government does nothing important to promote productivity and economic efficiency, it seeks to expand income extraction through selective dollarization and price increases”, concludes the document.

Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A “Homeland or Death” Zombie, With Slumped Shoulders and a Lost Gaze

Resigned and aimless, the man reflects the misery that spreads in Cuba.

Man walking on San Rafael Boulevard in Havana, this Tuesday. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 11 June 2025 — A bearded man with thin white hair walks with his shoulders down and a lost gaze. That’s how many Havana residents walk when they go out into the street to make a living, to ’resolve’ things. With resignation, rather than resolve. Buy a pound of the rice they’re short on, a chicken leg, some malanga, if they have the money. If they don’t, the solution is simply to let it go, or to beg.

The man, wearing green shorts, matching sneakers, and a white sweater, all his clothes are dirty from top to bottom. He doesn’t carry a bag, so he hasn’t come to do his shopping. He just walks, seemingly aimlessly. His figure is striking in the middle of San Rafael Boulevard in Central Havana, more or less at the same place as where Luis Robles, the “young man with the banner,” demonstrated in December 2020, before the officers descended on him and he was jailed for more than four years.

The slogan is only four years old, and was invented after the video for ’Patria y Vida’ went viral.

And it is striking not because it is unusual to see an elderly person wandering the streets of Havana with their shoulders slumped and their gaze lost, but because of the red, capitalized letters decorating his shabby white shirt: ’Soy de Patria of Muerte.” I am for Homeland or Death. Although it may resemble one of the Revolution’s oldest slogans, this one isn’t quite so ancient.

It is only four years old, and it was invented after the video for “Patria y Vida” went viral. “Homeland and Life.” Months before it even served as the soundtrack to the historic 11 July 2021 protests, the song by Yotuel, Gente de Zona, Descemer Bueno, Osorbo, and El Funky had a host of ridiculous competitors, promoted by the regime in a crude attempt to counter what was already an anthem for Cuban freedom.

One of them was, precisely, “I am for homeland or death,” and was written by the pro-government musician Cándido Fabré. “I don’t stop smiling even if I’ve hit rock bottom,” said one of its verses, set to the rhythm of a son. Nothing could be further from the man who walks down San Rafael Boulevard with his shoulders down and his gaze lost in thought.

The vignette echos the words written just a few days ago by the nun Nadieska Almeida: “On our streets, we see so many fighters walking, saying with pain: ’I fought for this and they have abandoned me.’ They don’t even dare to speak the name. What can we expect? A project that is leading us ever deeper into misery: almost permanent darkness, coal, slow death, suffering, and despair.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

U.S. Diplomacy Is Concerned About the Planned Transfer of 800 European Immigrants to Guantanamo Bay

These are about 9,000 people in an irregular situation, coming from numerous countries.

Immigration detention center at the Guantanamo Bay Naval Base. / US Navy

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 11 June 2025 — Nearly 9,000 immigrants, 800 of them European citizens, could end up in the detention center at the US naval base in Guantanamo Bay, in eastern Cuba. The news, leaked Tuesday by Politico and expanded hours later by the Washington Post, has raised concerns among some State Department officials because it implicates nationals of allied countries that cooperate with the repatriations.

The process is imminent and could begin this Wednesday, according to documents and testimony from both media outlets. The 9,000 people being evaluated for transfer to Guantánamo include a multitude of Haitians and others from various countries, including Russia.

But what has drawn the most attention is the presence of hundreds of Europeans, from the United Kingdom, Italy, France, Germany, Ireland, Belgium, the Netherlands, Lithuania, Poland, Turkey, and Ukraine, among those mentioned, although the possibility of more is not ruled out. The officials who provided the information to the media requested anonymity because the information is “highly sensitive.” Even more serious, the document contemplates the possibility that the affected countries will not be notified in advance of the measure.

“The message is to shock and horrify people, to unsettle them. But we are allies,” a State Department official told Politico.

“The message is to shock and horrify people, to unsettle them. But we are allies,” a State Department official—who is familiar with the plan and whose identity has also been withheld— told Politico. According to this source, diplomats from the agency led by Marco Rubio are trying to continue reading

dissuade the Department of Homeland Security (DHS) by arguing that it is unnecessary to open a conflict with cooperating countries.

The only known reaction so far comes from Italy, whose government is among those most in tune with the current US administration. Foreign Minister Antonio Tajani has said he will speak with the Secretary of State on Thursday to clarify the situation but does not foresee any problems.

“Italy has already informed the US administration that it is willing to welcome back the illegal immigrants, with full respect for their individual rights and consular assistance. Therefore, there should be no possibility of Italians being taken to Guantánamo,” he explained on Wednesday. “There’s no need to dramatize the situation because the Italians would be repatriated to Italy. We don’t know how many illegal immigrants there are; we have no data. But we will do everything possible to ensure that no Italians are taken to Guantánamo,” he added.

The opposition, however, has already cried out against the mere possibility. “We are facing an event of unprecedented gravity, which not only affects Italian citizens, but also the overall panorama of human rights in the United States,” said Angelo Bonelli of the Greens and Left Alliance. Centrist Raffaella Paita was not far behind. “The very idea of ​​deporting immigrants to a military base known for human rights violations is indecent and immoral. The government must act firmly to protect our fellow citizens,” she said.

“The very idea of ​​deporting immigrants to a military base known for human rights violations is indecent and immoral. The government must act firmly to protect our fellow citizens.”

Among the preparatory tasks included in the document is the incorporation of medical examinations of those affected, to assess whether they meet the health requirements for transfer. This finding is disturbing, especially given that the Guantanamo Bay detention center is linked in memory to the human rights violations and abuses documented at the prison, which was used for years to house jihadists detained for terrorism.

The prison is a separate facility from the center that temporarily houses undocumented migrants, about 500 in recent months and 70 at the moment. However, a report published in September 2024 by the New York Times, based on internal government reports, revealed that detainees face precarious conditions at Guantánamo, including allegations that they are forced to wear opaque glasses during transfers within the base, that their calls with lawyers are monitored, and that some facilities are infested with rats.

The document states that the stay at Guantánamo would be temporary, but no timeframe is set. Spokespeople for DHS and the State Department have declined to comment officially on the matter, while a Defense official said there were no changes and would not discuss possible “future missions.”

Politico notes that the situation coincides with the exponential increase in detained illegal immigrants, as well as the demand by Stephen Miller, Trump’s advisor on the matter, to arrest 3,000 people per day. This keeps the country’s detention centers at capacity, hence, presumably, the idea of ​​freeing up space with the move to Guantánamo, which the president already announced in January when he ordered its expansion to 30,000 beds for this use.

Migrant rights organizations, which filed a complaint, believe that there is no problem of space and that the use of Guantanamo is for propaganda purposes.

Migrant rights organizations, which filed a complaint, believe there is no such space issue and that the use of Guantánamo is for propaganda purposes, given the terror the name generates and the conditions experienced in the area designated for immigrants. The case is pending before U.S. District Judge Carl Nichols, a Trump appointee.

The Guantanamo Bay naval base, leased to Cuba since 1903—despite the current regime’s opposition—covers 113 square kilometers and houses, on average, about 140 prisoners. According to Democratic Senator Gary Peters of the Homeland Security and Governmental Affairs Committee, the cost per detainee is around $100,000 per day.

The Army installed an extension in February with tents for about 3,000 people, but it was dismantled shortly afterward due to lack of use. According to the Washington Post, the current documents state that it is underutilized.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Matcom Strike Against Etecsa in Havana is Called Off But Maintained in Holguín

In the eastern province, the dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences has threatened students, while the university rector asks for “no repression.”

Faculty of Mathematics and Computer Science at the University of Havana, this Monday / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 9 June 2025 — The students of the Faculty of Mathematics and Computing (Matcom) of the University of Havana, the first student group to call a strike against Etecsa’s price increases  (el tarifazo) — which affect internet and phone service — is also the first to cancel the strike this Monday, while it continues in other parts of the country, particularly at the Faculty of Social Sciences in Holguín.

The voting at Matcom reveals, however, a high level of discrepancy, since only 51% of participants (173) voted in favor of returning to the classroom, while 82 students were opposed and 25 abstained, according to information provided by the Council of the University Student Federation (FEU). 

During the coming week, says the text, they will wait for the results of the working group that is evaluating solutions to the conflict, while other ways of showing their dissatisfaction and concern that do not affect the teaching are considered. They express confidence that a solution will be found to ensure “the right of the people to free access to information and communications”. 

The hill of the University of Havana is apparently back to normal]

This Monday, according to 14ymedio, the hill of the University of Havana is apparently back to normal. There was student movement at Matcom, while the cafeteria near Philosophy, History and Sociology was closed for electrical problems. The students rested in the shade on the benches of one of the courtyards. 

In contrast, the situation is different in the east of the country, where, according to sources, the dean of the Faculty of Social Sciences in Holguín has personally warned the scholarship students, one by one, of the consequences for their future employment. Despite this, the majority of students at the provincial university are not going to class, whose rector has called for “no repression of the students”. Students are coming to the classrooms, according to these same sources, only to meet and organize the protests. continue reading

The unrest generated in the universities remains latent, whatever the decision, to the point that the official media, La Joven Cuba, published an editorial whose title itself points out the gravity of the situation for the authorities: “Time is running out”, and it develops the idea that this crisis “may define the fate of the country”.

Students in the courtyard of the cafeteria of the University of Havana, closed this Monday for electrical problems / 14ymedio

The editorial goes beyond the mere tarifazo in practical terms and questions the actions of a government that makes decisions without the citizenry and without responding “effectively to the demands rightly made”. It says that what happened was predictable. According to 14ymedio sources, the workers of the state telecommunications monopoly, Etecsa, did not know until Friday the 30th what the price changes were going to be. “It’s going to be loaded,” said a Holguín employee at the meeting, where several warned of the criticisms that would rain down.

The editorial of La Joven Cuba says that the tarifazo goes beyond a specific issue and channels a malaise that spreads like an oil stain by the impoverishment of “many segments of the population”.  Meanwhile, it reproaches, nothing changes in the political culture of the State. “Those who designed and supported the announcement of the measures assumed that it was enough to communicate them for the people to accept,” a decision that not only is a “communication error” but also a “political” one. 

The text goes further: it deplores the verticality of the State and points directly to the military conglomerate Gaesa, the real owner of Etecsa, which is “a very difficult obstacle to overcome” for its “preponderance” in the economy and the fact that it “escapes” not only from popular control but also from the supervision of the State and the Comptroller’s Office. 

The editorial also asks for explanations – coinciding with what this newspaper warned about after the appearance of Miguel Díaz-Canel in a podcast – because the alleged technological disaster of Etecsa has neither been reported nor planned to avoid this situation. “And, above all, why should the population pay more for services that don’t improve and suffer, without alternative, the consequences of the poor management”? 

The text leaves no stone unturned. It accuses the government of leaving the country without a business law in a situation of economic collapse; of continuing with a dollarization that does not offer outlets to the population but only more problems; and, above all, of “entrenching itself in the notion that current conditions cannot be changed”.  Although it admits that there are limitations arising from the blockade, this argument cannot be used by the government without being accompanied by the “necessary criticisms of its economic and political management”. 

“The Cuban Government seems to be more comfortable making strong denunciations of what the opposition says or does, rather than addressing the real problems facing it internally,” it continues. However, it does consider that “although the PCC has lost leadership, opposition movements organized inside and outside the country have not been able to fill these gaps – among other factors, because they do not present a viable and credible plan to improve the living conditions of the majority”. 

The long text ends by urging authorities to realize that the main damage “is not to people’s pockets, but to trust, already difficult to sustain” and reminds them that they have less than two months to act. “If the government is not able to reverse course; if the National Assembly of People’s Power does not reflect this malaise with debate in July; if ultimately, the politics do not change and the integral reform of the economy is not pushed once and for all, the time will come when there will be no room for maneuvering, no political confidence to rescue”. 

Meanwhile, groups protesting the tarifazo continue to emerge. On Monday, the messages of rejection from several Christian churches in Cuba, such as the Pentecostal, the Presbyterian and the Baptist, traditionally linked to the opposition,  have spread, according to Martí Noticias. In addition, a call for a “boycott” by the exile community continues to circulate on social networks, asking that those in the community not contribute by paying for recharges in the hard currency that the regime so desires.

“I would never dare to ask them to stop sending remittances for food, because, unfortunately, food for Cubans depends on the people they have on the outside. But the phone refills are different; it will not affect them greatly if they cannot access more data with gigabytes”, said activist Saily González Velázquez, who lives in Miami. She, like other exiles, accuses the state telecommunications company of carrying out a new kind of “apartheid” among Cubans, this time a technological one. 

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Camagüey, Cuba Lost More Than 66,000 Cattle in 2024

“If this trend continues, there will be no livestock in approximately 15 years.”

Managers interviewed believe that with a little expertise, all producers could meet their agreements with the State / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, June 10, 2025 — At the end of 2024, Camagüey had 432,749 head of cattle, after losing more than 66,000 in those twelve months alone. ” If this trend continues, in about 15 years there will be no livestock” in the province, concludes Granma, who wants to make clear that it is based on these data and not on speculation. The official daily publishes this Tuesday the second part of an article aimed at addressing the livestock situation in that territory, formerly at the forefront of the sector.

The first, released on Monday, was dedicated to the collapse of milk production, and, although no figures were provided for the liters delivered to industry, it could be concluded that they were smaller than the 50,000 needed for children, according to the officials themselves. In today’s text, the amount is still unclear but the newspaper asks “how a province of 70 and 80 million liters of milk came to be producing less than half of five years ago.” In 2019, Camagüey reached 91.7 million liters, while in 2023 it was 42. The plan for this year is 44.6 million.

This time, Granma focuses mainly on the loss of livestock, without which, logically, the quantity of milk drops. Last year, there were 58,963 deaths “for various causes” in the province, and 7,143 illegal slaughters of livestock, but also 4,300 deaths so far this year. The blame, according to the authorities of the sector, falls on the farmer. continue reading

Last year, there were 58,963 deaths “for various causes” in the province, and 7,143 illegal slaughters of livestock, but also, so far this year, 4,300 deaths have been recorded

“During these last years there has been very bad management of the mass. One of the reasons, to cite an example, is that many producers applied for land for livestock without knowing how to raise it. That is also why there was a rise in the deaths of animals, mainly last year”, says José Antonio Gil Pérez, head of the Livestock Department of the Provincial Delegation of Agriculture.

René Mola Valero, director of Acopio was also interviewed in the first part of the publication, and he agrees, and is in a position to do so because of his “guajiro roots”. He believes that it is easy to comply with the agreement, since fewer animals are always contracted than predicted births, 55% of cows and 30% of heifers. “You already have the necessary conditions to meet the plan. In addition to that, the contracting policy states that the farmer delivers 87% of the milk to the industry”, he asserts.

Gil Pérez insists on the “shortcomings” that are counted so far, among them “producers who did not prepare for the dry period” and others who “made mistakes in the procurement process itself”, which forces a recalculation “to give the farmer who has failed in the first quarter the opportunity to recover in spring”. There is no mention of the reasonable complaints of the producers, who this Monday told Granma that non-payments are the order of the day and that stores with the necessary supplies are empty.

The official gives only a couple of optimistic data, and it is that in March the livestock numbers increased compared to the previous month. However, the numbers still look poor, since the goal for the end of the year is to grow by 55%, and by this date “they should be around 15%”, he notes. However, six of the 13 municipalities in the province are below 10 per cent. Pérez is also pleased that there were more than 1,000 fewer illegal slaughters than in the previous year, although they are already at 1,600.

The disadvantages mentioned by the managers include the lack of nitrogen and transport, both necessary for insemination and which have led to the choice of direct mounting, although the quality of the process suffers. “We are looking for funding to set up a small nitrogen plant at the artificial insemination site and put this important process back into operation,” says Pérez.

If the province’s 533 refrigerators were working well, 384,300 liters could be stored, practically all the milk that can be collected in a day, adds the official, deploring the conditions

The lack of money even affects the refrigeration. Although Camagüey has 177 centers and 44 cold milk delivery points, some 80 refrigerators (15%) are broken, and there are no spare parts to repair them. ” There will always be producers from whom, because of poor conditions or due to distance, it is not economical to collect milk, but those in are the minority”, he says. If the 533 refrigerators of the province were working well, 384,300 liters could be stored, practically all the milk that can be collected in a day, adds the official, deploring the conditions.

Another financial issue is that related to the lack of cash, which hits the sector especially and which, according to Gil Pérez, he is trying to solve by negotiating with the banks, although without results, as seen when talking with the farmers. There is also no hard currency, the incentive used in Nicaragua but not available for the Láctea company.

Danilo Porto Valdes, director of that entity, says they have been punctual with payments in March, without specifying whether the example is random or is just a month in which it was achieved. ” Every day, we pay for 10,305 liters at 70 pesos and lose 31 pesos, because the subsidy only pays 39, which then has to be recovered with other productions; however, deliveries, instead of growing, are decreasing compared to the previous year by 187,200 liters of milk”, he reveals.

The manager complains that the company faces multiple expenses, having to fetch and deliver milk every day with diesel, repairing the trucks they use for delivery and paying their workers, which doesn’t balance with the subsidy paid by the State for the milk. “According to a study carried out by the University, in 2024 we lost 222 million pesos, all without giving up on profits and improving the salary of our workers”, he says. “That is the effort this socialist State-owned company is making to get 25 cents’ worth of milk for each child.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

‘Sórdida Tropical’: Carlos Lechuga Writing Without Apologies

Carlos Lechuga presents his most insolent novel in Madrid

Unlike many Cuban intellectuals who graduate from Literature with a torrent of readings, Lechuga  is a child of cinema; he learned more to watch than to read. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 9 June 2025 — Madrid/ Carlos Lechuga presented Sórdida Tropical this Saturday at Arenales, the Madrid bookstore that has become something of a spiritual embassy for the Cuban creative exile. Published by Hypermedia, ‘Sórdida Tropical’ is not exactly his latest novel, but rather his first—one he wrote almost a decade ago and which slept the sleep of innocent beasts until the world, or at least a part of it, was once again ready to read it.

Because Sórdida Tropical, as Ulises Padrón Suárez pointed out in the presentation, is incorrect to the core. Tropical, yes. Sordid, of course. And completely cancelable if it were read by a neo-Puritan reading committee.

The novel drags us through a Havana that reeks of sweat, decadence, stale ideology, and the New Man.

Narrated in the first person—because Lechuga doesn’t know how or want to do it any other way—the novel sweeps us through a Havana that reeks of sweat, decadence, stale ideology, and the New Man. Its protagonist, a nameless, unfiltered man, is misogynistic, fetishistic, racist, sexually predatory, and culturally opportunistic. He seeks excitement in the armpits of the tropics while the city, and an entire country, burns around him. continue reading

Lechuga, born in Havana in 1983, is best known for his films: Melaza (2012), Santa y Andrés (2016, censored by the regime), and Vicenta B (2022), his most intimate work. But he has also demonstrated a keen eye with his pen. If not, just ask those who read ’En brazos de la mujer casada’ (2000) or his most recent essay-novel, ’Esta es tu casa, Fidel’ (2024), where he already warned that his goal was to speak clearly, without unnecessary nuances.

Unlike many Cuban intellectuals who graduate from Literature with a torrent of readings, Lechuga is a child of cinema; he learned to watch more than to read. He studied at the Faculty of Audiovisual Communication (Famca) and the International School of Film and Television of San Antonio de los Baños. Perhaps that is why his prose is visual, sharp, without makeup or academic posturing.

“This book must be kept for ten years”

The story behind Sórdida Tropical is a good enough story for another novel. The manuscript was initially rejected by a Spanish publisher who, somewhat panicking, told him: “This book needs to be kept for ten years.” Perhaps she feared that, in a world where even Sleeping Beauty has been criticized for a stolen kiss, someone might mistake the author for his character.

But Lechuga isn’t his nameless protagonist. He doesn’t walk the streets ignoring what he’s stepping on, nor has he needed any ’levers’ to create. More than once, he’s taken the plunge and suffered the corresponding chill of an artist who dares to get wet in an authoritarian context.

The novel oozes references: Guillermo Rosales’s Boarding Home, the dirty fatalism of Pedro Juan Gutiérrez, the tropical existentialism of Desnoes. Lechuga, however, doesn’t seek to imitate anyone. His strength lies in the brazenness with which he writes, in the way he “strips” the sentences and leaves the reader like the characters: vulnerable and “bare-bones.” It’s a kind of literary OnlyFans, but with more neurosis than simple raw meat.

Lechuga has said that he wrote the novel in the midst of the crisis

At one point, Sórdida Tropical was called Nebula, and also Burn Havana, Burn It All. And not for pure effect: this novel is an emotional, cultural, and aesthetic burning. A release without anesthesia that brings out the rot that many prefer to ignore.

Lechuga has said he wrote it in the midst of a crisis: exiled from the cinema, sleeping on his mother’s couch, and with a fierce need to say everything. That is why the book burns. That is why he doesn’t ask permission or offer explanations.

Some might say there’s nothing new under the sun, but the context in which this novel is published elevates the risk. This book of protest—or proteXXXta, as Lechuga calls it—was not born in a time when the brashness of the intruder is celebrated, but in one where the market assumes new moral rules. And its courage doesn’t lie in defending horror; on the contrary, it lies in not sweeping it under the rug.

Welcome, Sórdida Tropical. A book to be read in one gulp, with an arched eyebrow and a fan in the background. It’s not meant to decorate your bookshelf: it’s meant to be handled, discussed, and perhaps—if you’re not afraid of fire—read again.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.