Summer Came / Iván García

La Habana Vieja, July 2012. (AP)

Swallow hard. Or take a sedative. Break the piggy bank and withdraw the money. It’s summer. For parents it is not good news.

In the months of July and August electricity bills multiply. Fans and TVs are running all day. And if you have air conditioning, your children, overwhelmed by a suffocating heat, turn it on before the appointed time.

To hell with the savings. Let’s look at the Romero couple. In July of 2011 the electric bill was 600 pesos. This year the cost could give them a heart attack. And they’re already making plans. “We have a new air conditioner, a microwave oven. So, on the low side, we’re looking at a thousand pesos,” says Felipe.

Then come the other expenses. Planning outings with two boys of 9 and 11. An extra daily meal for two months, which means more money spent on eggs, chicken, pork, rice, beans and fruits.

Also a lot of cleaning and detergent. “Children with this heat is usually bathe twice a day. And we must be constantly washing their hands given dengue and communicable diseases. Throw in their street games and their clothes get dirtier,” says Sara with her eyes wide open.

At least the Romero couple have relatives across the puddle who send them $300 to $400 regularly. So they can bear it, with a song in their heart.

It is true that in the summer of 2012, $100 doesn’t buy what it bought in the 90’s. The government imposes a tax of 13%.

And when the Romeros go to the hard-currency stores, they shake their heads, perplexed by rising prices. “Everything costs more than it did five years ago. Milk powder is now 5.75 CUC, which is up from 5.25 last month. Also the personal hygiene supplies and other essentials. I do not know where to the Government’s going. When it’s time to squeeze pockets they are experts,” says Philip angrily.

In these summer holidays there will be no weekend in Varadero. His relatives in Miami are also struggling to make ends meet. The solution is to go to free outdoor spaces or pay 30 pesos per person to “under the table” bus companies who make charter trips to the beaches east of Havana.

Or visit museums. And buy books in pesos. But if the Romero couple is living in hard times, what about the Pedrazas. Well, if we can call them a family. There are so many of them they could make up a squad in the army. They live in two damp unpainted rooms in a tenement in the Colon neighborhood of Central Havana.

Fidel Castro is better friends with George W. Bush than with a Pedraza. It’s a dysfunctional family. Some of the masculine sex have the fixed address of a cell in a maximum security prison.

Half of their lives have been behind bars. The periods of freedom are a small oasis. Between robberies and scams they have left behind several children whom they don’t maintain.

That job is for mothers, grandmothers and aunts. People who are not exemplary. On the contrary. Due to alcohol and hard times. The money they make selling cheap goods they spend on smoking marijuana and drinking cheap rum.

Their dwelling is a small cave. The women are prostitutes. And the men plan petty thefts. The street has no secrets for them.

And the boys left school. Looking to live life on their own terms. Selling fruits and beans from a wheelbarrow. Or pedaling a bike-taxi for ten hours. The worst of them have it easier, thanks to pimping or selling “yuma” (foreign) marijuana.

Badly raised, the Pedrazas eat separately. And take it in turns to use the kitchen. It is not uncommon that family squabbles will escalate to machetes in hand and throwing bottles.

They are a social case. The youngest children think like adults. And from the earliest ages they go for a swim off the reefs along the Malecon. Or ask tourists for gum and money.

Overcrowded they sleep on dirty mattresses. Luckily they don’t pay a penny for light. Someone with electrical knowledge “hung” a line from a state agency.

To ask them what they do in the summer is to provoke a laugh. “The same. Every morning we think about how to get some pesos. It’s what floats the boat. Perhaps the novelty is that this summer on TV we’ll watch the Olympic Games,” said Eugenio.

At least in 2012, there’s something different for the Pedrazas.

From DiariodeCuba.com

5 July 2012

A Stronghold of Medical Power / Regina Coyula

Ameijeiras Brothers Hospital in Havana. Source: Flickr

The phrase was spontaneous; Ameijeiras Brothers Hospital is one of the last bastions of medical power. My husband is a patient there and I go every day. Unlike other hospitals, I don’t have to “move there” bringing my own bedding, fan, light bulbs, cleaning supplies and of course the food; barely a bucket for those who would prefer to bathe in hot water.

The building is clean and air-conditioned, the rooms have televisions and telephones, the staff is friendly, the doctors there seem real doctors with long-sleeved coats and ties. The food is not very varied, but decent and served in earthenware dishes, not the infamous tin trays. The operation isn’t the best with regards to the lack of elevators in service, serious in a hospital of 25 floors, but this is just a nitpick after so many benefits.

So yes, what should be the norm is the exception. And I’m not talking about the television and telephone. Nor even the air conditioning.

July 12 2012

Mini-Capitalism or Death / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo


The Yellow Pages of the ETECSA Telephone Guide report this year the first official post-socialist symptom. A more literary symptom, let’s say, almost a stylistic question: with good sense, without the extreme shrill of the vanguard nor the vainglory of the new class, the self-employed Cubans can at last advertise in this million-issue pamphlet.

Timidly, as one doesn’t completely trust the State’s imprimatur, a very limited number of the most entrepreneurial citizenry on the island already appears on the ETECSA list: a revolutionary species, where the hundred or so occupations officially blessed by the Raulista reforms can pay for self-promotion without violating the discipline of openness.

It is about, according to the slogan, “the best response of ETECSA to the demands of those who always need to be informed”. With a call to 118 and a few introductory papers, any micro-empresario can become immortalized in writing for the economic (and soon, ecumenical) history of this country.

The majority of customers venture only their business names along with a phone number and an address. The elite minority, with a more flexible vision and numismatic resolution, contracts for a half-page or perhaps a full yellow page, with pictures and deluxe infographics (that which doesn’t exclude our usual kitsch that spreads to Miami).

Small eateries and hairdressers. Pets and massages. Watchmakers and tutors of this or that educational subject. Photos and chic cafeterias. Bookbinding and mobile (with the iPhone in the middle of everything) services. Web and birthday designers. Books and laundries. Fashions and moving. Punchers and plumbing. Rentals and artisans. Marabú charcoal and insurance agencies. Shoemakers and locks. In principal, no traces of censorship nor ideological apartheid. Show me the money, countrymen! In the end, the proletarian paradise in person …

Cuba is changing, comrades: please don’t cling to violations of human rights and other Stalinist delicacies. Don’t perversely ask God for the impossible, either.

Nonetheless, there are two opinions in Cuba that I’d like to confront with respect to our nascent promotional sensationalism: some theoretic diatribe from that neo-Calvinist, anti-capitalist called Critical Observer (where they confuse solvency with exploitation) and simultaneously, an inflexible thought of Fidel’s (I assume still unaware of this daring act of self-management or perhaps this conspiracy of the self-employed).

In one and another clean corner of the ring, this column might serve as a betrayal.

May 26 2012

The Making, and Translating, of Generation Y / Translating Cuba

Introduction to Yoani Sánchez’s book Havana Real, published in 2011.

By Mary Jo Porter

In 2004, Yoani Sánchez returned to Cuba two years after emigrating to Switzerland, where she and her family had planned to start a new life in a free and democratic country. Explaining a condition of her return, she said:

I promised myself that I would live in Cuba as a free person, and accept the consequences.

This book is one of those consequences.

Yoani was born in 1975 in a tenement in Central Havana to parents who were just a few years older than the Revolution. She inherited her love of books from her father (an engineer on the national railway), worked hard at school, and proudly put the Little Pioneer scarf around her neck, vowing to “Be like Che!”

She was fourteen the Berlin Wall fell and the Soviet Union cut most of its $6 billion annual subsidy to Cuba. Fidel Castro warned the nation that it was facing “a special period in a time of peace.” Yoani’s adolescence was marked by this Special Period, a time of terrible scarcity—when a word, alumbrón, was coined for the unusual situation of electricity being on; when fried grapefruit rinds took the place of meat in the national diet; when, it was rumored, melted condoms sometimes stood in for the cheese on a concoction that was anything but “pizza.”

Yoani finished high school during the Special Period and was accepted to the University of Havana. She had dreams of becoming a journalist but instead found herself channeled into philology—the study of words. At 17, she met her future husband, Reinaldo Escobar, a fired-journalist-turned-elevator-mechanic, and when she was 19 their son, Teo, was born.

Though she continued to study after Teo’s birth and went on to receive her degree, she did not pursue a career in academia. Her incendiary thesis, Words Under Pressure: A Study of the Literature of the Dictatorship in Latin America, assured that her scholarly interests would not be welcomed. She has no regrets.

Working as a freelance Spanish teacher and as a guide for German tourists allowed Yoani to help support her family, but it couldn’t compensate for the disenchantment and economic suffocation of daily life under the Castro dictatorship. When she left for Switzerland in 2002, she was traveling a well-worn path, one taken by tens of thousands of Cubans every year. Her decision to return was far less common.

Before leaving for Switzerland, Yoani had already built her first computer out of spare parts. When she returned home, she, Reinaldo, and a few friends started the online magazine Consensus, with Yoani in the role of designer and webmaster.

In April 2007, combining her love of language with computing skills that she had further honed in Switzerland, she launched her own blog, Generación Y—the “Y” referring to the popularity of that letter in her generation’s first names.

To post her entries she had to dress as a tourist and pretend to speak only German so she could sneak into hotel Internet cafés, at a time when burly bouncers enforced the law barring Cubans from tourist hotels.
The blog was a work in progress, and it wasn’t until December of 2007 that she was able, for the first time, to provide her readers with the chance to comment. As she described it:

In the moment of that first reader comment, I felt my blog come alive. Become its own being. Wherever I am, whatever I’m doing, even as I sleep, people are visiting Generation Y, talking to me, to each other, telling their own stories. . .yes, that’s exactly what it’s like. . . no, no it’s not, you’re crazy. . . stop, wait a minute. . . no, no, listen . . . listen . . . oye. . . .

The reach and power of Yoani’s blog soon grew. In early 2008, she was awarded Spain’s most prestigious journalism prize, and Time magazine named her one of the “100 Most Influential People in the World.” A few weeks later, the Cuban regime’s “cyber response brigade” was finally able to block access to her blog throughout Cuba, and suddenly Yoani herself could no longer see her site. A team of helpers—led by a Cuban exile in Canada who had studied journalism with Reinaldo at the University of Havana—picked up the reins. From that point on, Yoani had to rely on the help of friends and strangers, e-mailing her entries for others to post.

When Gorki Aguila, the leader of the punk rock band Porno Para Ricardo, was arrested on a Monday in August of 2008 and charged with “pre-criminal dangerousness,” Yoani and friends—in Cuba and abroad—drew on the growing influence of her blog and the power of the Internet. By Wednesday, the scheduled day for Aguila’s trial, his plight was already in headlines around the world. The regime delayed the trial to let it all blow over, but on Friday, the international news media gathered outside the courtroom with their cameras and commentators. Later that evening Aguila walked free, with an almost certain four-year prison sentence reduced to a $25 fine.

For the first time, Cuba-watchers said, the power of the Internet launched from within the country had “pushed the wall.” And Yoani’s reach continued to expand. In 2009, she became the first (and, to date, the only) blogger to interview President Barack Obama.

Although she once called herself an “accidental blogger,” Yoani was energized by the power of words floating in a cyberspace she could barely see. She and Reinaldo began a program to similarly energize others throughout Cuba, holding blogger-training sessions in other towns. In 2010, with the help of friends and fellow bloggers, they founded the Blogger Academy, which operates out of their living room. These efforts paid off as the number of Cuban bloggers exploded.

I first became aware of Yoani and Generation Y in late 2007, soon after a Canadian friend invited me to join her on a trip to Havana. It is not, in fact, illegal for Americans to go to Cuba—we just can’t spend any money there. When my friend offered to make that problem go away, I couldn’t board the plane fast enough. Anticipatory Internet surfing turned up Yoani’s blog, and I was instantly captivated.

Soon I was flying into a warm winter island that was both oddly familiar and completely unexpected. Cuba looks exactly like its photos, and yet it feels different. I found that my Spanish—a grand total of five weeks of immersion classes—allowed me to have long and engaging conversations, and I fell in love with Cuba and Cubans. Something felt like home. Completely unforeseen, however, was the weight of the totalitarian state. Slowly, I began to feel that the intangible difference—the part that I couldn’t quite get a handle on—was that weight.

Before I went to Cuba, I had read Generation Y in English translation, but soon after my return, the translations stopped appearing. I was struggling to read it in Spanish when Yoani posted a note saying she needed a new translator. I waited, but nothing happened. “Well,” I thought, “someone has to do it.” After struggling for three days over the first three-paragraph entry, I sent Yoani my efforts with a cover e-mail that, if I remember correctly, simply said, in this troublesome language, “Here.”

Her succinct reply was the password to the English site. I immediately put a note in the sidebar—“This blog is the work of volunteer translators, please help us”—the plural “us” reflecting my optimism that help would come.

And it did. From an American student of Spanish who became my co-translator for many months, from a Cuban-Canadian, a Cuban-Spaniard with an American mother, an American who’d gone to Cuba in 1971 to cut sugar cane for Fidel’s Ten Million Ton Harvest but who went now with cash stuffed in her bra to help young people escape, a Cuban-American with a degree in comparative literature, a college student in Miami whose father spent 14 years in Castro’s prisons. Even my daughter helped out.

Soon the English site became a focal point for other languages, as volunteers from around the world filled my inbox: a retired psychiatrist in Brazil; an attorney in Amsterdam; a furniture-store owner in Japan; students in Portugal, Finland and Korea; a professor in Romania who set all his students to work: they all joined translators already working in Polish, German, French, and other languages.

As Yoani expanded the Cuban blogosphere, the translators were determined to support these new voices. An old friend and I worked to create a cooperative online translation site—HemosOido.com—where anyone can come and translate. In all, more than two hundred people have already helped spread the words of the Cuban bloggers around the world.

With the password to her website, Yoani also gave me the gift of her language, her island, her friends, and a network of people around the globe who believe that humans possess certain inalienable rights, one of which is to speak our minds freely and without fear.

To this day I have never met Yoani nor any of the other bloggers, and I have only met two of the translators. But I know about their lives, celebrate their graduations, congratulate them on their weddings, welcome their babies (and grandbabies) into the world, and am grateful for their friendships.

And I imagine a day in the not-too-distant future when we will all gather on Havana’s Malecon and sit side-by-side on that seaside wall, laughing about how different everyone is from whatever it was we expected and sharing the joy of being together in a free Cuba . . . all of us brought together by the promise that Yoani made to herself just a few years ago: To live—in Cuba—as a free person.

M.J. Porter, 2011

A Little More Moringa / Regina Coyula

Moringa has become a “trending topic.” But aside from all the thoughtful analysis Fidel’s reflective mention has merited, I note with the moringa that our ex-president still has the clout to order the sowing of this miraculous plant and to override, in a new Special Plan, the normal work of specialists in cultivation techniques, plant health and agricultural limits, according to his own liking.

Even a specialist who pleaded that she had to attend to her sick mother, now has three nurses around the clock caring for her, while she herself spends her time keeping the plantings of Moringa Oleífera free of pests and other things.

Everything is set up on a mini-scale of what I suppose in another time would have been a national pandemonium over the “discovery” of this plant; I don’t know how moringa will be turned into food for the body, but with the double phallic connotation* of its name, and the ludicrous “Reflection” column that focused a spotlight on it, I am sure that it will be spiritual food for a diverse collection of jokes for a long time to come.

*Translator’s note:
“Moringa” is similar to, or rhymes with, more than one Cuban word for various body parts or sex acts.

July 11 2012

More on the Zoo at 26th / Rebeca Monzo

I went to the Zoological Park when the sun was still beating down.

In my tour I could see the lion sleeping or exhausted, indifferent too the proddings of a public who want to see him standing up and roaring.

I went to the fountain of my childhood, thinking I could find some water to refresh my hands.

Not only was it empty it was very badly cared for. I decided to go see Monkey Island.

The island didn’t have any monkeys and its waters were putrid.

Then I thought I’d go see the beautiful birds from different countries on exhibit in enormous cages and the peacocks that walk among the visitors; but I couldn’t because a vet was working there and I crossed the street with him and on asking he said, “There are almost no important species left and the cages are broken and rusted. The few peacocks that have survived we’ve had to put in cages so people don’t steal them.”

Disillusioned, I took the road for home; I preferred to remember those beautiful plumed creatures I had seen them many years ago. Now you can only see a single Australian species, which didn’t have a sign to tell you its name.

It’s rumored they are going to close the park now for repairs. I hope that this time it will not be simply cosmetic, and worth the trouble. It would be very sad to lose this zoo, that in its time was a architectural joy, making several generations of adults and children happy and, on its own merits, becoming an emblematic place in the city.

July 11 2012

Hate Crimes? / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado

“Click” to magnify the image

The Cuban paper Granma is an inexhaustible assortment of themes for any attentive reader. I , at the risk of seeming repetitive and without any intention of making copies of what they publish, found myself often challenging their texts and points of view, as in this case. The note shown in the image published by Prensa Latina, appeared on the first page of the aforementioned daily this past July 2 and because of its poor quality, I transcribe.

STOCKHOLM- Sweden reported a notable increase in hate crimes for the year 2011 compared to the previous year according to a report revealed by the Swedish National Council for the Prevention of Crime.

For the year 2011, the Nordic nation recorded 5493 crimes of this nature, some 350 more than during 2010. According to the study, racist acts, the majority of which took the form of verbal threats, followed by those with.the highest rate of physical violence, were most frequently directed at homosexuals.

In accordance with the most widely accepted understanding, hate crimes take place when a person attacks another and chooses their victim as a function of their belonging to a designated social group according to age, race, gender, gender identity, religion, ethnicity, nationality, political affiliation, handicap, or sexual orientation.

It seems that Prensa Latina is trying to ignore what happened in Cuba in the ’60s with these types of actions like when they reviled those who were leaving the country and prevented them from taking or disposing of their own property, even their toiletries. They are trying to ignore the humiliation that Cubans suffered in the following decades because of the simple fact of their wanting to emigrate and how they were sent to perform farm work in order to humiliate them further. They also revert to forgetfulness when the historic leader of the Revolution said publicly regarding those who were leaving Cuba, not to return: “we don’t want them, we don’t need them.”

I understand that it’s not constructive to spend one’s life “reading old newspapers”. But are they that old? The only and state supported television of my country lacks programs with lead actors considered black on account of their skin color; there is political discrimination, after all, only one party is recognized and legally accepted; and they attack defenseless women like the Women in White for standing up for the rights and freedom of the Cuban people. Are these not hate crimes fomented by the government itself?

Translated by William Fitzhugh

July 10 2012

The Centenary of the Death of Estenoz / Dimas Castellano

Evaristo Estenoz. Source: Afrocubaweb.com

An analysis of the role violence has played in Cuba history is long overdue. Looking back on death of Evaristo Estenoz in June, 1912 provides not only an opportunity to pay tribute to this man but also to focus attention on how the negative impacts of violence led to a fatal outcome.

Evaristo Estenoz returned to Cuba in May 1896 on a ship, Three Friends, captained by Rafael Portuondo. The expedition landed on the shores of Baconao on May 30, 1896 to join in the struggle for independence. It took part in several military actions by the Mambí Army, which was under the command of generals José Maceo and José María Aguirre. At the end of these actions he was promoted to the rank of Lieutenant.

After the war he worked as a building contractor, headed the bricklayers’ guild and organized one of the era’s most notable strikes in Havana — a strike in which the bricklayers were demanding a reduction in working hours and an increase in pay. In the search for social justice and an end to racial discrimination against blacks, Estenoz, like many black Cubans, joined the Liberal Party. He participated in the armed uprising of 1906 against the re-election of President Tomás Estrada Palma, a rebellion in which he served as adjutant to General Quintín Banderas and during which he achieved the rank of general.

A frustration with the list of candidates for the off-year elections in June, 1908, as well as concern over the suffering of blacks throughout Cuban history, led Estenoz to the decision to organize a political party independent of the Liberal Party and the Conservative Party. On August 7 he founded, along with other black leaders, the Independent Association of Color, later renamed Independent Party of Color(PIC), in which he served as president. He also became the director of Previsión (its official publication) and was the driving force behind an advanced and comprehensive but, given conditions at the time, unfeasible social program.

In the first issue of Previsión he outlined his reason for its founding with the following words:

“The colored race in Cuba can expect nothing from the measures used up till now by the political parties because they have done nothing for us that can be considered appreciable. . . By putting forth a slate in which all are candidates of color and not affiliated with political parties,we will demonstrate, so that no one will be able to deny, no matter how small this minority might be, that the results will always be greater than what has been delivered so far.”

The Independent Party of Color (PIC), Estenoz is in the center with a white coat and mustache. Source: Afrocubaweb.com

Once the PIC was established, he sought its legal recognition, which was granted by Enoch Crowder, president of the electoral commission during the second American intervention in Cuba.

The PIC platform espoused equality through racial integration. The verbal violence characteristic of our culture, however, allowed his enemies to accuse him of favoring racial separation after lambasting in Previsión the owners of a Havana hotel who had responded negatively to his request to provide services to him, a black Cuban. Outraged, Estenoz wrote, “Any man of color who does not immediately kill the coward who mistreats him in a public establishment is a wretched disgrace who dishonors his country and his race.” These and other unfortunate outbursts were used by the enemies of the PIC and by the government of General José Miguel Gómez as a rationale for shutting down and confiscating the publication, arresting Estenoz and encouraging racial hatred against blacks.

For this action Estenoz was arrested on February 6, 1910, charged with violating press laws and sentenced to 60 days in prison. Five days later he was sentenced to another 120 days for the same offense. On February 23, 1910 he was freed after being granted a congressional amnesty. Upon his release from prison he was taken by his supporters to the gates of the presidential palace where they carried out a demonstration against President Gómez.

During the time that Estenoz and others of his colleagues were detained, an amendment to the electoral was discussed in the Senate, introduced by Senator Martin Morúa Delgado aimed at prohibiting the existence of political parties composed exclusively of individuals of one race. The amendment was approved on February 14, 1910 in the Senate, with three dissenting votes, and passed the House where it was adopted on May 2, when Senator Morúa had already died.

From that moment the PIC launched a nationwide campaign aimed at repealing the law, so that by the end of April 1910, Estenoz and other members of the PIC were arrested for conspiracy and acquitted in December of that year during a trial on the matter.

While on bail, before he was acquitted at trial, despite the fact that the PIC was outlawed, its members could hold rallies and public demonstrations to demand the repeal of the Morúa Law and they could have an interview with the President of the Republic, as happened on February 17, 1912 and March 21 with Gerardo Machado, then Minister of Interior, who had issued a circular prohibiting such meetings. Something that in Cuba today would be a dream.

As a result of intolerance the conflict led to the armed uprising of May 20, 1912, conceived as a mechanism to pressure for the repeal of the Law. The government’s response was to throw all its forces against them.

On June 27, 1912, in the Alto Songo, the main leader of the PIC, Evaristo Estenoz, was killed or perhaps assassinated, as suggested by the fracture of the occipital discovered during the autopsy. From that moment the movement was weak and controlled by government forces.

This painful and tragic event, silenced for so long, deserves and requires further analysis and attention with the objective of extracting experiences valid for the present, including the nefarious role of physical or verbal violence in our history

July 4 2012

ETEC, On Line with Neglect / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado

From Ecopolis.org

Some months ago, I read on the Internet that the Cuban government had bought from Italy its portion of shares in Empresa de Telecomunicaciones de Cuba, S.A.*, better known by its acronym ETECSA. If it is now totally national, the abbreviation for “anonymous society” (S.A.) is superfluous. That purchase may be interpreted as a convenient “financial exclusion” of a foreign investor, whose economic injections in Cuba were fundamental to Cuban telephony. It is like a blockade in reverse, whereby the only beneficiary is the all-powerful state, which obtained the capital that it needed for that branch without having to cede too much to the liberating capitalist demands of its commercial associate.

I learned some days ago through the Cuban press, that they have facilitated the change of titled ownership for fixed landline phones: a fundamental step forward — some believe — toward the debureaucratization of that entity. I believe that it was a logical step after having legalized the purchase/sale of housing, because as is natural, some real estate properties include telephone service and it was ridiculous from a legal standpoint that it would be easier to be the owner of a house than of a phone.

Last May, the Ministry of Informatics and Communications approved Resolution No. 82, which makes possible the change of ownership title. Before, only transfers in cases of divorce, death, definitive emigration, or permutas** were allowed, in a country where only the minority of the population has access to that constant means of communication.

I don’t know if the procedure will be prompt or as slow and ineffective as state services tend to be for Cubans. We gain “the dignity” of recuperating “sovereignty” in our only telephone company in exchange for mistreatment, indolence and inefficiency for all of us Cubans who live on the archipelago.

This past 2nd of June my telephone line “passed away” and although we reported it on various occasions (several of our friends also did), we are still in mourning for the lack of communication.

What to do? Where to seek help? It appears that when there is financing from “foreign exploiters” mixed in with a government enterprise, we are better tended and paid, and less exploited than in one that is solely Cuban; and that “damned capitalism” is better than the capitalism of a ruling state, which ignores us, violates our rights and denies us services and attention.

When ETECSA was an anonymous society and a client reported a break in service, it would take two or three days to fix. Now that only a few months have passed since the state once again assumed control over the telephone enterprise as sole proprietor, it is as if there were no one tending to its given function. It is preferable that they charge us a diligent smile, rather than constantly advertising apparent and biliary benefits for the average Cuban, which are only in the minds of the highest political and bureaucratic class — generally demonstrating indolence and ineptitude.

The slogan “ETECSA: on line with the world” reflects the institutional frankness — aligned with the government — that they are fundamentally interested in the part of the orb which provides them with juicy dividends in the coin of the capitalist “enemy”, whom they criticize so much, and not in the other one — within our borders — without capital and exploited, to whom they imposed a line of silence and a devalued money that they disrespect and reject.

Note: My telephone service was reestablished two weeks after this text, which was delayed due to the impossibility of accessing the internet for a month.

Translator’s notes:
*Enterprise of Telecommunications of Cuba, Annonymous Society.
**Permutes are a legalized form of exchanges of living quarters.

Translated by: Maria Montoto

June 30 2012

Cholera / Anddy Sierra Alvarez

CóleraThe outbreak of cholera in Cuba is increasing, and the capital could have 10 cases. Still, the official media have not commented about it.

A source from the Capri polyclinic says there was a meeting in his workplace to learn that in the province — Ciudad Habana — there are 10 cases of cholera in the Covadonga hospital, located in the Havana municipality of Cerro.

The outbreak started in Granma province in the municipality of Manzanillo. The government quickly suspended trips to Granma, the affected province, and didn’t publicize the news until the death of three elderly people, justifying their death by the deterioration of health they had due to their advanced age.

Because of the delayed public alert by the mass media, citizens from Havana traveled to Granma province. Suspending the trips on the part of the government was not sufficient, because not all Cubans going to the eastern provinces always use that type of transport. Some neighbor or family member with their own transport can go see their family in the country and save money that way. Also, the crisis in the water supply to homes could have provoked the outbreak now that the water tends to go bad since it’s stagnant for several days.

If the official press were more immediate, the lack of knowledge on the part of citizens would have been avoided, and thus fatalities would occur with less frequency.

Translated by Regina Anavy

July 9 2012

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Should the U.S. raise a fist or offer a hand to Cuba? / Yoani Sánchez

Nobel prize nominee Yoani Sanchez
Nobel prize nominee Yoani Sanchez

Havana, Cuba (CNN) — In the ’90s a certain joke became very popular in the streets and homes of Cuba. It began with Pepito — the mischievous boy of our national humor — and told how his teacher, brandishing a photo of the U.S. president, launches into a harsh diatribe against him.

“The man you see here is the cause of all our problems, he has plunged this island into shortages and destroyed our productivity, he is responsible for the lack of food and the collapse of public transport,” the teacher says.
After these fierce accusations the teacher points to the face in the photo and asks her most wayward student, “Do you know who this is?” Smiling, Pepito replies, “Oh yes, … I know him, it’s just that without his beard I didn’t recognize him.”

From CNN

The joke reflects, to a large measure, the polarization of national opinion with regard to our economic difficulties and the restrictions on citizens’ rights that characterize the current Cuban system. While the official discourse points to the United States as the source of our greatest problems, many others see the Plaza of the Revolution itself as the root of all the failures of the last 53 years.

True or not, the reality is that each one of the 11 administrations that have passed through the White House since 1959 has influenced the course of this island, sometimes directly, other times as a pillar of support for the ideological propaganda of Fidel Castro’s government (and now that of his younger brother Raúl).

From CNN

Hence the growing expectations that circulate through the largest of the Antilles every time elections come around to decide who will sit in the Oval Office. Cuban politics depends so greatly on what happens in the ballot boxes on the other side of the Florida Straits — and some share the view that we have never been so dependent on our neighbor to the north.

Cuban diplomacy seems more comfortable contradicting America than seeking to solve the problems between the nations, which is why many analysts agree it would be easier for Raúl Castro to cope with an aggressive policy from Uncle Sam than with the more pragmatic approach of Barack Obama.

From CNN

Obama’s easing of the rules on family remittances, reestablishing academic travel, and increasing cultural exchanges add up to an unwieldy formula difficult for the Castro regime’s rhetoric to manage. But the regime has also tried to wring economic and political advantages from these gestures from Washington.

The real question in this dispute is which approach would more greatly affect democratization in Cuba — to display a fist? Or to offer a hand? To recognize the legitimacy of the government on the island? Or to continue to treat it as a kidnapper holding power over 11 million hostages?

From CNN

When the Democratic party, led by Barack Obama, came to the White House in January 2009, our official press was faced with a dilemma. On the one hand the newly elected president’s youth and his African descent made him immediately popular with Cubans, and it was not uncommon to find people walking the streets wearing a shirt or hat displaying the face of the former senator from Illinois. It was the first time in decades that some compatriots dared to publicly wear a picture of the “enemy” (the U.S. president) himself.

For a population that saw the top leaders of our own government approaching or passing 80, the image of a cheerful, limber, smiling Obama was more consistent with the myth of the Revolutionary than were the old men in olive green standing behind the national microphones.

Obama’s magnetism also captivated many here as well, and disappointed, of course, those who hoped for a heavier hand toward the gerontocracy in Havana.

Farewell socialism … hello to pragmatism

Beyond the political issues, the measures undertaken by the Obama administration were felt quickly in many Cuban families, particularly in their economy and relations with their exiled relatives in America.

From CNN

With the increased cash from remittances, the small businesses that emerged from Raul Castro’s reforms were able to use the money coming from the north for start-up capital and to position themselves. Meanwhile, thousands of Cuban-Americans arrived at José Martí airport every week loaded with packages, medicine and clothes to support their relatives on the island.

Those who see the Cuban situation as a pressure cooker that needs just a little more heat to explode feel defrauded by these “concessions” to Havana from the Democratic government. They are the same people who suggest that a hard line — belligerence on the diplomatic scene and economic suffocation — would deliver better results.

Sadly, however, the guinea pigs required to test the efficacy of such an experiment would be Cubans on the island, physically and socially wasting away until some point at which our civic consciousness would supposedly “wake up.” As if there are not enough historical examples to show that totalitarian regimes become stronger as their economic crises deepen and international opinion turns against them.

From CNN

No wonder Mitt Romney is a much talked about figure in the official Cuban press. His strong confrontational positions feed the anti-imperialism discourse like fuel to a fire. The Republican candidate has been the focus of numerous articles in the official organ of the Communist Party, the newspaper Granma. His photos and caricatures appear in this same daily that was stymied when trying to physically mock Obama. Given the high rate of mixed marriages among Cubans, it’s quite sensitive to enlarge the ears and fatten the lips of the U.S. president without it reading as racist ridicule.

If, in the eighties, the media’s political humor was honed in the wrinkled face of Ronald Reagan, and later the media had a field day with the physique of George W. Bush, for four years it has been cautious with the current resident of the White House. All this graphic moderation will go by the wayside if Mitt Romney is elected as the next president of the United States. There are those who are already laughing over the possible jokes to come.

From CNN

But whoever scores the electoral victory will find Cuba in a state of change. The reforms carried out by Raúl Castro lack the speed and depth most people desire, but are heading in the irreversible direction of economic opening. Havana is full of private cafés and restaurants, we can now buy and sell homes, and Cubans are even managing to sell the cars given to them during the era of Soviet subsidies in exchange for political loyalty. The timid changes driven by the General President are threatening to damage the fundamental pillars of Fidel Castro’s command. Volunteerism at any cost, coarse egalitarianism, active adventures abroad, and a country kept in a state of constant tension by the latest economic or political campaign appear to be gradually fading into things of the past.

Alan Gross and his wife in Jerusalem, before his arrest in Cuba. From CNN

On the other hand, citizens themselves have begun to experience the most definitive of transformations, that which occurs within. Public criticism is on the rise, although it has not yet found ways to be heard in all its diversity, but every day the fear of police reprisals diminishes.

The official media have unquestionably lost a monopoly on the flow of information and thanks to illegal satellite dishes Florida television now comes to Cuba. Alternative news networks circulate documentaries, films, and articles from independent journalists and bloggers. It’s as if the enormous ocean liner of Revolutionary censorship was taking on water through every porthole.

Young people are finally pushing to have Internet access, while the retired complain about their miserable pensions and almost everyone disagrees with the travel restrictions that prevent our leaving and returning to our own country. In short, the illusion of unanimity has fallen to pieces in Raúl Castro’s hands.

To this internal scenario, the result of the American elections could be a catalyst or obstacle for changes, but it is no longer the most important factor to consider. Although the billboards lining the streets continue to paint the United States as Goliath wanting to crush little David who represents our island, for an increasing number of people the metaphor doesn’t play out that way. They know that in our case the abusive giant is a government that tries to control the smallest aspects of our national life, while his opponent is a people who, bit by bit, is becoming more conscious of its real stature.

CNN Editor’s note: This is the fifth in a series of dispatches exploring how the U.S. election is seen in cities around the world. Yoani Sánchez is the Havana-based author of the blog Generation Y, which is translated by volunteers into 20 languages, and was nominated for the Nobel Peace Prize. This article was translated by Mary Jo Porter.

10 July 2012

The Two Wings of a Bird / Fernando Dámaso

Archive Photo

From time to time, when a Puerto Rican pro-independent visits Cuba, they will bring up in the corresponding discourses, that image by the Puerto Rican poetess Lola Rodriguez the two wings of a bird and the approach of Jose Marti, the first fight for the independence of Cuba and later for that of Puerto Rico, valid in the 19th century when both territories were Spanish colonies, but subsequently obsolete with the development of historical events, where Cuba obtained its independence and Puerto Rico became an “Associated Free State” of the United States (or the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, its official name in English).

In the 19th century, apart from its solidarity content, the Martian approach also had an eminently practical objective: to get the Puerto Rican residents in the Union, principally en Key West and Tampa (who were numerous) to help the Cuban cause economically with the commitment of doing the same for them once Cuban independence was achieved. Since then it has rained here a lot.

Today this approach, if one tried to put it into practice, would be considered an interference in internal matters by another state and would receive little support from international agencies. It is logical, no one has the right to decide about a foreign country.

According to the information I have (here these data are not published), Puerto Ricans mostly are in agreement with their status with the United States: in the last referendum held on the topic, some 48% (close to three thousand pro-independents, who voted at the last minute to prevent the country from becoming part of the United States as its 52nd state) were in agreement with keeping the current status of Associated Free State, 48% voted to join the US as a state and only 4% voted for independence. To summarize: 96% agree with the status (in one form or another) and only 4% do not. When they have taken later surveys among the population, 90% are in agreement with the current status and only 10% are not.

The reasons are understandable: the country has never had dictators, nor fratricidal fights, having enjoyed for decades a tranquil social climate and economic development. Besides keeping its flag, anthem and language (Spanish is mostly spoken but also English), its customs, culture, etc., and sharing also those of North America, they possess the same rights as North Americans because they have had US nationality since 1917, including the passport; they can live on the island or in any state of the Union, enjoying a first class health and education system, as well as Social Security.

That’s why, when some clueless person presents in the United Nations the topic of the decolonization of Puerto Rico, many look surprised and ask: How to decolonize someone who does not want to be decolonized, because they do not feel that way? Absurdities of some countries’ foreign policy, where ideology prevails instead of reason. Puerto Ricans of all political stripes have demonstrated that, respecting each other,people can live in peace and successfully develop a country achieving well-being for the majority without social upheavals or violent acts. They make a good example to follow. In November this year they will realize a new referendum to determine democratically what political relationship with the United States their inhabitants wish. Let’s await the results!

Translated by mlk

July 8 2012