All the Books and the Shade

View of the General Historical Library of the University of Salamanca, where hundreds of manuscripts and incunabula have been kept since the year 1254. (Antoine Tavenaux)

14ymedio biggerXavier Carbonell, Salamanca 23, April 2023 – As winter worsened, curled up in my train seat I received a message from an old acquaintance. He was one of the librarians from my village whose wooden house with coloured roof-tiles, not far from the park, I had visited more than 15 years ago. Are you the student, he asked, to whom I gave the Encyclopaedia Britannica?

That was a long time ago — all the cities and the friendships lost, the time I started to smoke, university, significant relationships, the death of my grandfather, reading, discotheques and ghosts. Of course it had been me. I immediately saw myself grabbing a good bicycle, soliciting the help of some friends — only one of them came along — and heading for the librarian’s huge house.

A few weeks earlier I had stolen a Borges anthology from my school. What that volume had to offer, even just by flicking through it at random, was not something that one ever forgets: “Ireneo Funes died in 1889, from a lung infection”.  And: “Our mind is porous for forgetfulness”.  Or, if one played chess: “God moves the player, and the player moves the chess piece. Which God behind another God starts the game off?”

Any age is good for reading Borges, but 17 is ideal. Infancy is already just a memory; youth has only just begun. The blind man — “slow prisoner from a sleepy time” — arrives to accompany you in that rite of passage. I learnt from Borges that there was a sacred book, or more exactly a multiple of books: the Encyclopedia Britannica. The hunt for one of these, with the objective of giving it an honourary place in the bookcase, was like searching for a magical object.

Victim of a naivety that today would feel delicious, I came to believe that the  Encyclopedia Britannica itself was as imaginary as Tlön, or any other one of those many made up titles that Borges alludes to and which later — as happened with The Approach to Almotásim — ended up being listed as real titles by gullible librarians. continue reading

I soon learnt that not only had the volumes existed since 1768 but that several of them had arrived on the island in the forties and fifties, bought by enthusiasts of the English language. The Britannica, declared the reviews and even Borges himself, understands the universe and puts it within our own arm’s reach. Thousands of engravings, maps, diagrams and fold-outs illustrated its articles and turned any one of its volumes into a cabinet of wonders, an optimum and immeasurable inventory. No reader’s lifetime would be long enough to enable them to digest the immensity of its volumes’ knowledge.

I don’t know how I came across the woman who, without having read Borges, was the owner of the 1929 edition. She had collected in a box some twenty or more copies, all with their gilt lettering and Prussian blue covers. I examined the books: among them there was evidence of moth larvae having drilled tunnels through the paper, through all the words – written passages chewed up with the dispassion of a reader. She asked me whether, despite this, I wanted to take the box. I answered yes, knowing that she was presenting me with a time-bomb, a veritable colony of implacable enemies that, after devouring the Britannica, would continue their expeditions through the rest of my bookcase.

The moths lived off the encyclopaedia until, years later, a kind of imperial decree forced me to get it out of the house. Deciding to save at least a fragment of that kingdom, I went through hundreds of thousands of pages, one at a time, cutting out articles I couldn’t lose, along with all their relevant maps and prints. Having to mutilate a book is the worst kind of torture that a reader can be subjected to. I tore a whole encyclopaedia to bits.

As I write this — too long after that day — I am looking again at those pages that I rescued. I carried them with me from the island and they form part of my collection of lucky charms. I have, with one beautiful Egyptian engraving, the word Rosetta. I have a little album in which pictures of archways and columns adorn the definitions of words like abbey, or romanesque. Unusual words like microtomy — the art of carefully cutting up plants and animals in order to study them — and the Quixotic bascinet and the biography of a German called Knipperdollink. There are also gentlemen, all kinds of trees, monsters, explorers, little devils and uncommon alphabets.

(My encyclopaedia wasn’t a dream, and the loose pages that I still keep do reassure me in that respect. I found out later that H.G. Wells, like Borges, had given the books an additional use: as an aficionado of toy soldiers, he used the volumes in his collection as the mountains and trenches of his battlefields).

Anyone who isn’t acquainted with these books, who hasn’t held one of these blue tomes in their hands — made up of “an infinite number of infinitely slender sheets” — cannot imagine the significance of the Encyclopedia Britannica for those who, at one time or another, like young people eternally aged, were their owners. As the blind man said, in that anthology which I stole 15 years ago: “Somebody else, on some other hazy afternoon, got to own all the books, and the shade.”

Translated by Ricardo Recluso

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Human Rights Commission Forces Mexico to Re-Accept a Family of Cubans

The Mexican Commission for Refugee Aid (COMAR) has received 48,970 applications for refuge in the first four months of the year, of which 3,374 are from Cubans. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Ángel Salinas, Mexico, 5 May 5, 2023 — The National Human Rights Commission (CNDH) on Thursday ordered the National Institute of Migration (INM) to repair the damage caused to a family of four Cubans that it deported in November 2022 “despite having refugee status.” The measure includes “some compensation,” without specifying what it consists of, in addition to “allowing them to enter” Mexico and “to be given the medical and psychological care they require.”

According to the National Human Rights Commission (CNDH), the agents violated the rights of these people by not “verifying their documentation,” detaining them for eight days in a way station in the state of Tabasco and “returning” them to the Island.

As punishment, the officers involved in the arbitrary deportation will only be given “training and education in human rights, focused on legal security, legality and the principle of non-return.”

According to its archives, on December 1 of last year the human rights organization received the complaint of one of the victims. In the letter he details that on November 8 they were arrested at a checkpoint on the road section that goes from La Venta to Villahermosa with the argument that the documents certified by the Mexican Commission for Refugee Aid (COMAR) were not valid. continue reading

Six months after the deportation of the Cuban family and five months after the complaint, the CNDH determined that the Migration agents “did not conduct a thorough interview” nor did they grant the necessary conditions so that the aggrieved people could file the appropriate appeals or trials.

In the interview with COMAR on October 11, one of the deported Cubans said: “Since 2018 it’s been hell for me and my family to be able to live in my country; we suffer constant police harassment.” He said that he was arrested in December of that year, “beaten and threatened with death for claiming my right as a citizen.”

This Cuban specified that on July 12, 2022, his father was intimidated at work by the police and “suffered threats against his life and that of his family.”

According to COMAR’s statistics, in the first four months of the year, 3,374 Cubans have applied for refuge, 333 have been accepted, 607 rejected and 2,434 Island nationals are still waiting for resolution of their cases.

The deportation of this family of Cubans “violated the Migration laws,” migrant defender José Luis Pérez Jiménez told 14ymedio. “During the past year, there were clandestine deportations of Cubans, despite the fact that they have stays granted by district judges or COMAR documentation.”

A month before the arrest of this family, journalist Mario J. Pentón denounced through his social networks that a group of Cubans had been taken with the deception that they would “process their refugee status” at the Mexico City International Airport, where they were put on a plane with the intention of deporting them. But thanks to the evidence, this was avoided.

In April, Ramón Tejera told this newspaper that together with his wife Yairely Andreu and daughter they were deported for not paying Migration agents an extortion of 1,500 dollars at a checkpoint. The family was transferred to the Border Bridge II of Piedras Negras despite having safe-conducts of legal stay for 180 days.

During their arrest, an officer told this Cuban naval engineer: “If you give me 4,000 dollars per person I will take you to the Rio Grande to cross.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Russia’s Waste of Good Intentions Towards Cuba During the Visit of Putin’s Economic Adviser

Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, meeting with Oreshkin, highlighted from Moscow his “enormous sensitivity to the problems of Cuba.” (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 3 May 2023 — This is the third consecutive week of a high-level Russian visit to Cuba. Maxim Oreshkin, economic adviser to President Vladimir Putin, met on Tuesday with the highest authorities of the Island, starting with President Miguel Díaz-Canel, who highlighted from Moscow his “enormous sensitivity to Cuba’s problems.” The Cuban president recalled the Russian cooperation of August 2021, during the oxygen crisis at the worst moment of the pandemic, and said: “That is a fact that we carry in our hearts, in our feelings and for which we will be grateful for all our lives.”

Oreshkin’s meetings with Ricardo Cabrisas, Deputy Prime Minister in charge of Foreign Trade and Investment, and Joaquín Alonso Vázquez, President of the Central Bank of Cuba (BCC), made it clear that, sentimentality aside, the Russian arrival is about business, although nothing concrete appears on the horizon, beyond Moscow’s good intentions.

Cabrisas approached several cooperation proposals with Putin’s man, including the possible creation of a regular Russia-Latin America or Russia-Caribbean maritime service. The recently-debuted minister, a substitute for Rodrigo Malmierca, nominated the Island as the center of operations for that route by assuring that Cuba “has a maritime port, air and road infrastructure that could allow connectivity, but that needs modernization.” With this he made clear, without saying it, that the money would have to come from Russia.

Next, Cabrisas pointed out to Oreshkin other sectors where it would be possible to invest: energy, agro-food, finance and tourism, to which the Russian replied that Cuba has to “pay attention to commercial exchange to increase and diversify exports, in particular those associated with health and tourism.” continue reading

In addition, the economist spoke of exploring other ways of collaboration through foreign investment and his interest in the — now-collapsed — sugarcane business, an industry in which the Russians have already created a joint venture to resurrect the Uruguay sugar mill in Jatibonico, currently in remodeling works.

From Oreshkin’s meeting with the president and the three vice presidents of the BCC, little has happened, except for Cabrisas’ laments about the “more than 100 banks from different regions of the world [that] suspended operations and correspondents with the Cuban banking system as a result of the inclusion in that unilateral list,” he said, in reference to the plan prepared by Washington to sanction countries which it considers sponsors of terrorism. That, he added, “creates delays in executing collections and payments with foreign partners.”

The restructuring of the debt with Moscow, whose extension until 2027 was negotiated by Cabrisas himself and ratified last year by the Russian institutions, and the new payment system through Mir bank cards, which has been working for tourists on the Island since March, are some of the issues that concern the BCC and that would justify this Tuesday’s meeting, although the official press has not expressly mentioned them.

Some analysts consider that the meetings were more propagandistic than concrete, since the only thing published so far have been proposals, conversations and plans to reactivate the financing for “programs that remain paralyzed.”

“In the end, if you look beneath the surface, you can see that they are the same agreements that the delegation led by Díaz Canel had on the table during the visit to Moscow last year,” says economist Elías Amor in his blog Cubaeconomía, where today he analyzes the meeting in a post entitled Cuba and Russia: a lot of noise, little substance. The expert recalls that for months there has been talk of plans that have not been realized, just like the projects before the pandemic that are now described as “paralyzed.”

Senior Russian officials already revealed in 2020 that many agreements remain unimplememted due to the breaches on the Cuban side. As for the announcement of the maritime service, the most recent project launched during the meeting with Oreshkin, Amor wonders why in thirty years of relationship with Russia it has not been carried out. “Cabrisas should ask himself why that service does not exist and if, really, the Russian economic hierarchs and global freight forwarders are in favor of the work.”

In any case, Oreshkin’s visit comes a few days after that of the State Duma President, Vyacheslav Volodin, who was in Cuba last Saturday, April 29, two weeks after the visit of Chancellor Sergey Lavrov on the 20th, with Raúl Castro’s reception included.

In addition, Nikolai Patrushev, Secretary of the Security Council; Igor Sechin, Executive Director of the state oil giant Rosneft; and Boris Titov, President of the Bilateral Business Council, who has been advising the Cuban government on changes it must make in the economy, have been on the Island — in Elías Amor’s opinion, for the expansion of private businesses. Cuban economists abroad, however, consider that the Russians’ advice is nothing more than promoting the creation of mafia oligarchies in the style of those that have been operating in Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union.

Maxim Oreshkin has become, at just 40 years old, a key man in Putin’s war economy, according to the economic media Bloomberg in a profile created in August last year. His role, according to Sergei Guriev, a Russian economist exiled in Paris, is “to find out how to circumvent sanctions, and he is doing so quite successfully.”

Among the policies he promoted were negotiations with European Union countries that agreed to pay for Russian gas with rubles and banking plans to limit the effect of the interruption of the Swift financial messaging service.

Oreshkin, sanctioned for putting his economic policies at the service of war, is firmly opposed to the state-centralized economy. “Russia is not going to abandon the market economy, on the contrary. Now private initiative is especially encouraged. The president constantly points it out in his speeches,” he told Bloomberg.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba and Russia: a Lot of Noise, Little Substance

Ricardo Cabrisas, Deputy Prime Minister of Cuba and main negotiator of its foreign debt. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger 14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, 3 May 2023 — The old guys, you already know. Cuba’s new deputy prime minister and, at the same time, minister of foreign trade and foreign investment, Ricardo Cabrisas, who replaced the all-powerful Malmierca at the head of the leadership of the wealth economy in Cuba, has debuted in office with the signing of a series of agreements with the Russian presidential adviser Máxim Oreshkin to, according to the state press, “deepen bilateral economic relations and carry out projects in sectors of mutual interest.”

In the end, if you look beneath the surface a little, you can see that they are the same agreements that the delegation headed by Díaz-Canel had on the table during the visit to Moscow last year. This type of news is part of a propagandist sequence that, for the regime, and in particular for Díaz-Canel, is phenomenal, throwing balls off the field to gain time. In the end, Cabrisas has been, and is, an expert in this art, and therefore no one has great expectations of what the presence of the Russian delegation on the Island means. It is nothing more than another example of the relationship between the two countries, even in very delicate moments like the current one, in which there are questions about Putin and rejection of the war in Ukraine.

In this case, Cuba has decided to accompany Putin in this adventure and go to the end, if necessary, although this will earn it international disapproval. We will see this in the coming months. Díaz-Canel was in charge of making Cuba’s position very clear: “Convey an affectionate greeting to Putin, whom we thank for the support that the Russian Federation has given us in the fight against the blockade.”

For his part, Cabrisas was happy, although he knows that these operations are limited and can end as quickly as they are announced. So he dedicated himself to stating to the media what everyone knows. “Russia constitutes for Cuba the second commercial partner at the regional level and the fifth at the global level, with a growing trend of commercial exchange since 2017.” Well, and what good is that for the Cubans? Have they seen their living conditions improve? continue reading

Díaz-Canel stressed that “the presence of this Russian delegation in the Greater Antilles has a lot of significance and gives continuity to the exchange of high-level visits that has been maintained over the course of recent months.” In his opinion, “it marks an intention of follow-up, of continuity to all the agreements that we have established as a whole, and is another expression of the deepening of bilateral relations between our governments and our peoples, which are historic and characterized by a high level of political dialogue, of coincidence on many points of the international agenda and of joint support in international forums on various topics.” But really, to date, very little of what was agreed has been put into practice.

And related to this, the Cuban minister had the idea of asking for the creation of a “regular maritime service, Russia-Latin America or Russia-Caribbean, for which Cuba has a maritime port, air and road infrastructure that could allow connectivity, both internally and abroad, but that needs modernization.” Doesn’t that regular maritime service exist after the three decades of relationship between Cuba and the former USSR? Cabrisas should ask himself why not, and if really the Russian economic hierarchs and the global freight forwarders favor the work.

A good example of the projects is that, once again, energy, agro-industrial, financial and tourism areas are cited, that Cuba wants to promote with Russian money and which have not yet taken place. Does anyone know why? There must be a reason.

Putin’s adviser tried to look good, and in the communist state press, “he condemned the U.S. commercial, economic and financial blockade of Cuba” and showed a strange willingness of his country to defend itself together with Cuba from unilateral sanctions imposed by western centers of power on the two countries. As if Cuba were currently being subjected to measures such as those applied to Russia by the invasion of Ukraine. It is important to point out that they have nothing to do with it.

He also said, as if he were a magician, that his country “brought to Cuba a set of investment initiatives, with projects that will seek to contribute to the income of this Caribbean nation.” And he added that they are working on the development of “a new format of relations and interaction to take advantage of the existing potentialities in the Cuban economy” that can be specified in the signing of a protocol between the two countries to establish specific projects that must be put into practice. Well, how long will we have to wait for it? Will it be the same as the small and medium-sized enterprises project?

Doesn’t all this sound like the same thing that was said in Moscow during Díaz-Canel’s visit? This whole issue of Cuba and Russia relations sounds like a broken record. A lot of noise, little substance.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Carlos Alberto Montaner: My Last Column

Carlos Alberto Montaner is retiring after a lifetime writing for the best newspapers in Latin America, Spain and the US. (Archive)

With great sadness and, at the same time, with the satisfaction of having been accompanied from the beginning by one of the most brilliant adversaries of the Castro regime, ’14ymedio’ publishes the “last column” by Carlos Alberto Montaner.

14ymedio bigger 14ymedio, Carlos Alberto Montaner, Madrid, 5 May 2023 — I’m retiring without a retirement. I’m retiring from “columnism”. For years, my column was distributed by my closest collaborator, Lucía Guerra. I turned 80 years old. I have Progressive Supranuclear Palsy (PSP). The name says it all.

It is a rare brain disease. I was diagnosed at the Gregorio Marañón hospital – one of the best in Spain – after an MRI. It affects three in 100,000 people. It is not contagious and it is not hereditary. There is no cure for it. They don’t know how it begins nor why. It is in the Parkinson’s family, but without tremors. Hence the confusion in the diagnosis. It is characterized by interfering with my ability to carry out a conversation and read anything beyond headlines (Linda, my wife, and our daughter, Gina read the newspapers to me), and so unable to write all of the “good” it allowed me to write for more than a half century – among other things – a syndicated weekly column.  I have written thousands of columns and I owe everything I accomplished afterward to my articles.

This PSP that now affects me is characterized (just like the other, the one of the Cuban communists) by “slowed or slurred” speech” which made me stop commenting on CNN en Español 

This PSP that now affects me is characterized (just like the other, the one of the Cuban communists) by “slowed or slurred speech” which made me stop commenting on CNN en Español (where I shared so much with Andrés Oppenheimer, Camilo Egaña and other notable journalists), despite the efforts of the chain’s president, Cynthia Hudson to retain me.  And on 20 radio stations, beginning with El Sol de la Mañana under the direction of the Dominican couple Espaillat, Montse y Antonio, followed by La Hora de la Verdad on RCN in Bogota a space led by Fernando Lodoño, even the very modest online station Orlando Gutiérrez directs toward Cuba, which has one of the most solid bulwarks in Julio Estornio. Furthermore, for years my comments reached Cuba through Radio Martí. Thank you for tolerating me in your ranks.

I saw Cuban journalist Carlos Castañeda arrive in Puerto Rico toward the end of the 60s with a job which, to me, seemed very difficult: elevate Ponce’s El Día to a level where it can compete with San Juan’s El Mundo. If I’d known Carlos’s plans with enough notice, I’d have stayed to fight that battle, but we already had our plane tickets to Spain. I’d been accepted at the Universidad Complutense in Madrid to complete a doctorate. My family and I embarked on a new European adventure. continue reading

It was the first half of 1970. Castañeda moved El Día to San Juan, changed its name to El Nuevo Día and made a tabloid with large headlines, ad hoc photos and large caricatures. Soon, it was the only one in its field. El Mundo closed.

Since that time before I settled in Madrid, I’ve held onto advice that was very important in my professional life: “In New York, find Joaquín Maurín, Castañeda told me. He is a Spanish exile. Tell him you want to write columns for his agency ALA (American Literary Agency). The best of the language are there, among others, Germán Arciniegas and Pablo Neruda.” I did. Maurín asked me for a sample. I gave him one. When I found it reproduced in 156 newspapers I swore to take care of my columns. And that is what I’ve done since then.

Joaquín Blaya called me in Madrid. He was Chilean, president of Univisión. Later of Telemundo. He asked me for one commentary a week and allowed me to choose the topic. It would be, of course, current events. Maurín’s promise was fulfilled. ALA would share my ideas and these would open doors for me in other areas such as TV, much better paid than the print media [NOTE: “prensa plana”?]. But Blaya proved to be an executive of the highest quality. At one point, they gave me one minute to explain the hypothesis of an anthropologist priest, a professor at a university in New York, on a program about welfare, designed mostly by men, and its impact on low-income women. Without a doubt, a controversial topic. Channel 41 in New York understood the political gains, or acted out of fear, under management orders. The truth is that Al Sharpton, Baptist minister, went to the channel to ask for my head, without hearing my commentary in Spanish, and Blaya defended me with complete firmness.

When The Miami Herald spawned an insert in Spanish they thought it would be a fleating phenomenon. But they later proved that the limits for Castilian were growing. Since the world of newspaper editors is small, everyone spoke of Carlos Castañeda with great respect and of his prowess in Puerto Rico. They called him, and El Nuevo Herald was born in the early 1980s. Appearing there were Roberto Suárez, Gustavo Pupo Mayo, Sam Verdeja, Armando González, Roberto Fabricio and the great Carlos Verdecia, former director of El Nuevo Herald.

At the end of my memoir,  ‘Sin ir más lejos’ [Without Going Further], I cite Julián Marías for his humble phrase. Today, I do so once again, “I did what I could”

I believe it was Pupo Mayo. He offered me the directorship of El Nuevo Herald. I did not accept it. I didn’t want to be uprooted from Spain. They offered me the head of the  Opinion page. I placed two conditions so they wouldn’t accept: I would only be present the first week of the month. The other three I’d be in Spain. (In the end, I started remote work, which became so popular during the pandemic). The second condition was that my adjuncts would be Araceli Perdomo, of whose integrity the editors spoke very highly, and Andrés Hernández Alenda, so as to not commit any errors or injustices. To the point that, later, after my resignation, Araceli and Andrés replaced me in that role. Throughout time, El Nuevo Herald has been my home.

I’ve had the opportunity to write for the best newspapers of Latin America, Spain and the U.S. Recently my weekly column appeared in El Libero, Chile’s best digital newspaper and El Independiente, an excellent digital newspaper produced by Casimiro García-Abadillo, Victoria Priego (two great veterans of Spanish journalism) and – in the international section – Ana Alonso. These two newspapers round out the field in the language in which I’ve had the privilege of fighting for freedom. At the end of my memoir, Sin ir más lejos [Without Going Further], published in Debate by Silvia Matute, also editor of Penguin-Random House, in Spanish, I cite philosopher Julián Marías for his humble phrase. Today, I do so once again, “I did what I could.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Killing the Castro We Carry Inside Us

“WE ARE FIDEL” – The greatest challenge that we Cubans face is not only to overthrow a despicable dictatorship, but to know how to build a democratic country tomorrow, truly free, without dogmas. (Cuban State TV Roundtable program)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 2 May 2023 — The Cuban dictatorship has practiced for decades the exclusion and extermination of anyone who thinks differently. They shot and put thousands of adversaries behind bars, locked others in concentration camps, ostracized hundreds of artists and intellectuals, and pushed almost a quarter of the population into forced exile.

To raise the flags of intolerance, they always used the excuse of the besieged fortress. Anyone who dared to depart from the dogma was accused of being an “accomplice” of the historical enemy, a CIA agent or a mercenary in the service of the empire.

The worst thing that could happen to those of us who oppose fundamentalism would be to end up reproducing their methods. The playwright René Ariza closes the documentary Improper Conduct  by saying: “You have to watch out for the Castro that everyone has inside.” The greatest challenge that we Cubans face is not only to overthrow a despicable dictatorship, but to know how to build tomorrow a democratic country, truly free, without dogmas.

Every cause runs the risk of being absorbed by its most radical wing. And that radicalism is sometimes the result of legitimate pain, but at other times only a symptom of opportunism. Some need to be purer than the rest, more upright. In the time of Christ, the Pharisees were the Jewish sect that appeared to be more rigorous and attached to the law. Hitler counted on the fanaticism of the Brown Shirts. Mao mobilized an army of students, with his red book under his arm, to carry out his Cultural Revolution. Díaz-Canel embraces his Red Scarves, the young militia that shouts with devout pathos: “I am Fidel.”

However, in exile we did not escape the jihadist temptation either. Anger is a product that sells well, especially on social networks. And some have exploited the market of anger to the fullest. State Security uses thousands of whisperers to feed distractions. They push us to waste arrows against the periphery and even against ourselves. continue reading

In recent days, while the dictatorship was indoctrinating 300 Americans, part of the exile was entertained by putting Ana de Armas against the wall. And what was the capital sin of the actress who played Marilyn Monroe? Did she shout “Homeland or Death” or take a selfie with the dome of the Capitol? Did she defend the regime or applaud the repression? No, she just went to spend her birthday in the country where she was born, with her friends. The actress, after being nominated for the most important award in the film industry, decided to celebrate with her classmates from her first years as an acting student.

I am not saying, with this, that we should give up debating about the human and the divine. Debates are essential to build a critical society. But the line that separates the expression of opinion from an act of repudiation is usually very thin. Cabrera Infante said that, in those convulsive first years, Fidel Castro called Nicolás Guillén a “slacker” at a university rally. “The bearded one” used his charisma and power to throw a mob of students against the poet’s house, shouting slogans against laziness. Whether the anecdote is true or not, Guillén would not be the only victim of the sinister influencer.

Sometimes one goes on social media wondering, who are they stoning now? Just a few weeks ago we witnessed attacks against the documentary The Padilla Case, by filmmaker Pavel Giroud. But there was not only debate about how he had access to the original files or whether he should have published them in their entirety. It went further. Some even started boycott campaigns to prevent the film from reaching certain festivals. Time showed that his work knew how to reach circuits and spaces where the original material had been Olympicly ignored. Life proved the artist right. Seeing him receive the Platinum Prize and listening to his words in front of millions of people around the world was an unquestionable victory for the cause of Cuba’s freedom.

To achieve the long-awaited democracy, it is not enough to assume the opposite discourse. It is also necessary to move away from authoritarian and totalitarian methods. To win the empathy of millions of undecided Cubans and the international community trapped in doubt, we must never look like that rabid caricature that Castroism tries to sell about us. We must put aside the temptation to pretend that everyone thinks and acts like us. We have to kill the Castro we carry inside us.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Aggravation Inflames Spirits in the Gas Lines in Havana

Those waiting in line at the gas station look serious as they talk about the daily vicissitudes that people suffer. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 4 May 2023 — Hundreds of people milled around at dawn this Thursday on the corner of San Rafael and San Francisco, in Central Havana. They were part of the large line of people waiting to fill up at the nearby gas station on Infanta Street.

They talked about many topics, but far from the idyllic image that the official press offered a few weeks ago, in an article that outraged Cubans and that extolled the opportunity to “establish bridges of friendship” in the endless lines at gas stations, they did so with serious gestures, discussing the daily vicissitudes that people are suffering.

One had turned off his motorcycle and complained about having to drag it to the station, while another complained about the bread situation. The guy behind him talked about “Díaz-Canel’s lies in the news.” Many were silent, scowling; none of them protested out loud. However, people were upset, and there was a feeling of contained violence in the environment.

Watching them was a massive operation of police and “prevention” brigades of the Revolutionary Armed Forces, something unprecedented for this type of line.

As the authorities have done on other occasions when shortages have increased the number of people in lines, this one at the San Rafael gas station was “distributed” onto adjacent streets, out of the way, to disguise the magnitude of the problem. continue reading

The line at the San Rafael gas station was “distributed” onto adjacent streets, out of the way, to disguise its magnitude. (14ymedio)

This was not the only “organizational measure” that the provincial government took in the face of the May Day events, postponed for this Friday, in which numerous foreign guests are expected to participate. Tribuna de La Habana echoes the suspension of the sale of fuel at six gas stations in El Vedado, from seven in the evening on Thursday to ten the next morning.

The measure affects service stations at 3rd and 12th, Riviera, Tángana, Vista al Mar, Rampa and G and 25th. The official note says that “customers who are waiting at these stations will be guaranteed their same place in line according to the established records or listings, and, for security reasons, there can be no parking of vehicles in these places or their surroundings at the aforementioned time.”

“If that happens here in San Rafael, I don’t know what I would do; I’ve been here for two days now,” commented a taxi driver, desperate. Another driver responded: “Maybe we’re the ones who start the next social explosion.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The United States Keeps Cuba on the List of Terrorist Countries Despite Dialogue With the Island’s Regime

The Cuban embassy in Washington. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger EFE (via 14ymedio), Washington, 3 May 2023 — On Tuesday, the United States said it would not remove Cuba from the list of countries that sponsor terrorism, despite having held a meeting with the Government of Havana on cooperation to confront terrorist activities.

“These conversations take place on a regular basis. We still are not changing our policy regarding the presence of Cuba on the list,” said the deputy spokesman of the State Department, Vedant Patel, at a press conference.

Patel said that Washington and Havana have to carry out “important cooperation tasks” because they share maritime borders, and he said that security dialogues with the Island take place from time to time.

However, he insisted that “the regime has a long history of repression against civil society and other factors that keep Cuba on the list” of state sponsors of terrorism.

The talks in question took place last Thursday and Friday in Havana, where representatives of both governments had a technical exchange on cooperation in the fight against terrorism.

They spoke about the hijacking of aircraft and maritime vessels, as well as the use of digital networks for violent purposes, according to the Cuban Ministry of the Interior. continue reading

The inclusion of Cuba on the list of sponsors of terrorism in January 2021 was one of the last decisions made by the Government of Donald Trump (2017-2021) before leaving power.

The United States then justified the measure, which entails several sanctions, alluding to the presence on the Island of members of the Colombian guerrillas of the ELN, who traveled to Havana to start peace negotiations with the Colombian president.

The Island was taken off the list in 2015, during the rapprochement promoted by then-President Barack Obama (2009-2017). Cuba was put back on the list by Trump, who during his term redoubled the sanctions on Havana and put the brakes on the “thaw.”

The current Biden Administration has made some gestures towards the Island, such as the elimination of the remittance limit for Cuba, but is still far from Obama’s approach.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Castrochavism and Its Accomplices

Nicaragua’s Daniel Ortega, Cuba’s Raul Castro and Venezuela’s Hugo Chavez, in a 2012 image. (Cubadebate)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Pedro Corzo, Miami, 4 May 2023 — Castroism has been catastrophic for Cuba, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Bolivia, as well as a certain threat to the progress and stability of the rest of the countries in the hemisphere because of its vast, deep and different ways of operating against democracy, so many that, despite the accumulated failures, they are still poles of attraction for those who see power as spoils of war.

Decades after their emergence, these nations and those that have approached them — Ecuador is a valid example — present serious governance problems, exacerbated by chronic misery and a total absence of freedoms and rights, a situation that forces citizens aware of their prerogatives to fight disgrace with the tragic consequences of death, prison and exile.

However, it is a source of pride for all of us that, although the tragedy in these four countries is a painful reality, resistance has not been broken in any of them, since repression, however crude it may be, does not succeed in extinguishing free spirits.

However, it would be very helpful for these resistance fighters to have more concrete support from the international community, and to get beyond high-sounding declarations and sanctions that are seldom fully implemented.

A network of regimes of force such as the one built by the Castro-Chavistas cannot be destroyed or neutralized with superficial solutions and in isolation, because, in addition to having power, there is no lack of friends ready to serve them, as is the case of Brazil’s Luis Inacio Lula da Silva and Argentina’s Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, among others. continue reading

It is true that the greatest responsibility lies with the people who put up with tyranny, but history has shown that transnational domination cannot be overthrown by unilateral actions. Common and decisive action on the part of those who challenge them is necessary. There is no country free of predators, there is no vaccine against little gods, as Anatole France would say, with the capacity to destroy what has been built, a warning that no time should be lost in what has to be done.

On the other hand, we should keep in mind that the commanders who impose the ignominy of a government of force are the people most responsible for that misfortune, but they are not the only ones. Their collaborators and followers share responsibility, because as José Martí wrote, “to calmly observe a crime is to commit it”, and those regimes are characterized by spreading their cruelty to achieve the desired social control, and in that way gaining numerous accomplices who join in the mischief.

These dictatorships have a vast clientele of servants who can mutate from victims to aggressors. The latter are transformed into abused slaves when they get a bad conscience about their complicity, or on a whim are punished by their masters.

There is no shortage of willing and talented autocrats, cruel and merciless people, but even so, they cannot build a regime in their own image and likeness by themselves. They have to find a team of executioners in the literal sense of the term, and people to carry out the dirty work.

The work of autocrats, be they Fidel and Raúl Castro, Hugo Chávez, Daniel Ortega, Miguel Díaz-Canel, Evo Morales or Rafael Correa, is assisted and complemented by ever-present opportunists, or by those who carry out their designs with blood and fire. They are the ones who give form with their actions to the official slogans and voluntarily give up their rights.

The work of these despots, including their march to power, is aided by the bad judgments, idleness and complicity of large numbers of their fellow countrymen. Of these, perhaps the majority, the most passionate supporters, come from the common people. Nevertheless, they have to count, at least in part, on the ruling class, intellectuals, businesspeople, social leaders, artists and professionals, to be able to build their empire, at least that is what happened in Cuba, and it was also seen in Venezuela and Nicaragua.

Although as Cubans it is painful for us to see it, we must recognize that the Island´s regime has provided a wealth of experience and knowledge to its Latin American peers. The dictators of these countries, and those that the future may bring, have been able to impose their will thanks to the direct advice of Castro’s totalitarianism, which has sent many of its executioners to show how terror should be systematically and institutionally imposed.

Translated by GH

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

An NGO Hopes for the ‘Intermediation’ of the Church for the Release of Cuban Political Prisoners

Cardinal Beniamino Stella with President Miguel Díaz-Canel during his visit to Cuba in February 2023. (Presidency of Cuba/Twitter)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 4 May 2023 — “The situation is critical, a kind of perfect storm between government repression and famine.” The assertion is from the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights (OCDH), which hopes for “the intermediation of the Cuban Catholic Church” for “the release of political prisoners, the end of repression and changes that the country urgently needs.”

In its latest report, the organization, based in Madrid, reports at least 231 repressive actions during the month of April, of which 53 were “some type of detention.” The greatest amount of abuse was suffered by political prisoners, says the OHCHR. In addition, they point out “a high number of homes of activists raided by the political police, police subpoenas, harassment, assaults, travel impediments, fines and trials.”

For its part, the Cuban Center for Human Rights (CCDH), led by Martha Beatriz Roque, in its most recent report gives a total of 582 arrested for the massive demonstrations of July 11, 2021, who are still in prison.

Among them are 46 women and four minors: Alejandro Rosa la Fuente, 16, Rubén Alejandro Parra Ricardo, 15; Llenson Enson Rizo, 14, and Giuseppe Belaunzarán Guada, 16.

The latter is a special case, because, sentenced to 10 years in prison, he was released, details the CCDH, “for being the grandson of a lieutenant colonel” of the Ministry of the Interior, Carlos Javier Guada. continue reading

From the list, it is striking that 192 were sentenced to 10 years or more of deprivation of liberty, and that many of those who received long prison terms demonstrated in the Havana neighborhood of La Güinera, where on July 12 a policeman killed Diubis Laurencio Tejada.

A witness to that crime, Roberto Pérez Ortega, for example, was sentenced to 17 years in prison, after an annulment that lowered his initial sentence of 25 years. Ángel Hernández Serrano, from the same neighborhood, was sentenced to 23 years; sentenced to 22 years was Dayron Martín Rodríguez, who “was under psychiatric care for depression and suicidal thoughts,” says the NGO based in Cuba; Miguel alias El Calvo was sentenced to 18 years; and Eliéser Gordín Rojas (epileptic and asthmatic) to 18 years.

Those who suffer the greatest penalties, of course, were those who demonstrated in Güines. They are Lázaro Ramírez Lugo, sentenced to 30 years; José Alberto Oliva Arencibia,  to 27 years and Lázaro Jesús Piloto Campos, to 25..

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Reactivation of a Few Productions of BioCubaFarma Excludes Cancer Medication

BioCubaFarma supplies 60% of the basic medicines in Cuba, but in recent months it has not been able to meet its quota. (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 2 May 2023 — The state business group BioCubaFarma has reactivated some drug production lines that had disappeared for months in the Island’s pharmacies, but its directors recognize that the measure will not be enough to meet “all the needs” of the population.

The shortage of medicines is attributed to the lack of raw materials, the company’s Director of Operations and Technology, Rita María García, told the state newspaper Granma on Monday. On the one hand, the Government does not have enough financial liquidity to buy the finished supplies or drugs and, on the other, there are also problems in the supply of packaging in the international market, he explained.

After months of a “very complex” situation, García assured that the state plant — which is allocated 60% of the production of basic medicines at the national level — has managed to reactivate some  drug production lines in high-demand among the population with the arrival of inputs purchased by the Government and other “managements,” without specifying whether they are donations.

Among the drugs that will be manufactured again are the injectables of aminophylline, labetalol, fenoterol and morphine of 10 and 20 milligrams (mg), of wide hospital use for patients in intensive care. The laboratories dedicated to the manufacture of these drugs were paralyzed for almost four months because they did not have containers — such as ampules, plungers or cartridges — due to the shortage of glass. continue reading

“This brought with it deficiencies in over 10 products needed for patients in serious condition. Once these packaging containers  arrived, production was restored, and the products are gradually coming out for hospital distribution,” the executive told the official newspaper.

The scenario is much more complicated for cancer patients, for whom “at the moment there is a significant deficit” of medicines, mainly cytostatics, despite the alarming increase in cases in recent months. The director was clear: “There will be no presence” of paclitaxel, cisplatin and oxaliplatin.

This newspaper collected the testimony of several people who, after being diagnosed with cancer, could not register for treatment at the National Institute of Oncology and Radiobiology in Havana. The response they received from the doctors is that they are attending only to “patients already registered, and new registrations are not being accepted due to lack of medicines.”

García acknowledged that the business group has not had the capacity to supply the medicines, and no improvement is expected in the short term. The official warns that the problem of deliveries will continue “for the moment.”

The entry of inputs gives a slight boost to the production of some controlled chemicals, such as the diuretic drug hydrochlorothiazide, which since last March is being manufactured again and delivered to hospitals. However, the official said that “the population still does not feel it, because it’s a drug that has been missing for many months.”

The business group has enough raw material to guarantee the supply of hydrochlorothiazide until August. For the rest of the year the panorama is uncertain, but García assured that “actions” are being carried out to guarantee supplies before the available ones are exhausted.

The production line for nifedipine (antihypertensive), warfarin (anticoagulant) and clonazepam (anxiolytic) has also been reactivated. In the case of medicines for diabetic patients, the production of glibenclamide and metformin has resumed. The latter, however, will have low coverage because an excipient is missing that is difficult to import.

The BioCubaFarma directive announced that the availability in pharmacies of enalapril, used for hypertension, a condition with high prevalence in Cuba, will continue to be limited in the coming months.

Similarly, the shortage will continue in deliveries of allopurinol, which is used in patients with uric acid deficiencies, amiodarone for heart problems, omeprazole for heartburn, and the antipsychotic haloperidol. García said that in the case of the last two drugs they cannot be produced due to breakage of the equipment, but that the replacement parts will arrive soon.

In his report to Granma, he pointed out that there will be “stable” deliveries in the next four months of the antibiotics cephalexin, cefixime and ciprofloxacin, although their continuity depends on the arrival of raw material from a supplier who has not been able to dispatch a container ship due to lack of availability. For the rest of the drugs in this range there are no supplies, nor is it known when they will be able to reach the Island, he said.

After a long litany of regrets about the lack of medicines, García assured the official newspaper that BioCubaFarma’s income has been maintained in large part thanks to the sale of “business models” and patents, since “in principle” they cannot export the drugs that are needed in the country.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Failed Reforms Complicate the Latin American Left

The president of Colombia, Gustavo Petro, has had to renew his cabinet for the second time because of the health reform bloc. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger EFE (via 14ymedio), Manuel Fuentes, Redacción América, 3 May 2023 — The leaders of the Latin American left in power are encountering serious difficulties in carrying out ambitious structural reforms of their governments. The weakness of the political support that allowed them to achieve power and the fragmentation of parliamentary representation are the main reasons, according to experts consulted by EFE.

In Chile, Gabriel Boric has not managed to get Congress to approve the tax reform and, what is more serious, the draft Constitution originating in the Convention that was going to replace the Constitution that came from the dictatorship of Augusto Pinochet.

The Colombian president, Gustavo Petro, also has problems promoting health, labor and pension reforms. The distrust of the parliamentary groups that supported him has forced him to make a profound restructuring of his cabinet, the second since he assumed the Presidency, just nine months ago.

And in Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador has also failed to move forward with the militarization of the National Guard, the reform of the electoral body and the modification of the regulatory framework on energy matters that he proposed.

The reasons why the leaders of the Latin American left are having so many difficulties in implementing basic elements of their political programs are diverse. continue reading

But except in the case of the draft of the Chilean Constitution, mostly rejected by a citizenry dissatisfied with the text submitted to a plebiscite, the common denominator of these setbacks is the absence of political support from the legislative power, a phenomenon that the Argentine political scientist and jurist Daniel Zovatto calls “the overnight vote.”

“I loan you the vote during the night so that you win the election and then withdraw it in a timely manner,” describes the regional director of the International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (IDEA).

“The big issue is the governance of presidential systems in the contexts of political fragmentation,” he explains.

In Mexico, President Andrés Manuel López Obrador led what he called “the fourth transformation,” but the structural reforms of key sectors he proposed did not go ahead due to legislative and, in some cases, even judicial rejection.

Among the latter is the militarization of the National Guard, overthrown by the Supreme Court because it is a civil security organization that cannot be attached to the Ministry of Defense.

Likewise, the attempt to eliminate the institution in charge of organizing the voting processes, the National Electoral Institute (INE), generated rejection and criticism from the opposition and the Judiciary, which could affect the presidential elections of 2024.

The reform of the energy sector, which would have benefited the state companies Petróleos Mexicanos (Pemex), the Federal Electricity Commission (CFE) and the creation of the Institute of Health for Welfare suffered the same fate.

In Colombia, President Gustavo Petro has not had it easy in Congress either, since he doesn’t have the necessary majority to achieve the approval of his ambitious social reforms.

The coalition that he had managed to form for that purpose was declared broken by himself a week ago, after noting that his project to reform the health system aroused strong resistance in Parliament.

The Government’s machinery, which worked in the first six months of its mandate, has stumbled into the discussions on health reform, which have finally precipitated a cabinet crisis that has cost seven of the eighteen ministers their positions, including those for Finance, the Interior and Health.

With those changes, Petro seeks to rebuild his support base in Congress and will try to negotiate separately with each senator and representative to the House, but not with the entire bench, as before.

Except in Mexico and Venezuela, the presidential elections in Latin American countries provide for a second round if none of the candidates reaches a sufficient majority in the first round.

And although in the ballot, the candidate who manages to attract the vote of the electorate that supported the candidates who did not pass to the second round is usually imposed, the truth is that “the Congress was constituted in the first vote.”

This is the case for Gabriel Boric, Gustavo Petro and Lula da Silva, who prevailed “with the votes given to them by those who did not want their opponent to win, but who are not from their party,” explains Zovatto.

“They come to the presidency without their own majority in the Congress or with a coalition that is a kind of Noah’s ark, due to the high degree of heterogeneity of those who make it up.”

Post-election support “is not enough later to have its own majority in Congress, and if they manage to get it, it is very difficult for them to maintain it, because their proposals for structural reforms can break up the coalition,” says the regional director of IDEA.

“And since they can’t quickly fulfill their promises of change, they begin to wear out quickly,” concludes the Argentine political scientist.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Forced Into Exile, Artist Tania Bruguera Says That She Will Return to Cuba in August

The artist Tania Bruguera on a trip to Argentina. (Romina Santarelli / Ministry of Culture of the Nation)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 3 May 2023 — Cuban artist Tania Bruguera will return to Cuba in August. Or, at least, she will try, according to the Spanish newspaper La Vanguardia, which interviewed the activist during a visit to Barcelona where she participated in a conference on art and power at the Center for Contemporary Culture (CCCB).

“They have let me know through a fellow activist that they are not going to let me in. But I always return, no matter what it costs me,” says the artist, who resides in Cambridge (USA), where she works as head of media and performance at Harvard University, and she warns: “Let them take note.”

Bruguera, who left Cuba in August 2021 after a negotiation for the Government to release twenty political prisoners, including rapper Maykel Osorbo Castillo and artist Hamlet Lavastida, accuses the regime of having agreed, in desperation, to that exchange with the sole intention of deporting her. “There was one protest action after another and they felt weakened. Many saw the departure of the artists as a defeat, but from that moment it has been the people who have taken the initiative for the protests. And that’s fantastic,” she argues.

The artist believes that the regime has reached a level of “impressive moral, political and social weakening” and believes that international public opinion should be aware of the situation and update its vision of Cuba. “It’s very uncomfortable for us that people continue to talk about Cuba as if the Revolution had just triumphed and was doing everything it promised,” she says.

Bruguera downplays the importance of the Government reading her interview with the Catalan newspaper, mentioning how fake news and profiles operate on the Island. “They watch my Facebook, how ridiculous, and there are also people who are dedicated to bullying me on social networks. They are more sophisticated about repression than people can imagine,” she warns. continue reading

The artist talks about her relationship with fear, a feeling with which she lives, especially minutes before and after carrying out a protest action. However, she argues, “what the dictatorship has not calculated is the power of the feeling that they are being unfair to you or to someone you love. That is a force greater than fear.”

She is also positive, because she remembers having engaged in  activism alone while now “there is a whole generation willing to fight,” and she feels that fear has changed sides. “Those who lead us are so mediocre and have so much fear that they are not even able to sit at the table with people who think differently,” she emphasizes.

The artist, winner in 2021 of the Velázquez prize awarded by the Spanish Ministry of Culture, also addresses her relationship with art and dictatorships. Dictators, she says, perfectly understand the power of art to generate feelings and provoke sensations that they use for propaganda. She points out that songs by Silvio Rodríguez and Pablo Milanés are known in all latitudes. “[But] when artists use art to show reality, they stop them in a brutal way. Our greatest revenge is that dictatorships pass and art remains,” she says.

Her artistic experiences, which she talks about with La Vanguardia, are linked to her own body. In the performance of Autosabotaje, [Self-sabotage], she played Russian roulette with a real weapon. Bruguera confesses that after exposing her body in the most radical way possible in that performance, she promised not to do it again, although her artivism — as she calls her use of art to protest — has led her to compromise her physical integrity on many occasions.

“When in 2014 I went to the Plaza de la Revolución in Havana with the intention of putting up a microphone for any citizen to speak freely about the future of Cuba, it was somehow like putting a symbolic gun to my head. She was aware that it would have consequences, that she could never exhibit there again and that the confrontation was going up a level,” she says, recalling her performance of Tatlin’s Whisper*.

Despite this, the artist maintains that she resorts to performance because “it is a simple language, accessible to everyone. It is a medium very close to the theater because it uses a narrative, some bodies, but at the same time it opens a space for the unthinkable to happen and for the spectators to have the possibility of influencing what happens.”

In addition, she claims the speed of this mechanism helps to confront power. “When you make political art you have to be fast, so that the Government doesn’t have time to react or know what to do with you.”

*Translator’s note: Here is a link to video of a portion of that event

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

‘I Do Not Rule Out an Uprising Against the Cuban Regime, But There Are Many Factors Against It’

Reyes, just like other priests and clerics on the island, like Castor José Álvarez or Nadieska Almeida, have denounced the regime’s abuses in recent years. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Xavier Carbonell, Madrid, 22 April 2023 – On a visit to Madrid, a Catholic priest from Camagüey, Alberto Reyes, talks about Cuba as an island out of time. “There’s no present and no future there”, he says, “only the lethargy of continuity”. The most obvious symptom: the ‘re-election’ of Miguel Díaz-Canel, a decisive bet on continuing stalemate and antiquated discussion whilst the country’s place in its allies’ games — those of Russia, Venezuela, Nicaragua and Mexico — becomes increasingly unclear.

Real life, however, goes on regardless: repression, fear, shortages and many reasons to emigrate, says Reyes, one of the voices inside the Catholic Church most critical of the regime, in conversation with 14ymedio. Not only have repressive actions been gaining ground but also the whole of the repressive environment itself. There are more and more people summoned by the security services and many warning notices issued. Any demonstration against the government is quickly checked. People are very afraid”, he says.

The general situation, the priest explains, is one of “learned defencelessness”, which means that since the 11 July 2021 [11J] protests, Cubans have been “inoculated” with the idea that there’s nothing further that they can do. One year after the protests, interviewed by this journal, Reyes had offered his diagnosis: “As a people we are tired and worn down, and life is ebbing away in the fight for survival; we are a people that has learnt to defend itself in any way it can, and which goes out to march and applaud with energy while at the same time planning a final exit from the country.”

The situation has only got worse, because now the predominant emotion, he says, is desperation and a longing for escape. “As there have now been so many escape routes opened – I’m thinking of Nicaragua, the financial support of the U.S., or the possibility of achieving  Spanish citizenship, as well as the illegal method of escape by small boat, which still continues — the focus is firmly on abroad”. There’s an almost universal mindset: “Why would I make myself a target when I’ve got the chance to leave and get away from this nightmare?” continue reading

A general sense of fear is preventing the uprising that many hope for.  Reyes says that across the island there are private protests and discussion, as well as small demonstrations against the regime but a protest like that of 11J is very difficult to bring about. “Also, there’s a lack of opposition leadership”, he notes, “Who will coordinate a demonstration? Who will channel the people’s energy? Who will speak out? I don’t rule out the possibility of an uprising, in fact I think it’s quite a strong probability but there are many factors working against it”. 

Regarding those already in exile, the priest is pleased that there are many of them who are working seriously towards Cuba’s future. Nevertheless, he says, “change needs to come from within”. “An exile can support, can assist, but it’s not that easy. You do what you can, with integrity”, he adds.

The island’s Catholic Church, on the other hand, has its own limits. The recent visit by Cardinal Beniamino Stella, who asked for “an amnesty or some other form of clemency” for the island’s political prisoners doesn’t seem to have had any impact on the regime, which has continued to demand severe sentences for those who participated in 11J. The island’s Episcopal Conference continues, it would seem, with the same strategy of non-confrontation.

However, Reyes is unequivocal: despite its social impact and works of charity, “the church isn’t a philanthropic organisation nor a political party”. It’s mission is essentially religious although it has not neglected for one minute to accompany the families of political prisoners or the creation of social initiatives to alleviate the people’s misery. The other side, he laments – the prayers and the being close to the people – “isn’t often in the news”.

“Regarding the political and social arena, we try, from where we are, to accompany people in their desperate times. We also try to shine light on people’s consciences and help people to think. If a priest writes an article or an invitation to reflect, I’m happy about that and I share it”, he says. Reyes, just like other priests and clerics on the island, like Castor José Álvarez and Nadieska Almeida, have denounced the regime’s abuses in recent years.

As there’s little sign of the country opening up to a new era, the most urgent problem is the exodus of young people. “I understand that”, he says. “They want to leave, live, make the most of the only life they have. When they can, they go. What’s the result? We have the most aged population in the region”.

Meanwhile, Díaz-Canel’s government, which ratified almost all of its cabinet members’ posts, moves closer every day towards countries like Russia — whose invasion of Ukraine it has witnessed with its own eyes — and local allies like Mexico or Nicaragua. In Reyes’ view, people don’t care much about the regime’s diplomacy. “There are more important things that they have to attend to, like getting daily bread to eat”. 

Nonetheless, the arrival of ambassadors and foreign politicians in Havana to greet Diaz-Canel as architect of the continuity of the Castro regimes never ceases to be disheartening: “If they keep on shoring up the system with economic assistance it will last a thousand years and this brings us to the same conclusion that everyone has: the most sensible thing is to escape”.

Translated by Ricardo Recluso

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Rice and Sardines in the Donated Packages That Will ‘Save’ Santiago de Cuba From Hunger

Cuban Government delivers packages of food donated from “solidarity” countries in the midst of a shortage of products. (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 3 May 2023 — On Tuesday in Santiago de Cuba a shipment of 30,000 food packages arrived, which the authorities plan to allocate to the most vulnerable families in the province. The local press pointed out that the packages were made with “donations from solidarity countries,” but did not say which ones.

The distribution will begin in the José Martí District, a neighborhood of the provincial capital that presents one of the most serious situations in terms of food, in addition to numerous squatters. Then supplies will be sent to the main municipalities and other emergency areas, according to the merchandise director of the Internal Trade Business Group, Leonardo Lamela.

Each package consists of two kilos of rice, legumes, spaghetti and elbow pasta, as well as two cans of sardines, Lamela said in an interview with the Cuban News Agency (ACN). The social workers of each popular council will make a list of the possible beneficiaries and, through the warehouses, will deliver the packages.

The authorities will give priority, he said, to the most precarious cases they have registered: 1,938 pregnant women, 22,301 disabled or in need of some type of assistance and 1,154 children with low weight. Bárbara Rodríguez, mother of a child with a disability, celebrated the “gratification” represented by the packages, which arrived at a time of maximum crisis in which the indispensable food to support her child has reached prohibitive prices.

However, Rodríguez reminded the press that the packages “do not meet all the needs of a household,” although “they do alleviate the monetary burden in terms of family support.”

With the news that, as of May, Cubans over the age of 13 will no longer receive rationed chicken, the situation became even more precarious. Other foods, such as eggs and oil, have been on the “disappeared” list for months. continue reading

Many Cuban families have crossed the threshold of poverty and food insecurity. Last April, the World Food Program put numbers on the crisis: Cubans between the ages of 14 and 60 only cover 36% of energy intake, 24% of the daily protein ration and 18% of fats.

In an extensive report of the Global Network against Food Crises, published this Wednesday in collaboration with several United Nations agencies, a small section is dedicated to Cuba, which lists the problems faced by the Island since the COVID-19 pandemic.

“In 2022, the capacity to import critical foods and basic fuel products continued to be limited by high international prices, which reduced the supply and availability of agricultural inputs,” the report says.

It also notes that the Island has not yet been able to make up for the losses caused by the passage of Hurricane Ian in September 2022, which affected the province of Pinar del Río with losses in crops and infrastructure.

However, the maximum responsibility continues to lie with the poor economic management of the Government, which has systematically neglected its food strategy and decreased imports. Meanwhile, domestic production is still not able to alleviate the deficit that, for years, has plagued a country in which short-term solutions are no longer effective.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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