Cuba Needs a Real Capitalist ‘Shock’

It is a fantasy to believe that the new measures pave the way for the Vietnamese or Chinese model

The conditions for this do not exist without changes to the political regime, the author argues / sohu

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Luis R. Luis, Boston, June 25, 2026 / The 176 measures recently announced by the Cuban Government are intended to bring about a liberalization of the economy through the supposed privatization of companies, openness to investment and foreign trade, energy and agricultural reforms, and the opening up of banking and currency exchange agencies, among many other elements.

However, this is far from being a genuine liberalization of the economy, since no credible framework of conditions is being established to allow markets to function properly or to guarantee legitimate property rights – central elements of a free-enterprise system. The measures do not create the conditions for the investment needed to rebuild and return the economy to healthy functioning. Nor is it clear that the necessary fiscal and monetary adjustments will take place to ensure financial stability and control of the inflation that is decimating families’ purchasing power.

The primary condition required by a free-market economy is the subsidiary role of the State in the productive apparatus and in investment decisions. The new measures do not establish the mechanisms for this to happen. Transparent mechanisms for the assignment of state-owned enterprises that guarantee their autonomy are missing. Genuine financial decentralization is missing. A sound private banking sector requires diversified shareholders who are independent of the State.

In the Chinese case, the size of its market and the very high savings rate were highly favorable conditions for the economy’s takeoff. Vietnamese agriculture had propitious conditions for its reform

Talk has it that the new measures pave the way for the Vietnamese or Chinese model. That is a fantasy. Cuba does not have the structural characteristics of those two countries at the outset of their major reforms. In the Chinese case, the size of its market and the very high savings rate were highly favorable conditions for the economy’s takeoff. Vietnamese agriculture had propitious conditions for its reform and contributed greatly to the country’s initial boom. Cuba appears to be aligning itself more with the new Venezuelan model, in which the State retains control of the productive apparatus without genuine reforms, but with a partial continue reading

opening to foreign capital.

An ideal productive shift toward the free market requires consolidating the subsidiary role of the State, as has occurred in many Eastern European countries. This is not visible in Cuba. It is clear that changes implying a new political regime are needed. There are various modalities for regime change, whether through internal dynamics, system collapse, or popular pressure. This is not predictable.

External pressures such as US sanctions and the energy blockade alter the internal dynamic, but it is not possible to discern the trajectory ahead in terms of political conditions. Again, the example of Venezuela inspires limited confidence that external pressure will provide the crucial impetus for the implementation of economic and political reforms. Perhaps the US Administration will learn a great deal from the recent Venezuelan experience.

External pressures such as US sanctions and the energy blockade alter the internal dynamic, but it is not possible to discern the trajectory ahead in terms of political conditions

Real reforms require an overarching design. The most important point is the role of the State in enabling reforms to be carried out. The realities of various elements of influence within society alter the possibilities for reform and, thereafter, their sequencing. It is possible and healthy to design some optimal sequence of reform, but the most important thing is to create the conditions for its success. Above all, opportunities for opening should not be discarded even when their sequencing is not optimal. The moment of food price reforms is generally not a good one for families. Private funds such as remittances, as well as public funds, will be needed to maintain basic consumption levels on the Island.

In sum, Cuba needs a genuine capitalist shock. What is underway with the 176 measures is the appearance of a major move toward the free market. The conditions for this do not exist without changes to the political regime that guarantee the limited function of the State. This capitalist shock can happen. Perhaps Cuba will achieve it.

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Editorial note: The author has served as Chief Economist at the OAS and Director for Latin America at the Institute of International Finance in Washington.

Translated by GH.

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The Economic Impact of Obama’s Measures / 14ymedio, Luis R. Luis

14ymedio, LUIS R. LUIS, Washington, 13 January, 2015 — The measures announced by President Barack Obama will have a moderately positive effect on the economy of Cuba. Preliminary estimates of additional revenue to be generated by these measures place it between 400 and 500 million dollars within a period of one year, and a bit more in the second year. This represents between 0.5 and 0.6 percent of Cuba’s gross national product (GNP). This figure, while modest in absolute terms, is important in relation to the slow growth of 1.3 percent in the Cuban GNP estimated for 2014.

The most important line in the new measures is the expanded limit for remittances to family members. Available figures indicate that remittances are limited by current regulations in the United States. Raising the personal limit to $2,000 per quarter would boost these transactions, as would the availability of credit cards continue reading

as vehicles for payments. Thus, following the recent sluggishness in these transactions, remittances could increase by 12 percent, or $350,000,000 in one year. These estimates do not take into consideration changes in deliveries brought in by travelers or sent via transport companies.

The increase in non-Cuban-American, US visitors, is a lesser factor, although an important one. This number could double above the 2013 level of 93,000 individuals. The expenditures on the Island of these travelers, not counting transportation, are estimated near $100,000,000 in 2014, according to expenditures allowed under current regulations.

Obama’s measures will benefit US exporters of items such as telecommunications equipment, medicines and agricultural equipment. It is difficult to calculate the impact. The resumption of banking relations between the two countries does not include extending credit to the Cuban importer, but it will facilitate the financial transaction. One conservative estimate is that exports could increase by 40 percent although from a reduced base of $315,000,000 estimated in 2014, according to statistics from the US Department of Commerce. Cuban exports to the US are restricted by current North American legislation that is not affected by Obama’s measures.

As is well known, long-range projections for commerce, tourism and investment will depend on changes in US legal restrictions. They will also depend on the operating climate and the projects available in Cuba for foreign enterprises. It is early to evaluate this without knowing the course that these initiatives by President Obama will take in the US Congress.

Dr. Luis R. Luis is an economist in Massachusetts and has served as Chief Economist of the Organization of American States, and Director of the Institute of International Finance, both in Washington, DC. He is a member of the Association for the Study of the Cuban Economy and editor of asce.org/blog.

Translated by Alicia Barraqué Ellison

13 January 2015