After the Hurricane: Cheap Rum and a Concert for Comfort… / Luis Felipe Rojas #Cuba

1354168808_ron-buenoThe television news shows the agony of the victims of Hurricane Sandy and the Culture Department of the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC) is determined to offer its parishioners some entertainment … a force of ridicule.

The children’s theater company ’The Beehive’ even made it to the cities of Holguin and Banes and although they brought their stories, games and songs we still see those affected by the cyclone making miracles cooking on wood stoves, looking for something to eat for the day or stuck in long lines for the paperwork to get materials to repair their shattered homes.

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Source EFE

The popular pop duo Buena Fe (Good Faith) arrived in a Santiago de Cuba devastated by the October storm and now the scourge of the cholera epidemic and had no other remedy than escape, offered by a little music and the cheapest alcohol, and the enjoyment of a show that this time wouldn’t cost them a penny. But how much enjoyment is there in crowded conditions, destruction and despair?

November 29 2012

Faces of Repression in Cuba / Luis Felipe Rojas

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Individual with mental retardation, used as a member of the Rapid Response Brigades in San Germán, Holguín. Responsible: MININT Delegate Grognier Gallardo Parra.

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Lt. Yazmanis Suárez Ramírez, “Confrontation” official in San Germán, Holguín.

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Victor Zamora, unlicensed self-employed. Member of the Rapid Response Brigades in San Germán, Holguín.

November 12 2012

Attack on Antunez in Placetas / Luis Felipe Rojas #Cuba

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Jorge Luis Garcia Perez “Antunez” – Photo by Tracey Eaton

Democratic Cuban Directorate, Miami, December 3, 2012. In the city of Placetas Jorge Luis Garcia Perez “Antunez” reported that at noon he was traveling on his bicycle to his home, and at the intersection of South 5th Street at the corner of West 6th, a police car came behind him, toward the place where he was riding. On turning on his bike toward a street to the right, he followed his instinct for self-preservation, the cop car managed only to brush him from behind, and the police, visibly nervous, ask him for his identity card and detained him.

“Looking back I realize that had this attack of the cop car against me taken place next to the little bridge there that I would have fallen and broken my neck, it would have killed me. This worries me greatly considering the number of threats that I am receiving from the police; the threats I received in Camagey when I was arrested, they were going to kill me, they would not allow me to continue to promote activities in the streets. Death threats recently in the province of Holguín when I was arrested. That hatred and that viciousness that the military doesn’t hide when they confront me,” complained Antunez.

December 4 2012

Human Rights Day / Lilianne Ruiz #Cuba

SONY DSCI’ve been so busy this week that I’m writing something just now. As I’m not used to writing “live” on-line, the interior voice, the intimate thoughts, that emerge when it’s time to write my posts are hiding from me.

Here we are celebrating Human Rights Day with the opening of the Endless Poetry Festival. The photos that many friends have published on-line speak for themselves.

Thank you to everyone who has helped to make Calixto’s situation visible. Yesterday we learned that he stopped the hunger strike. We have to work to free him and to show the regime that their actions against citizens in the name of the security of the State are clear violations of himan rights.

See you on Monday.

December 14 2012

The Brake Mechanism / Reinaldo Escobar #Cuba

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Listening yesterday to the General President in his discourse before the Cuban parliament, I got the impression that the so-called “process of reforms” will continue on its course without backtracking, but it will do so without the depth and speed required.

Raul Castro again complained about the existence of a mentality stuck in the methods of the past, something he had done in his speech before the 5th Plenum of the Central Committee as well as at the last extended meeting of the Council of Ministers.

It is surprising that a person who holds in his hands all the resources, all the legal power, and even the moral authority to change things, presents himself as a victim of phantasmagoric way of thinking that doesn’t allow him to move forward as needed.

An example of this situation is the slowness demonstrated in renewing the cadres. Last January, the 1st National Conference of the Cuban Communist Party, which was required to renew the Central Committee, declined to act and passed a kind of vote of confidence (and at the same time a mandate) for the Central Committee to renew itself by 20%. They have already held at least two full sessions since the Conference and nothing has been said about renewal.

In the days of Perestroika Mikhail Gorbachev and the ideologues on his team created the term “brake mechanism” to identify the recalcitrants who didn’t want to change anything. If the Island’s “go slow” faction continues to impede reforms, sooner or later Raul Castro will be forced to go over to the opposition, or to stage a Fujimori style Auto-Coup.

The unfinished business which, in my opinion, prevents any progress, is centered on the issue of Political Reforms. As long as they don’t deactivate the repressive character of the regime, as long as they don’t decriminalize political dissent, as long as they don’t allow and promote freedom of expression and freedom of association, Raul Castro will have to continue plowing with the old and tired oxen who just don’t understand the direction of the new furrows.

I know I am being extremely generous, or perhaps I’m just being sly to show that in this car even the most insignificant screw forms a part of the annoying brake mechanism.

14 December 2012

Laments of a Festival / Fernando Damaso #Cuba

Photo: Rebeca

Every year, when reading essays by film critics on the various works presented at the so-called Festival of New Latin American Cinema, what stands out is the never-ending lament on the need to win over a public “unfortunately (this is the word used) conditioned by the Hollywood esthetic.” There are never any complaints about a French, Italian, English, Spanish, Swedish, Russian or German esthetic. These do exist and, in spite of Hollywood, have achieved success in both their national and international markets. It seems to be not so much a problem of esthetics as a lack of quality in what audiences are being offered.

To disparage an internationally recognized cinematic tradition based on primitive political or ideological ideas without taking into consideration the fact that it has produced films ranging from magnificent (true works of art), good, less good, average and bad is akin to burying one’s head in the sand. Its output is also so varied that it satisfies every taste, including fans of every type of drama, comedy, musical, action adventure, science fiction and animated film.

Unfortunately (and here is the rub), most Latin American films are plagued by unfulfilled good intentions — an abundance of cinematic rubbish that forces audiences to flee in droves from theaters in which they are shown. At times the films are so personal that only their creators can understand them. With a few notable exceptions, this was the case at 34th annual festival.

In reality most people do not go to see Latin American films, preferring instead co-productions from Spain, Germany, France, Italy, Canada and other countries. We have had and have good directors (Glauber Rocha, Subiela, Ripstein, Gutiérrez Alea, Solás, Fernando Pérez and Pineda Barnet, to name but a few) whose films appealed to the public and were able to fill movie theaters, but they are not the majority. Until our directors can create an appealing cinema (this does not mean one that is not artistic), capable of drawing a crowd and keeping them in their seats until the words “The End” appear, all these pseudo-artistic statements and expressions of disappointment will do nothing to solve the problem. This, ladies and gentlemen, is not the fault of Hollywood or the audience, but of the film makers themselves.

December 13 2012

Primary School in Cuba: Crisis or Regression in Quality? / Ivan Garcia #Cuba

I have a nine-year old daughter, and due to the laxity in primary education, her mother and I have seen ourselves obliged to invest more time and money than we would like in order tostrengthen her knowledge.

When she was in first grade, her teacher, 18-years-old with poor teacher training, used corporal punishment against the students every time she lost her patience. The mistreatment happened often. The girl was vulgar and angry. Besides, she scarcely had any culture and little or no teaching vocation.

Repeated complaints to the director of the school and letters sent to theMinister of Education by some parents provoked a transfer of the teacher to another school. The logical thing would have been to expel her from teaching. But the lack of primary teachers in Cuba caused the educational authorities not to take drastic measures.

My daughter came home fearful because of the screams, blows and insults of her teacher. She began to reject school. She barely progressed in reading and math. After her school day, her mother and I reviewed with her for two hours daily.

For 10 convertible pesos, half the salary of a professional in Cuba, we hired an experienced, retiredprimary school teacher for the purpose of elevating the quality of her instruction. Also, we paid 3 convertible pesosmonthly to an English teacher.

My daughter’s situation is not an exception in Cuba today. I would say it is the norm. Many families surely have a history of complaints to tell about faculty mismanagement.

According to the official press, there is a deficit of 14 thousand teachers in primary and secondary teaching. Fernando Ravsberg, reporter for BBC on the island, says on his blog that it takes great abilityto write an article of 1,400 words about the scarcity of teachers and not oncementionthe low salaries that they earn.

The regression in the quality of education is intimately tied to the ridiculous salaries. A teacher does not earn more than 500 pesos. He receives no extra money in currency. And his social recognition has fallen precipitously. When a young person chooses the teaching career, it is almost always because he has failed in his effort to pass entrance exams in other degrees considered more “prestigious.”

To be a teacher is the last card from the deck. Many men opt to study in lightening teaching courses as a way of escaping military service. It is not rare to see a former primary school teacher washing dishes in a luxury hotel or preparing homemade pizzas in a private business.

A good teacher is one of the most valuable contributions to the country that the GDP does not usually pick up. Who does not remember superb classes in history or literature by a virtuoso teacher? The good teachers are never forgotten and they are not only thanked for what welearned, but also for the way in which they taught us. Behind great professional and honest men, there is always the hand of a great teacher.

At this point we are going backwards. Right now, in the homeland of Felix Varela, Jose de la Luz y Caballero and Maria Luisa Dolz, among other outstanding educators, being a teacher is somewhat trivial. An office of last resort to notswell the unemployment statistics.

If in Finland, a European nation in the vanguard of education in the world, they assign the highest level teachers to primary teaching, in Cuba the opposite happens. The statistics reflect that on the island there are more than a million university graduates. Thousands of technicians. Zero illiterates.

It is laudable. An achievement of Fidel Castro. With his stains: teaching is highly ideological. And on the higher level, if you openly demonstrate your political discrepancies, they might throw you into the street.

In his timid and incomplete economic reforms, Raul Castro must have contemplated an important improvement in the salaries of primary and secondary teachers. An official from the Ministry of the Interior or the Revolutionary Armed Forcesearns a thousand pesos a month. They have a mobile telephone paid by the state.

They can get goods at cost in exclusive stores for officials. And every year they go on vacation at military villas where they pay for their services with very little money. The generals’ club enjoys greater prerogatives. On the other hand, Cuban teachers earn miserable salaries, and their work is not recognized by the government.

Low quality education is now reaping its fruits. Mediocre professionals, with spelling mistakes and incorrect use of language. Youngsters without morals or civics whom school does not motivate. The refrain, you can never know too much, fell into disuse.

The qualitative regression could be stopped if the State dignifies the teaching profession and its role in society. To the contrary, the educational crisis will continue to become more acute. We are going down that path.

Photo:Year 1950-51. Third grade students in Public School No. 126 Ramon Rosainz, located at Monte and Pila, Havana. They appear with their teacher, Miss Ines. At that time, teachers were very valued and respected by society. Before 1959, in public and private schoolsin Cuba, individual photographersmade portraits similar to this one, which were sold to parents for 50 cents or a peso. The first on foot on the second row, to the left, is Tania Quintero, my mother, then 8 years of age.

Translated by mlk

December 12 2012

For Shame! / Angel Santiesteban #Cuba

By Amir Valle

Ángel Santiesteban is a writer.

It’s a truth so absolute that it can make whoever reads this think, “Amir Valle still doesn’t know what he’s going to write.” And he would be right. Because I could have begun by saying directly what I mean:

“Ángel Santiesteban is a writer, but they want to disguise him as a criminal.”

And now that’s very different. Still more if we see ourselves obliged to remember that Ángel Santiesteban lives in a country that spends its time “crowing” everywhere that Cubans “live in the best of worlds that exist today”; that is to say, almost in a paradise on earth, and that the accusations made by enemies — who in all cases are called “mercenaries of imperialism” — that human rights are not respected in Cuba are false.

Ángel Santiesteban is a writer, and he has told about a Cuba that the government doesn’t want to show; a Cuba that refuses to accept many honest beings of this world who once pinned their hopes on what the Cuban Revolution meant in those beautiful and, I repeat, encouraging, years of the Seventies. But the saddest thing is that Ángel Santiesteban has written, persists in writing and speaking about a Cuba that certain intellectuals of the Left strive to hide.

I have spoken with some of these colleagues, and it has called my attention to discovering that, determined in their personal war against “the evils of imperialism,” against “the genocide that capitalism is causing in the present world,” against the “dangerous and growing loss of liberties and human rights that the United States and the rich countries of the First World are carrying with them wherever they plant their boots,” they don’t want to understand (and even search for thousands of justifications, among others, Ahh! The North American blockade!) that on a more reduced but also criminal scale, the Cuban government has converted “Cuba, the beacon of the Americas and the world” into an absurd marabuzal (convoluted mess) of economic, social and moral evils.

They don’t want to recognize (and even try to find forced explanations) that because of the failed economic experiments and the “war mongering internationalism” of Fidel Castro and his minions, the Cuban people have suffered a true genocide that already numbers more dead than all the deaths that have occurred on the island since the beginning of the 20th century up to today (just trying to escape Cuba for the United States on makeshift rafts to reach “the capitalist hell,” around 30,000 Cubans have perished); and above all, those intellectual colleagues of the Left lose themselves in labyrinths of slogans from the epoch of the Cold War when they try to defend a government that shows its true dictatorial face eliminating freedoms and human rights for all its citizens, enraging itself especially with those who dare to think with their own minds, to say and write what they think.

It’s a shameful position, without doubt. But more shameful is the silence in response. And it’s in the face of evidence of the total disaster that today is the political and governmental “system” imposed on Cubans (and the quotation marks are because more than a system, it’s a desperate experiment to gain time in power to prepare the way for the “sons of the Castro Clan and their acolytes” to assume that power). Faced with the impossibility of defending such a debacle with solid arguments, they now count on changing the subject, and when they see themselves obliged “to fulfill their honorable professional careers” to face the stubborn truth of the facts, they respond with a theatrical “I didn’t know” (at least this happens with the majority of those I know).

But there is even something more embarrassing. A good part of those intellectuals personally knew Ángel Santiesteban when he still hadn’t decided to say out loud and to write journalistically to Cubans and the world what he thought about the harsh reality of his country. At that time he was limiting himself to writing only short stories, which were hard, critical, not at all complacent. But even so he was then considered a prestigious voice in the concert of Cuban narrative. The official critics, many of them cultural functionaries in important political posts, categorized him as “the best storyteller of his generation.”

But none of those critics, none of those functionaries, could ever explain why, while the Latin American Literary Agency (that represents and manages internationally the literary works of the resident writers on the island) placed in good, mid-range and even unknown publishers abroad works that were “not conflictive” (many of them of lesser quality than the books of Ángel), the Agency never managed to place one single one of the much-praised books of Ángel Santiesteban.

We heard the unofficial response from the mouth of a Cuban editor, then the director of one of the most prestigious publishing houses on the island, at a party in the Pablo de la Torriente Brau Cultural Center. And perhaps that explosion of sincerity had something to do with the several plastic cups of rum and cola that the editor had drunk. Now we know, because life has shown us: children and drunks tend to be implacably sincere. Later I knew that the weight of conscience bothered that poor man, the guilt of not having been able to overcome the fear that obliged him to leave his ethical principles to one side and convert himself into the worst of intellectual marionettes: a censor.

“Some day many things I did will come out into the open…the many masks I had to put on…to save you from the hell that I had to go through…to defend the right of writing with freedom, believe me, I did a lot…a lot….,” he said, with a nasal voice.

“I saved your ass when you wrote the true Manuscritos…and now I can tell you that was a great book….,” he told me, pointing at me with a trembling finger.

“And you, for your book of stories about Pinos Nuevos,” he told Alejandro Aguiar, who I didn’t think was really listening because he was talking with Alberto Guerra, who now also had ears as red as Mandinga from the alcohol.

“And just now I came from a meeting where a bastard from the Agency, whose name I won’t mention, said clearly, clearly, that he is not promoting outside Cuba “gusano books” — the books of worms — like those of Ángel Santiesteban.

That I remember. Of course with all the repetitions, all the babbling and all that comic slurring of words that drunks usually do. Even tears, especially when he complained that it hurt him to be seen as a censor by colleagues like us.

The period of time, and above all the secrets that some writer friends told us under their breath who also were functionaries “of confidence” would allow us to prove that that behavior was not an aberration of one particular censor. It was a clear political tactic: books that showed the island in a way that was “not convenient” to the official image that Cuba projected were shelved and the authors were always told that “we don’t know what’s happening, but we are not able to place your books…it’s difficult, the international market is very hard.”

And when they placed some of those books it was strictly for propaganda purposes, well calculated. One writer who protested too much had to shut up (and was then published by a very small house of almost no distribution, so that the book didn’t circulate except for guaranteeing a few samples for the author who boasted of being published abroad) or had to show that it was a lie that Cuba censured him, for which they flocked to false or blandly “conflictive” books of writers who clearly adhered to the Regime, most notably the “critical” novel “The Flight of the Cat,” by Abel Prieto.

Nothing of that, of course, do they accept, those foreign intellectuals who then came to Cuba and were astonished at the “fabulous narrative capacity of Ángel Santiesteban,” as some told me personally in those years. I even dare to assert that some, if they are asked, upon receiving the official version (in which, I am also sure, they don’t believe) have decided to make like ostriches and hide their heads in the sand.

None of them, even where it is known in the intellectual milieus of the island and exile, has interceded for this writer they praised so much when he was unknown by “the enemy press, mercenary of imperialism”; none of them, in their numerous trips to Havana, has demanded that the right of Ángel Santiesteban to say what he thinks, to publish what he thinks inside and outside Cuba be respected, not even with 0.5 percent of the rage with which they defend a phony like Julian Assange (who presents himself as a paradigm of free expression of the press but runs to seek refuge under the wings of a government that is a paradigm in the world of repression of a free press).

None of those who verified with their own eyes that Ángel Santiesteban is, above all things, a sincere writer, with a literary career that has persevered since its very beginning in offering a critical look at the Cuban reality, none of them, I repeat, has pronounced publicly, like they should, to simply defend the right of Ángel Santiesteban to be considered thus, a writer.

Berlin, November 9, 2012

Translated by Regina Anavy

Repression, Poverty and Other Cuban Truths Arrive at the DVD Market / Luis Felipe Rojas #Cuba

In just thirteen minutes of history human rights activists told how they were attacked by political police officers and men in plain clothes. The reason? Castro graffiti on the streets, and posters hanging from roofs.

Without meaning to justify themselves, young dissidents explain how they have been surprised that when these signs appear they are held responsible for them and that they come from the increasingly discontented population of the whole country.

The independent visual experimentation group, Palenque Vision, of the Eastern Democratic Alliance, has released from the tangled Guantanamera geography a documentary produced by themselves and directed by Rolando Rodriguez Lobaina. The material, entitled “For Cuba, Freedom”, is supported by a simple narrative, without makeup, profusion of visual effects or complicated editing.

This same group recently produced an amusing video shot with  a hidden camera showing delegates to an assembly prior to municipal elections of the People’s Power in Baracoa, Guantanamo, last September, where the revolutionary leaders fall into a deep sleep to the rhythm of harangues.

Right now the Cuban documentary is found in small viewings in intellectual circles, the few spaces for exhibitions and festivals, and the rich environment of everyday life underground. Alternative distribution routes are growing — from citizen to citizen — enriching the immediate reality.

The proliferation of flash memory, the use and popularization of something as useful as the home DVD player, and the release by the Cuban government of patents for reproducing and selling audiovisual products on the part of the self-employed, have enlarged Cuban viewers’ opportunities over the last five years.

The American television series that propaganda apparatus on the island do not allow to be releases, materials from Cuban athletes living abroad, telenovelas, historical films, action adventure (all produced by capitalists), go from house to house, in cutting edge technological devices or the almost obsolete CDs.

Amid this avalanche also coming into homes are materials showing Cuban government repression or closeups denouncing the misery in which the country finds itself.

The documentaries of Vision Palenque join the materials coming out of film schools and independent experimental groups, which have produced debates as such as Citizens’ Reasons and State of Sats (Estado de Sats) and reports such as those from Let’s Talk Press (Hablemos Press) and other independent news agencies .

This is a good sign for the health of the Cuban documentary.

BARACOA BARACOA BARACOA

December 6 2012

Conversations with FARC / Fernando Damaso #Cuba

In recent days talks have been taking place in Havana between delegations from the Colombian government and the FARC. This constitutes a positive and necessary step in efforts to find a solution to the violent conflict that for many years has brought bloodshed, death and suffering to the Colombian people.

It is worth noting, however, that, while the government’s representatives maintain a respectful stance towards the country hosting them by avoiding making statements or giving interviews that could adversely affect the talks, representatives of the guerrilla group never cease to hold press conferences, issue communiques, make irrelevant compensation claims for actions which occurred more than eighty years ago, present a full-size cardboard cutout of one of their leaders sentenced to sixty years in prison in the United States for drug trafficking (while demanding his release so that he can participate in the talks), use opportunistic language (such as “Cuba, the island of peace”) and other tactics in a desperate attempt to gain media attention.

Its comandantes, dubbed “shooting stars” by the official Cuban press, visit embassies, run around the city and enjoy their status as “political tourists,” demonstrating the close fraternal bonds they enjoy with their Cuban friends. Perhaps by dressing in civilian clothes and always smiling, they hope to sweep away their nefarious history of kidnappings, explosions, assassinations, torture (by strapping explosive collars around the necks of their victims), bank robberies, extortions of landowners and businessmen, evictions of peasants, and drug trafficking.

We trust that, in spite of the media spectacle, after so many reverses and loss of prestige they have gained some experience and are acting in good faith, in search of a serious negotiated solution for peace and not stalling for time by “washing their hands and face” in order to continue practicing the business of violence as a way of life

December 10 2012

Paya in Miami, in Cuba / Luis Felipe Rojas

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On Friday night, December 7 was a good opportunity to inaugurate the Oswaldo “Payá Sardiñas” Circle of Democratic Thought. In the evening I gave a reading of the most recent paper from the Cuban Christian Liberation Movement, and had the opportunity to publicly express myself on the current Cuban situation, speaking from my own experience.

Several activists of the Christian Liberation Movement (MCL) who worked with Oswaldo in Cuba and from abroad, talked about this thinking. The idea of Paya’s working door-to-door with Cubans made it clear that any gap left in the power of a closed system must be taken advantage of by independent civil society. To one of the questions from the audience to the panelists, Antonio Diaz Sanchez, from the cause of the Black Spring 75, expressed his opinion that the MCL’s work to develop the unity of the Cuban people built on the ideas of Vaclav Havel.

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In my view the main currency of Oswaldo Paya drew on the sharpness of his own critics, his detractors in Cuba always suggested that Paya “was just collecting signatures; however, that action was one of the ways in which the MCL had the greatest connection with the people of Cuba. The decision of more than eleven thousand Cubans to express their discontent — and exposing their identity as they did so against such an oppressive regime — was only a shadow of what independent Cuban civil society could have done with a little more articulation and effectiveness.

The night was honored by the presence via telephone of Rosa Maria Paya, the daughter of Oswaldo, who spoke to those present about the different projects the MCL is still engaged in. Rosa Maria responded with clarity to a question about the investigation of the strange circumstances that killed her father and activist Harold Cepero Escalante and demonstrated that her youth and her commitment to fight for the freedom of Cuba will be a problem for the current repressive dynamics.

Family, and friends of Oswaldo Paya and a large group of former prisoners of the Cause of the Black Spring 75, three Ladies in White and some of the executive of the Cuban Democratic Directorate joined the tribute, a night whose work would have greatly pleased and encouraged the leader of the Christian Liberation Movement.

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December 8 2012

Cuba Allows Cooperatives in Various Economic Activities / Yoani Sanchez #Cuba

Waiting for…

This Tuesday a new Decree-Law went into effect in Cuba, gradually expanding cooperatives. In a preliminary state it is expected to contribute to the creation of more than 200 associations of this type throughout the country. Since the last session of the National Assembly, in July of this year, we have been awaiting the implementation of a measure that is expected to invigorate the island’s ailing economy. Until now, this kind of management has only been allowed in the agricultural sector. But starting now it will also include restaurants, transport, personal and domestic services, the recovery of raw materials and construction, among other sectors.

This measure is part of a plan of increased flexibility and economic adjustments approved by the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba in 2011. According to official propaganda is part of a process of “updating the current model” rather than dismantling it. However, some critical sectors had advocated for less nationalization and more cooperatives, as an alternative to privatization.

This Tuesday’s edition of the newspaper Granma said that it is a decree-law that establishes the “experimental constitution” of these associations. It also announced that the lease of state-owned premises shall preferentially be offered to those workers who work in them now. Of course, when these workers “voluntarily determine to form a cooperative.” To form the cooperative the applicants will have to present a request to the municipal organs of People’s Power and these submit them to various committees.

Initially “first degree” associations will be authorized, with up to three employees. It is also expected that “second degree” associations will be permitted, made up of two or more cooperatives, although right now they still will not be implemented. A General Assembly, where each partner will have one vote, will be directed by each of these groups.

The official organ of the Communist Party clarifies that the the prices of products and services marketed will be governed by the laws of supply and demand. Although it warns that there will be some exceptions in which the State will determine the sales prices. During the session of the National Assembly in July, Vice President Marino Murillo said the government was working on the preparation of a General Law of Cooperatives.

Among the best received points of the new Decree-Law is the fact that these new entities will have a legal existence. They will not be administratively subordinated “to any state entity” although it’s been made clear that they should “conform to the guidelines set forth by the governing bodies” of each activity. For example, in the case of a group of workers who form a construction cooperative, they will have to abide by the quality standards dictated by the appropriate Ministry.

The new Decree-Law is also related to the Law No. 113 of the Tax System to take effect this coming January. This grants tax incentives for cooperatives compared to other state forms of management.

The economic adjustment plan driven by Raul Castro still has major gaps. Complaints from the self-employment and cooperative sector center on the inability to get bank financing and the lack of a wholesale market. The government has said the latter will be gradually implemented beginning in 2013, but this announcement has not quieted suspicions. However, a brief glimmer of autonomy is being opened with the Decree-Law that goes into effect on this second Tuesday of December.

11 December 2012

Angel Facing the Inferno / Luis Felipe Rojas #Cuba

Con Angel el 20 de enero 2010 en la habana-cuba
With Angel on 20 January 2010 in Havana, Cuba

The Cuban government has made a comeback again. This time it has imposed a sentence of five years imprisonment on the writer Ángel Santiesteban-Prats. They have used their usual method of waiting for the weekend for the repressive action, considering that most of the media that cover Cuba take a couple of days off.

There isn’t much I have to say about Angel, only that half of Cuba has read his heartbreaking stories and that’s a lot. His stories are full of the fate of those who don’t believe in luck. Angel Santiesteban was a member of the strongly promoted group known as the “Novisimos” — the Newest — pushed into the limelight by the unparalleled Salvado Redonet. (These were artists who were born and came of age after the Revolution.) His book about the war in Angola didn’t make it into the bookstores for years after having won prizes and slept the sleep of ignored manuscripts. It is an uncomfortable book if we consider that its value lies in its anti-heroes who speak with total freedom. Now they want to imprison him on false charges, already dismissed by a court, putting back in the arena that cheerful boy who toured the island giving public lectures and offering his opinion in literary competitions.

The crime that passes like a scream on everyone’s lips is that he again became an uncomfortable person, that the Cuban Book Institute does not make a priority of addressing the claims of those who speak without restrictions and the Ministry of Culture is just one more department of Central Committee of the Communist Party of Cuba.

The clock is running out on us and this week we will carry forward a strong campaign for his complete freedom. Remember well, writers and artists of Cuba, Angel is a one more figure in the witch hunt that has stretched into 54 years of abuse. Let’s do something.

December 10 2012

Festival for Human Rights Day / Rebeca Monzo #Cuba

It was a beautiful day, rather warm. The sea perfectly calm, reflecting the blue of a cloudless sky.

We got up early, thinking to avoid the usual police cordon. We saw no signs of it. We assumed they were watching us, that they were all around, but on this occasion they didn’t make themselves visible.

The booth of Cuban Voices was dedicated to technology.

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The rudimentary and the modern lent a hand.

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We were satisfied with the work done.

There were very original performances, like that of El Sexto.

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Title: Resistance
Series: My Body
Author: Danilo Maldonado
Materials: Flesh and Bone
Dimensions: Variable

In the next post I’ll offer more details and photos.

It was a beautiful afternoon, tranquil, with good attendance and especially with the presence of many children. Estado de Sats occurred in a relaxed and enthusiastic atmosphere.

December 11 2012

Projects Fair / Yoani Sanchez #Cuba

bibliotecas_interracial
The Booth of Civic Libraries and Racial Integration

Lately my days are like weeks concentrated into twenty-four hours. I have Wednesdays that come one after another, Saturdays full of work and Mondays on which nothing seems to start, it all just continues. Sometimes I combine the most incredible events in a single day: sublime or mundane; extraordinary or tedious. But there is, every now and then, a date into which it seems I’d like to drain the entire calendar. December 10th was one of those days and I’d have liked to have on hand “The Devil in the Bottle” — as imagined by Robert Louis Stevenson — to ask him to delay nightfall by at least 72 hours.

This year has been no exception. From the night before, we began to notice “the syndrome of the eve of Human Rights Day.” Everyone notices it, even those who refuse to acknowledge these situations. We can observe an increase in the number of police in the most central parts of the city, and an increased tension in the security forces. For a while now here, the official institutions also try to appropriate a date that, for decades, has belonged to the critical sector of this society. We see television announcers smilingly presenting activities throughout the country that are honoring “rights…” and see their mouths dry up, their tongues falter, simply trying to come out with the words “cultural and social.” For too long the phrase “human rights” has been stigmatized, such that it provokes, at the very least, a blush among those in government spaces who now try to repeat it.

They carry out arrests and threats throughout the country on this day, but we always manage to do something. This year I participated in the opening day of the Endless Poetry Festival. This alternative fiesta in Cuba resurfaced yesterday with a fair of diverse projects. A hundred people gathered at the site of Estado de SATS and erected various exhibition spaces that ranged from music making to activism for racial integration. It was possible to visit the work of the Civic Libraries, the brand new “Journal of Plural Thinking” from the city of Santa Clara, and the young DJs of “18A16 Productions.” There was also our booth under the name “Technology and Freedom,” offering a sample of the work of the bloggers, independent journalists and Twitterers.

An island within the Island, this space was a foretaste of that day when respect for plurality will exist in our country. Laughter, projects, united in diversity and great friendship, formed the magic of the first day of the Endless Poetry Festival. When I got home it seemed I had lived a whole week in the space of one day and — for once — had not needed a bottled demon from a story to do it. With the energy of so many people we had managed to fit into every minute the colossal density of the future.

11 December 2012