The Sports Law approved last July opened the door to investments, but no firm has approached the clubs
Sponsorships, in general, have not been successful in Cuban sports. / Jit
14ymedio, Havana, 16 October 2025 — The National Series baseball teams continue to fail to attract sponsors and advertising for uniforms and stadiums. More than two months after the Sports Law approved the opening of the program to state and private companies, none have approached the clubs. “The opportunity is legal,” Karel Pachot, legal director of the National Institute of Sports, Physical Education, and Recreation (Inder), told the program Bola Viva.
Pachot is certain that “if it is used as intended, it can yield the best results for all parties involved in this action.”
The current regulations, which were placed under the control of INDER, aim to generate revenue, a portion of which would be used to restore sports venues and guarantee resources to organize events, cover transportation costs, and provide food for baseball players.
For now, the outlook remains bleak. The lack of transportation, of water for the players, and of electricity has led to the suspension of games. Last June, the U-23 match between Cienfuegos and Mayabeque had to be canceled because “the bus that was supposed to take them to the stadium didn’t arrive,” according to reporter Fabián Morales. continue reading
“Theft, abuse, and constant problems are the daily bread of Cuban baseball. The incidents continue to accumulate, and it seems there’s no end to these evils,” explained the specialized media outlet Swing Completo.
Thus, Pachot appealed to companies, reminding them that they can all apply for advertising and sponsorship. “In the case of the National Baseball Series, the application is made through the Cuban Baseball Federation and the event’s Organizing Committee. These bodies submit the application to the appropriate authority.”
The [Cuban bottled water] company “Ciego Montero, for example, is a regular at some of our competitions, and has been a sponsor that has guaranteed the water,” explains Pachot.
The Cuban bottled water company “Ciego Montero, for example, is a regular at some of our competitions; it has been a sponsor that has guaranteed the water,” Pachot explains.
In the case of uniforms, the official emphasized that “they may allocate up to a third of their total surface area to sponsor logos, seeking to maintain a balance between team identity and economic needs.”
Based on the success of Cuban baseball, the measure is intended to be extended to other disciplines, including soccer, volleyball, and athletics.
Sponsorships, in general, have not borne fruit in Cuban sports. In 2021, authorities opened the door to privatizing the management of sports facilities. The first venue to pass into the hands of the “new forms of economic management,” as the federations called the non-state sector, was the iconic Estadio Latinoamericano, home of Havana’s Industriales baseball team.
The goal is for these facilities to “be financially autonomous and self-sustaining,” said Juan Reinaldo Pérez, National Baseball Commissioner, at the time. The changes didn’t go as planned, and the facility underwent another renovation last March.
Now, work continues on the souvenir shops , restaurants, cafes, pizzerias, and ice cream parlors, as well as the arcade, screens, and tents in outdoor areas.
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The Agricultural Group has set out to sow 200,000 hectares (494,212 acres), half of which are under the responsibility of “large enterprises and specialized centers”
Half of the projected figure -100,000 hectares- will be managed by “large enterprises and specialized centers” in Pinar del Río, Villa Clara, Sancti Spíritus, Camagüey and Granma. / Cubadebate
14ymedio, Havana, October 15, 2025 — The lack of production in Cuba is not easy to solve, but it usually finds compensation in a corresponding show of ‘voluntarism’. This is the case for rice, of which the Government intends to sow 200,000 hectares next year.
According to a note published this Wednesday in Granma, the task, “indicated by the highest leadership of the country” is of the “first order” and is expected to be launched this coming November. The program, reported the newspaper of the Communist Party of Cuba based on statements by Orlando Linares Morel, president of the Agricultural Group of the Ministry of Agriculture, aims to cover almost the entire country — 14 provinces, 133 municipalities and 23,000 producers.
Of the planned figure, half — 100,000 hectares — will be in the charge of “large companies and specialized centers” of Pinar del Río, Villa Clara, Sancti Spíritus, Camagüey and Granma. The rest will be devoted to the cultivation of the so-called “popular rice,” much criticized by experts for being inefficient, although the official report says nothing about this.
“Anyone can join this second modality,” says the official, “both for purposes of self-consumption and with intentions to contribute to industry and the national balance sheet.” The planting, he continues, “will be supported by national seed, while the Vietnamese side, which will participate in the program, will contribute its own seeds.” continue reading
The sowing, he continues, “will be supported by national seed, while the Vietnamese side, which will participate in the program, will contribute its own seeds.”
This refers to the projects in Pinar del Rio (in the municipalities of Los Palacios and Consolación del Sur) and in Artemisa Province, where the Vietnamese company Agri VMA is working on land under usufruct whose yields are much higher than those of the State: seven tons per hectare compared to the 1.5 average of the country..
The statements made by officials on October 7 in a meeting devoted to the subject made it clear that the private sector has become the main producer of rice on the Island, although the Round Table TV program acknowledged that, even with the non-State contribution, the future was bleak. According to the authorities, the current campaign will not be good, even with outside help.
In 2024, Cuba produced 80,000 tons of rice on 79,000 hectares, just over 10 per cent of its domestic consumption with a yield of just over one ton per hectare. By 2025, according to a report from Granma published last March, the goal was to plant 100,000 tons and obtain 100,000 tons of rice.
The latter would imply a growth of 20% compared to 2024, something complicated with the energy deficit. For the remaining 100,000 hectares of self-consumption and small production by 2026, the target seems unattainable under current conditions.
Last March, the Agricultural Group insisted on the need to develop, in some 70 municipalities, the cultivation of “popular rice,” a modality that “already proved its effectiveness during the hard years of the Special Period, in the 1990s.” The authorities’ aspire to return to agriculture with oxen because there is no fuel and no “technological package” to improve yields.
However, they acknowledged the inadequacy of domestic production to meet domestic demand and the need to import the product. “Last year, the rice harvested in the country was sold only in markets, fairs and some destinations of the Ministry of Internal Trade. But the basic basket [via the ration system] was 100% imported, and in 2025 it is also expected to be so,” said Orlando Linares.
That is why the fanciful intentions expressed in Granma this Tuesday are surprising. It also ensures that the State will provide the necessary fuel to producers, up to 70% “directly,” 10% in debit cards, and the rest in dollars, “in order to achieve deliveries and sales to industry, so they can count on cash to cover the high costs of cultivation and compensation for temporary workers.”
The plan even foresees the “accelerated introduction” of drones to increase performance and decrease water consumption. To “back up” the goal, they plan to use “the return of sales financing in US dollars from tourism and other sectors, which could help the rice program under current conditions, basically in the acquisition of tires, parts, tools and accessories for tractors, combine harvesters, industrial inputs and other resources.”
Today, the rice distributed in the basic basket comes from outside. On September 20, 19,000 tons of grain arrived at the port of Havana — without the national television revealing its origin — to be distributed throughout the country.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Cubadebate proposes “basic measures” that “in the long run” regulate prices “naturally”
Prices on view in a private store in the neighborhood of San Agustín, in the municipality of La Lisa. / Cubadebate
14ymedio, Havana, Juan Diego Rodríguez, October 16, 2025 — After Cubadebate visited a market in Havana for a report published this Thursday on the price regulations established by the capital’s government just two and a half weeks ago, it reached an indisputable conclusion: the measure is now “a dead letter.” Very few businesses are complying.
Thus, for example, at the fair of the Palatine People’s Council in Old Havana, where, according to the text of the state media, “the value of products showed a direct relationship with inflation and with the price of the dollar on the informal market,” the prices were more expensive than those established by the authorities. Specifically, doubled: papaya at 80 pesos per pound against the 40 stipulated; pumpkin at 50 pesos when it should be 25; and malanga at 150 when the fixed price was 75 pesos.
“No, we don’t have the chalkboard today, but there’s no charge for asking,” was the answer of one of the sellers to the reporter after she inquired about the official price list. Despite complaints from buyers, most were realistic about the measure. “Capping prices is like putting a band-aid on the wound. Nobody complies with the established price, and the inspectors are noticeable by their absence at best. At worst, the sellers buy them off with a string of onions, which is very expensive,” declared a woman identified as Monica.
“Capping prices is like putting a band-aid on the wound. Nobody complies with the established price and the inspectors are noticeable by their absence”
The problems now are similar. “All inputs to make the land productive remain scarce and sky-high. In addition, it is increasingly difficult to find workers who accept less than 10,000 pesos a month, and that makes everything more expensive. How can I sell the malanga at the price they say, if planting it alone costs a fortune?” asks Herminio, a farmer from La Salud, in Quivicán, Havana.
It is impossible for all the links in the business chain to sell at the imposed rate. “The problem is that we continue to buy at the same prices. The fuel is in US dollars; how can we travel to the countryside to buy from the farmers?” reasoned Pedro, another seller. “The continue reading
government lowers prices without taking those things into account.”
“A comprehensive strategy,” he proposes, would require “measures to tackle these root causes”
The situation is inescapable, despite the inspections that the official press claims have been reinforced and which, according to Cubadebate, has led to the imposition of thousands and thousands of pesos in fines. The solution, states the text, “goes beyond simple control. Although control is necessary, reports from farmers and sellers point to a structural problem: high production costs, intermediation and access to inputs.”
A comprehensive strategy, he suggests, would require “measures to tackle these root causes,” such as: “facilitating access to fertilizers and fuel at affordable prices, directly supporting producers in shortening the supply chain and promoting a stable supply that will eventually regulate prices naturally.”
The text goes so far as to state that the “divergence between the decree and the reality in the markets of Havana reveals that the current mechanism is insufficient.” The population is “caught in an impossible dilemma,” it continues: “either comply with regulations that are not fulfilled or pay abusive prices to be able to eat.”
“The resolution, well-intentioned on paper, seems to have been caught in a limbo between the decree and the land,” says the report, with a sense of reality unusual in the official press. “As long as the price of inputs and logistics continue to soar, the order to reduce them seems an imposition disconnected from the root of the problem: a production that does not take off and a chain of intermediation that the resolution fails to stop.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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The problem “has spread to several places, where children ask for money, even late at night,” admits deputy Carlos Miguel Pérez Reyes
When asked if they sleep there, two say yes, that they do it “under the stairs.” / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Havana, October 16, 2025 — “Those from the Minors* go by here.” says one of the four children that 14ymedio interviewed this Wednesday after photos were published on social networks where they appear sleeping on cardboard in the basement of the Gran Muthu Habana. This luxury hotel is adjacent to the 3rd and 70th dollar supermarket, opened earlier this year in the affluent neighborhood of Miramar.
When asked if they sleep there, two say yes, that they do it “under the stairs” and have no parents or other adults to take care of them.
How do they eat? They reply that they “eat from the carts.” They watch the exit door of the market, where people leave with carts to go to their cars. They depend on charity, customers giving them some money or something from their purchases.
The image of these children sleeping on cardboard, at the foot of a hotel offering luxury tour packages, is a reality that the official discourse has always tried to deny. The humanitarian crisis on the Island can no longer be hidden behind the “We are happy here” or “Children are the hope of the world” signs.
When they speak of “the one from Minors” they are referring to a worker of the Integral Training Schools or the driving schools. / 14ymedio
The children of the Gran Mathu are afraid, and when they speak of “the one from Minors,” they are referring to a worker from the Integral Training Schools or the driving schools, which depend on the Ministry of the Interior. There are 12 such institutions in Cuba, each with an average of 200 residents.
So far, on the official side, only the businessman Carlos Miguel Pérez Reyes, a member of Parliament for the municipality of Playa, has reacted to the complaint. “The Council for the Care of Minors of the Ministry of the Interior is the body responsible for these cases, and there are numerous complaints on file. This was confirmed to me by neighbors in the area, although I still have to review this issue in detail with the institution. The municipal authorities confirm that continue reading
this is a recurring problem that requires a comprehensive response,” said the man, who is also president of a private business, Dofleini Software.
The deputy also acknowledged that the problem “has spread to several areas, where children ask for money on a daily basis, even late at night.” He called on institutions to “provide a comprehensive treatment to the situation,” since “reporting and rounding up minors does not solve, by itself, the root of the phenomenon.”
These minors face violence, sexual abuse, exploitation, trafficking and criminalization. / Social Networks
The original publication generated a wave of comments among Internet users. Some also warned about the risks faced by these children: violence, sexual abuse, exploitation, trafficking and criminalization. “They are completely exposed. There is no responsible adult, no authorities to deal with. They are easy prey for any exploitation,” warned one user who claimed to have also seen children in the area.
The presence of people in street situations is neither new nor unique to Havana. In recent years, economic decline has pushed entire families to live in public spaces. The lack of housing is compounded by inflation, food shortages and the collapse of social care systems. According to independent organizations, there are more and more children on the streets, many of them orphans or children of emigrant parents, under the care of elderly people who are ill, or children who come from broken homes.
Child begging in Cuba is already a proven fact and is spreading. / 14ymedio
Child labor is also increasing in Cuba. Denied or officially minimized, this phenomenon has become a palpable reality, driven by the economic crisis, the black market and social deprivations. In Las Tunas, for example, children and adolescents sell sweets, food or various articles on the streets, something that even the local official press was forced to acknowledge.
Although the State has laws prohibiting child employment and allows some regulated exceptions, in practice these rules are broken, with a lack of protection, extreme poverty and institutional omission. This brutal contrast between the letter of the law and the daily life of hundreds of children highlights the fact that more than an anomaly, child begging in Cuba is already a proven fact and is spreading.
Luxury and poverty in Havana: abandoned children live outside the doors of a dollarized supermarket
*Explained later in the article
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Filmmaker Lilo Vilaplana and activist Reinol Rodríguez attempt to expose a crime that had the complicit silence of many, including authorities and numerous important press media of the time
Image from the documentary The Hijacking of Flight 495, made by filmmaker Lilo Vilaplana and activist Reinol Rodríguez. / Lilo Vilaplana
14ymedio, Miami, Pedro Corzo, October 12, 2025 — Decades have passed, overwhelming days and hours, to the point that those of us who live in these dark times hardly remember it.That is why it makes sense for the new generations of the hemisphere to know that Castroism has developed many of the most violent and criminal strategies known in the Americas.
It is very important to delve into the past. No crime should go unpunished and forgotten; hence, the importance of the work made by filmmaker Lilo Vilaplana and activist Reinol Rodríguez, with a historical documentary about ill-fated Flight 495 of Cubana de Aviación, from Miami to Varadero, which crashed in the vicinity of Nipe Bay after being hijacked by followers of Fidel and Raul Castro.
Rodriguez and Vilaplana try to expose a crime that had the complicit silence of many, including authorities and numerous and important press media of the time. The US Government itself declared that the event was outside its jurisdiction. Apparently, it was seduced by the paraphernalia of Castroism.
These two Cubans, committed to historical truth, thoroughly investigated the above-mentioned events and interviewed survivors of the disaster, including Omara González, a passenger on that flight.
The US Government itself stated that the event was outside its jurisdiction
Castroism was violent in the insurrection and much more so as a government. In its time they placed explosives in public places to force the population to stay in their homes, murdered police and military to provoke ferocious government repression, which must also be remembered, and which had as its climax the Castro strategy continue reading
of “the three Zs [C in Spanish]: zero cinema, zero cabaret and zero c… in reference to brothels.”
This threat was quickly confirmed by the explosion of a bomb placed in a woman’s abandoned purse in a cabaret in Havana, wounding several young women, one of whom had to have her arm amputated, according to writer Jose Antonio Albertini in a conversation. He was also one of those who attempted to rescue Flight 495 from oblivion in his WLRN TV program.
Violence sometimes ravaged the insurgent ranks themselves, as when two young students in the city of Santa Clara were carrying a bomb that fatally exploded prematurely.
The bombs and kidnappings carried out by the rebel forces in compliance with the disastrous orders of the Castro brothers pale before the horrendous crime that occurred on November 1, 1958, exactly two months before a darkness that has extended for 66 years and 10 months arrived in Cuba. It happened two days before the last pluralist, albeit fraudulent, elections in our history.
As a sign that the spiral of violence was ready to operate outside Cuba, Raül Castro issued Order 30 authorizing the kidnapping of US citizens, which led in June 1958 to 49 Americans, including 20 civilians, employees of the US-owned Moa nickel mining plant and 29 Marines being kidnapped in the Sierra.
Incomprehensibly, the painful events of Flight 495 were hardly mentioned among the Cubans. The rescue involved Gerardo Reyes, a notable Colombian journalist who dedicated 10 years of his life to an investigation that culminated in a book entitled Flight 495, in which he sees innocent people involved in complex situations that can end with their own death.
Cubana de Aviación Flight 495 was the first aircraft hijacked in US airspace
The passengers had no connection with the Cuban government and were not a political objective; simply, the kidnappers apparently intended to transport weapons, ammunition and perhaps money to the eastern guerrillas.
The trip to Varadero, just over 300 kilometers, 45 minutes long, never reached its destination. On board the Vickers Viscount turboprop, there were 16 passengers, including a pregnant woman.
The aircraft was captured by five young militants of the hapless July 26 Movement. It is claimed that they were following orders from Raúl Castro, and the operation ended in tragedy, according to the newspaper Gente in its edition of November 16, 1958. Seventeen people died, including six American citizens.
None of the guilty paid for the crime: another Cuban tragedy that “nobody wants to hear about and least of all see.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Russia has attacked Ukrainian infrastructure with more than 300 missiles and 37 drones, according to Zelensky
A group of Cubans recruited to fight on the Russian side in Ukraine. / Mario Vallejo/Facebook
EFE (via 14ymedio), Kiev, 16 October 2025 –At least 1,076 Cuban citizens are fighting or have fought so far in the ranks of the Russian Army in the war launched on February 24, 2022 by Russian President Vladimir Putin, according to figures provided by Ukrainian intelligence (GUR) to the Kyiv Independent.
According to the same source, 96 of those Cuban soldiers have died in hostilities or are missing.
The GUR also noted that Cubans recruited by the Russian Army receive two weeks of training in Moscow before being sent to the battlefield. The vast majority of these combatants perform assault or motorized infantry or dismounted roles.
Some of the Cubans who end up fighting come to Russia attracted by construction jobs posted on social media.
According to Ukrainian military intelligence, some of the Cubans who end up fighting come to Russia lured by construction jobs posted on social media. The process is carried out through private intermediaries.
Despite being an ally of Moscow, the communist regime in Havana has repeatedly denied any involvement in the recruitment of Cuban soldiers into the Russian army. continue reading
Both Russia and Ukraine recruit soldiers from third countries to reinforce their troops in the war.
Meanwhile, Russia attacked infrastructure in at least five Ukrainian regions last night with more than 300 drones and 37 missiles, Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky announced on social media.
“Last night brought with it attacks against our people, our energy sector, and our civilian infrastructure,” Zelensky wrote, denouncing that some of the Shaheds used by Russia to attack were equipped with cluster munitions.
“Last night brought attacks against our people, our energy sector, and our civilian infrastructure.”
The Ukrainian president also condemned Russia’s subsequent attacks on the same sites, which were believed to have targeted medical and emergency workers responding to the victims of the initial bombing.
According to Zelensky, Russia attacked infrastructure in the central regions of Vinitsia and Poltava, and Sumi on Wednesday. In the northern region of Chernihiv, Russian bombing damaged a post office and injured one person. In Kharkiv, a region bordering Russia and in northeastern Ukraine, critical infrastructure and a Ukrainian emergency services headquarters were attacked.
The Ukrainian president recalled that Russia has attacked the country’s energy infrastructure almost daily this fall.
This latest bombing comes before Zelensky travels to the US to meet with President Donald Trump this Friday.
Zelensky called for “strong decisions” to force Russia to end the war. “And this depends on the US, Europe, and all the partners on whose power the end of the war depends,” the Ukrainian leader said in his message of condemnation.
Zelensky insisted that the “momentum” of the Middle East peace agreement forged by Trump must be used to end the war in Ukraine.
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Yuniel Serrano Batista and another resident of the Pogolotti neighborhood were charged with “public disorder”
The demonstration, which took place at night, brought together dozens of residents who came out to demand the restoration of electricity service. / Screenshot / X
14ymedio, Havana, 14 October 2025 — Two of those arrested during the neighborhood protest on Wednesday, October 7, in the municipality of Marianao, Havana, were charged with “public disorder” and remanded in custody at Valle Grande prison. At least 15 citizens had been arrested in connection with that peaceful demonstration and taken to the detention center known as El Vivac, in Arroyo Naranjo.
As confirmed by Martí Noticias this Monday, one of those transferred to Valle Grande is Yuniel Serrano Batista, accused of allegedly setting fire to a garbage container. The name of the other person, who was arrested for trying to prevent Serrano’s arrest, is still unknown. Both are residents of the Pogolotti neighborhood.
The demonstration , which took place at night on 51st Avenue, brought together dozens of residents who came out to demand the restoration of electricity, which had been intermittent for four days, and to denounce the lack of water and freedoms. Chanting “We want light!” and banging on pots and pans, residents partially blocked the road, using burning containers and objects to provide light during the blackout.
At least 15 citizens had been arrested in connection with that peaceful demonstration and taken to the detention center known as El Vivac.
The police intervened within minutes. Witnesses reported that several patrol cars and plainclothes officers forcibly dispersed the protesters, arresting more than a dozen people.
The organization Cubalex denounces that the Cuban regime “has repressed protest participants and criminalized a legitimate act of dissent as a mechanism to silence citizen discontent in Cuba.”
Among those arrested was activist Liván Gómez, coordinator in Havana for the Union for a Free Cuba party. Gómez was arrested the day after the demonstration and accused of leading the protest, even though, as later continue reading
confirmed in recordings, he was not present at the event.
After reviewing the images, authorities decided to release him on Friday, October 11. However, Gómez was warned that he could be imprisoned if he was linked to anti-government graffiti that appeared in the area. “During the interrogation, they also accused me of being behind some posters. They made it clear to me that they are watching me,” the activist stated.
The transfer from El Vivac to Valle Grande usually indicates that the Prosecutor’s Office has formalized the charges and that the detainees could face trial. This step further complicates their legal and personal situation, as it implies further isolation, greater state control, and difficulties in accessing defense counsel and family visits. In political or protest cases, it also acts as a deterrent to the rest of the community.
The month of October has been marked by increased social tension in Cuba.
Although most of those arrested have been released in recent hours—some with fines and others with warnings—the fact that two protesters have been sent to pretrial detention in Valle Grande, one of the capital’s most frequently used prisons for opponents and protesters, demonstrates that “social protest is treated as a crime, not as an expression of a citizen’s right,” Cubalex noted.
In recent weeks, this newspaper has documented an increase in spontaneous demonstrations in neighborhoods of Havana and other provinces, motivated by the energy crisis, water shortages, and the lack of official responses.
The previous week, a group of residents in the Casino Deportivo neighborhood banged pots and pans during a power outage, in an area historically privileged for not experiencing prolonged power outages. Days earlier, women with children and empty buckets blocked Monte Street to demand water. Although they were confronted by police officers, a water truck arrived on the scene shortly after.
The month of October has been marked by heightened social tension in Cuba. Daily blackouts, which in many areas exceed 12 hours without power, have exacerbated the population’s frustration. Added to this are inflation, food and medicine shortages, the spread of epidemics, and political repression.
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From Miami, this is how José Daniel Ferrer addressed Luis Robles, “the young man with the placard,” at a press conference held in Madrid.
Luis Robles and his mother, Yindra Elizastigui, at the end of the press conference. The sign reads, “In Cuba there are more than 1000 political prisoners just for asking for Freedom” / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 15 October 2025 — “I had already served my sentence, but I was still a hostage,” Luis Robles told 14ymedio a few hours after arriving in Madrid on Monday, after serving five years in prison in Cuba for marching in Havana with a placard demanding freedom. In the Spanish capital, he was accompanied by his mother and six-year-old son, while his brother Lester remains imprisoned on the island.
“The goal of my protest was to break the silence,” Robles said, because “I didn’t want to be complicit in the abuses being committed, in the hunger… Someone had to do it.” The young man saw that everyone around him thought like him, but fear prevented them from defending their opinions. He didn’t consider himself a politician or a leader, just a citizen tired of remaining silent in the face of injustice. “That day I decided to break the fear,” he said with a firm voice and gaze, without losing the humility and simplicity that characterize him.
Robles and his mother, Yindra Elizastigui, spoke about the call they received from the State Security officer in charge of harassing them. “Where is Luis?” the officer asked over the phone in a clearly annoyed tone, although news of his arrival in Spain was already circulating in independent media and on social media. His mother answered without a tremble in her voice: “You know, he’s already out of Cuba.”
He did not consider himself a politician or a leader, just a citizen tired of keeping silent in the face of injustice.
The officer criticized them for not having informed him directly about Robles’s efforts to leave the country. Despite knowing of his intention to leave the island, they pressured him to handle any arrangements through them, in order to maintain absolute control over his actions. “They constantly threatened my mother with me, and me with her. They made us believe that any word or action could land me back in prison, despite having fully served an unjust sentence,” Robles told this newspaper.
The phone call suggested that Officer “Michel”— as he calls himself —had been reprimanded by his superiors for not being able to keep track of every movement of Robles and his family. Although the state’s repressive continue reading
machinery monitors and controls its targets down to the smallest movement, it doesn’t always operate as smoothly as they would have us believe.
The officer admitted in the call that “everything belongs to them,” referring to Villa Marista and other places where Robles had to go to complete his exit procedures, but his discomfort was not having been able to properly carry out his task of following his steps and finding out everything before his superiors.
Regarding his time in Combinado del Este prison, Robles says he stood up for his position as a political prisoner. He never admitted to having committed a crime, but rather to exercising and defending a human right. In prison, he faced threats, punishment, and repression, but he also felt the respect of other prisoners who admired his firm stance.
Robles says he defended his position as a political prisoner. He never admitted to having committed a crime, but rather to exercising and defending a human right.
Robles, his mother, and his son arrived dressed in white, bearing with them the justice of their cause and their commitment to the other political prisoners still in Cuba. His mother, a Guantanamo native who doesn’t hesitate to confront injustice, can’t stop thinking about her son Léster, who remains imprisoned in Cuba awaiting trial. “In a regime like Cuba’s, any citizen runs the risk of having a crime fabricated against them,” she tells us, but she won’t rest until Léster and the rest of the victims of the dictatorship are also free.
His mother recounted her ordeal at a press conference this Wednesday. “My life changed completely since my son Landy started the campaign for Luis Robles’s release. I realized I was just another prisoner who had to follow orders.” They began harassing her at work; they even went to a niece’s school to ask about Luis. “I was forced to leave my job at Housing in Guantánamo; I had to take a leave of absence to go to Havana to see my son’s situation, but all these setbacks we went through because Luis made me grow up.”
“Fear prevails in Cuba, but there are many people who are in touch with reality and have discovered that they are outraged and are not afraid,” he added. He also highlighted the role of families and the harm that silence causes to those in prison. “Many prisoners feel abandoned by Cubans themselves; they raised their voices for everyone. What better way than for those Cubans to support them. We are more than the authorities, the police, or State Security.”
José Daniel Ferrer, leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba, also participated online from Miami.
The press conference was organized and moderated by Javier Larrondo, president of the Prisoners Defenders organization. Also participating online from Miami was José Daniel Ferrer, leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU), who praised the valor of Luis Robles: “With so many young people like you, tyranny doesn’t last a week.” Ferrer was exiled the same day Robles arrived in Madrid. Also in attendance were Javier Nart, a Member of the European Parliament, and Spanish lawyer Blas Jesús Imbroda.
A representative of the Cuban exile community gratefully welcomed Robles and his family. Several activists had been discreetly organizing his arrival for months to prevent the regime from impeding his departure. “I will continue fighting for those who remain there, and for Cuba to be free,” stated the man who became known as the “young man with the placard,” who is determined to continue raising his voice from Spain.
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The collapse of a state cafeteria leaves an extensive reservoir of building materials for the scavengers
In less than two months the usable fragments have been disappearing from the structure. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Havana, Natalia López Moya, October 14, 2025 — Matter is neither created nor destroyed, it only changes hands. What until recently was a state cafeteria, which was left in ruins after a tragic collapse, is now the main reservoir of steel bars, gravel and pieces of wood from a neighborhood with serious construction problems. At the corner of Galiano and San Rafael, in Centro Habana, scavengers carry everything they can pull from the rubble of Café Boulevard. Anything can be used to repair another house or sell on the black market.
“They have been carrying away everything like ants,” the employee of a nearby parking lot for motorcycles and tricycles tells 14ymedio. He has seen the remains of the property parading past in the hands of the most needy. The collapse of the ceiling of the state business, in mid-August, claimed the life of an employee working on the ground floor. On that day, the exterior of the Café Boulevard and the cracked upper part still exhibited doors, windows and even clothes laid out on the balconies.
Like their peers in nature, these scroungers are guided by noise and smell. / 14ymedio
However, in less than two months the pieces that can be used to prop up a barbacoa (loft) or as a hot plate for cooking have been disappearing from the structure. “Some things were taken by the owners before they left, but others have been cannibalized at night and in the early hours, the same people who live here,” explains the employee.” I have seen toilet seats, complete blinds, electric cables and many planks of wood.”
If in nature scavengers remove cadavers from the environment and recycle them, in the Cuban capital the scavengers sweep through any ruin, empty the wide rooms that once had walls, grab the bidet from the old bathroom of the stately house that fell with the last rains and skillfully remove the bricks from a facade. Like their peers in nature, they are guided by noise and smell: the shouting that comes after the collapse of some pillars and the stench of moisture that spreads through the debris of a collapsed building.
In a couple of months, it is very likely that, on the corner of Galiano and San Rafael, there will remain only some unadorned pillars and the memory of shared laughter, conversation and beer.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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It is a question of discrediting tourism, since this “may affect the greater inflow of foreign currency to the country in times of the economic crisis on the Island”
Fumigation in Matanzas, where the outbreak began to worsen this September / Girón
14ymedio, Madrid, October 14, 2025 — After several days of circulation on quasi-independent blogs and state media, the official press has decided to publish an article in which the political analyst of Razones de Cuba, Arthur González, insinuates that the epidemiological situation did not happen “by chance” but forms part of the “biological war” against Cuba, which the US, he claims, is behind.
The article, entitled Suspicious coincidence of virus in Cuba obliges us to remember the past, was originally published in El Heraldo Cubano, an official blog dedicated to “divulging the truth that is censored by the media monopoly.” This does not refer to Cuban state media but to the press supposedly linked to the US. It was reproduced this Tuesday by the provincial newspaper of Cienfuegos, 5 de septiembre, to give official support to the conspiracy theory.
The author points out that chikungunya has not been in Cuba since the 2015 epidemic, but only this July, ten years later, was the first outbreak detected in Matanzas, “where Varadero beach is located, one of the most important sun and beach tourist destinations in the country, with the largest number of visitors. It is considered among the best beaches in the world according to international institutions, with excellent hotels run by prestigious international chains.”
The author points out that chikungunya has not been in Cuba since the 2015 epidemic, but this July, ten years later, the first outbreak was detected in Matanzas
After a description of Varadero in July 2025 that little resembles the reality — that month, the whole island received just 190,747 tourists — the post identifies the point where the first cases began to be reported: the municipality of Perico, almost 70 kilometers from the resort, located on a key. From there, it says, it spread to Máximo Gómez, more than 50 kilometers away.
The Ministry of Health identified several cases of chikungunya in July, a focus that was almost exclusively confined to Perico, although health brigades were sent from different parts of the province. In the middle of the month, that focus was controlled, although surveillance continued due to the increase of Aedes Aegyptis mosquitos during the season.
It was not until September that the situation worsened again in the province of Matanzas, in this case affecting more virulently the capital city and Cárdenas. After weeks of warnings on social media and the independent press, the official media ended up admitting the gravity of a situation in continue reading
which lack of water, blackouts, garbage and shortages of medicines and health facilities have been ideal breeding grounds for the spread of dengue, oropouche and chikungunya.
González argues that this is not by chance and he is right. The above cases have been recognized by the official press itself in recent days. But for him it is, at the very least, something that could impact tourism, since this “may affect the greater inflow of foreign exchange into the country in times of the economic crisis that Cuba is going through.”
For the author, the beginning of the crisis coincides with the launch of Cuban tourism in several international fairs and the holiday campaign of different destinations — summer or winter — depending on the latitude. “The outbreak quickly advanced in the municipalities of Matanzas and Cárdenas, where most of the tourism workers in Varadero reside. They can get sick and transmit it to tourists,” he says.
In the midst of the worsening situation, the US issued a warning to travelers two weeks ago, giving health recommendations to those who eventually have Cuba as their destination. These measures are normal. Almost all countries advise their nationals of the risks or measures to be taken into account when going abroad, whether to warn them of natural phenomena, the possibility of terrorist attacks, shortages of products or precautions against theft. But for González these warmings are a suspicious act.
For González, the situation recalls “what happened in May 1981, when the hemorrhagic dengue epidemic was similarly detected” in Boyeros, where the José Martí International Airport is located
It is striking that on Tuesday, September 30, 2025, the U.S. government issued a health alert for its citizens in Cuba before the outbreak of chikungunya, when Americans are forbidden to travel to the Island as tourists and President Donald Trump removed the licenses that allowed them to visit Cuba, which sends an alarm to all possible visitors from other parts of the world,” he says. “Why did they issue this alert when the number of American visitors to the Island is minimal?”
For González, the situation recalls “what happened in May 1981, when the hemorrhagic dengue epidemic was similarly detected” in Boyeros, where the José Martí International Airport is located. “We can never forget what Eduardo Arocena, a terrorist killer of Cuban origin and member of anti-Cuban organizations in the service of the CIA declared to the New York Court in 1984: ‘I belong to a group whose mission was to obtain certain pathogenic germs and introduce them into Cuba’.”
The text goes on to mention the articles dedicated to biological warfare against Cuba written by journalist Warren Hinckle and former FBI agent William Turner. It argues that the Island “has been the victim of dozens of actions” by the US to “affect its economy,” including African swine fever, which led to the slaughter of the country’s pigs.
“Chikungunya was first detected in 1952 in Tanzania, and Cuba never suffered from this virus until a few years ago. Therefore, these epidemics cannot be by chance.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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The opponent insists that “the peaceful way remains the most valid action”, but quotes Saint Augustine: “When the enemy tries to slaughter you you have the right to self-defense”
José Daniel Ferrer, between his brother, Luis Enrique, and his wife, Nelva Ortega, this Monday at the Cuban American National Foundation. / Capture
14ymedio, Miami/Madrid, October 13, 2025 — With “mixed feelings,” joy at being able to arrive in the United States with his family and grief for the remaining political prisoners in Cuba, opposition leader José Daniel Ferrer appeared before the press a few hours after landing at Miami airport on Monday. “Cuba’s prisons are hell, Dante in his Divine Comedy does not describe a hell like the Cuban prisons,” said Ferrer at the Cuban American National Foundation (CANF), after mentioning political prisoners including Félix Navarro, Sayli Navarro and Lizandra Góngora, who are still serving time on the Island.
“I never thought of leaving Cuba. Of course, I didn’t think the dictatorship would last until 2025 either,” said the leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU). Accompanied by his brother, Luis Enrique, his wife, Nelva Ortega, and three of the children who also made the trip -Daniel José, Fátima Victoria and Ana Laura- in addition to her mother, Yusmila Reyna. Ferrer appeared with a Cuban flag on his shoulders and promised to return “as soon as possible” to “put an end to the dictatorship.”
“My intention upon coming here is to continue making my modest contribution in the search for the greatest unity and effectiveness” in the fight against the regime, he explained, stating that “we must put the screws to them inside and outside of Cuba.” He explicitly stated his desire to return several times during his speech, alluding to the “heroes of the homeland,” such as José Martí and Antonio Maceo, who “left but returned.”
“My intention upon coming here is to continue making my modest contribution in the search for the greatest unity and effectiveness”
The opponent also took advantage of the event to congratulate María Corina Machado for having received the Nobel Peace Prize, something that, he said, “has caused suffering to the communists of Venezuela and Cuba. If there is a dictatorship in Caracas it’s because in Havana there is a dictatorship that gives it support,” he recalled.
Asked about the details of his departure, Ferrer said that it was not until yesterday, Sunday, that a prison officer arrived in his cell “very affectionate, laughing” to tell him that “everything is ready for the departure.” As he had denounced in the letter in which he made public his consent to go into exile, the regime had delayed the process because it continue reading
intended that the opponent serve as an intermediary with the US administration and the Vatican to achieve “things they want.”
Since his letter came out, the authorities have kept the whole family in limbo. According to both José Daniel Ferrer and Nelva Ortega, this uncertainty remained until the moment they met, already on the plane that brought them from Santiago de Cuba. On the one hand, Ferrer doubted if they would take him out but leave his family on the island, and she, on the other hand, that they would get out and he would stay in jail.
Before the media, Ferrer thanked the US ambassador to Cuba, Mike Hammer, who called him before leaving the island; Secretary of state, Marco Rubio; President Donald Trump; and the US administration for having helped his release. “We need the greatest possible support so that before this administration ends we put an end to the dictatorship,” he said.
“José Daniel Ferrer is a free man, and saving himself has been his commitment to continue fighting against that tyranny,” said Rosa María Payá
As Luis Enrique Ferrer had said in the morning, two officials of the State Department arrived in Santiago de Cuba a week ago and warned the regime that they would not return to the US if it was not with Ferrer and his family.
“We are going to take them down; I do not hold a grudge against them, but we must take them down,” said the opponent, who predicted, “These are the last days of the tyranny.” And he sends a message to the Cuban people: “The struggle continues, with redoubled efforts, inside and outside Cuba.”
Asked by the media, Nelva Ortega was moved to remember family members, friends and “social cases,” the unprotected, who remain in Cuba. “It hurts so much to see that, but as my husband says, we’ll be back.” She also said that it was State Security which escorted them, woodenly, to the airport, and even threatened to not let them out if they requested transportation on their own. “It’s an extremely difficult situation, because you can think about leaving but not like this.”
“Is the peaceful way opened by Oswaldo Payá canceled?” a journalist asked Ferrer. “The peaceful way is not the one that has failed, it is we Cubans who have not been able to exploit it in all aspects,” replied Ferrer. For him, it “is still the most valid action” but without overlooking, quoting Saint Augustine, that “when the enemy tries to slaughter you you have the right to self-defense.”
Rosa María Payá, the leader of Cuba Decide and member of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights, also present at the event, assured that Ferrer’s “will be a short exile.” Similarly, she warned: “The regime is lying, has lied before and will continue to lie. José Daniel Ferrer is a free man, and saving himself has been his commitment to be able to continue fighting against that tyranny.” She added: “He is a hero of all Cubans.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Although the US embargo hurts the Cuban economy, the economists say, the main causes of the crisis are internal
Everyone agrees that Havana could do a lot to revitalize its economy and is not doing so. / 14ymedio
Juan Palop/EFE (via 14ymedio), Havana, 11 October 2025 — The US sanctions against Cuba hurt its economy and curb its potential, but they are not the fundamental cause of the serious crisis that the Island is suffering from, eight of the country’s most recognized independent economists diagnosed in statements to EFE. Their views on this issue, with their differences, contrast with the positions of the Cuban government, which claims that US sanctions are the “main cause” of the economic debacle.
The issue returns to the agenda a few days after the vote at the UN general assembly on the resolution submitted annually by Havana against the US sanctions, which according to its estimates — not specified in detail — cost it about 20 million dollars (EUR 17 billion) in daily losses over the past few months. The calculation is terribly complex because it starts from a maze of six decades of political, economic, legal and financial decisions in Washington that have a diverse impact, and the indirect costs are very difficult to pinpoint.
As New York City University professor Tamarys Bahamonde explains, in addition to clear and quantifiable prohibitions, Cuba is outside international organizations such as the World Bank and on the US list of countries that sponsor terrorism, so Cuba has “limited access to credit” and a “significant financial cost,” respectively. continue reading
Still, all the experts surveyed by EFE agree that Havana could do a lot to revitalize its economy and is not doing so. The economists consulted provide a range of perspectives. Despite not being unaware of the effect of the sanctions, they mainly point to Havana for the deep national crisis of the last five years, with economic contraction, high inflation, shortage of basic inputs (food, medicines and fuel), progressive dollarization, mass migration and prolonged daily blackouts.
The Cuban crisis is, in their view, “the heir of structural problems resulting from an ineffective economic system” and a failed model
Mauricio de Miranda, a professor at the Pontifical Javeriana University of Cali (Colombia), says that the sanctions “affect the country, and especially the Cubans on the street,” although he says to be wary of the “cheerful” cost figures — without detailing or auditing — that Havana exposes. The Cuban crisis is, in his opinion, “the heir of structural problems resulting from an ineffective economic system” and a failed model that “is intended to be maintained by the Cuban leadership.”
The economist Pedro Monreal, for his part, claims that the impact of sanctions “exists and is great,” but that there are other factors which constitute a major burden such as the “inefficiency” of the planned economy system and the structure of state investments.
Alejandro Miguel Hayes, coordinator of the Institute for Research on the Caribbean Basin, says that “the Cuban government is 100% responsible for the crisis” because it does not use the resources it has at its disposal to solve it or improve living conditions on the Island.
For his part, Ricardo Torres, a researcher at the American University of Washington, calls the sanctions “a very important external restriction” but adds that he does not believe they are “the most important factor to explain the crisis.”
Pavel Vidal, also professor at the Pontifical Javeriana University of Cali, divides responsibilities equally between “the external blockade and the internal blockade” and highlights that the Cuban economy has “a high dependence on sanctions policy” mainly through remittances and tourism (rather than commercial).
According to Omar Everleny, a professor at the University of Havana, “there is no doubt that the US blockade* against Cuba significantly damages the country’s economy and Cubans,” but he adds that “much can be done internally.”
The majority of professionals, consulted on an individual basis, point to the Island’s own political and economic system as the primary cause of the serious Cuban crisis. Hayes speaks of “the logic that prevents making optimal or better decisions for wealth generation,” and Monreal argues that centralized planning is “the pillar of a model that does not work” and “prevents the productive forces from being released.”
The majority of professionals, consulted on an individual basis, highlight the political and economic system of the Island as the main cause of the serious Cuban crisis
Bahamonde highlights “the decision-making model of a bureaucratic socialist system” and hence the “partial,” “fractional” and “slow” implementation of reforms, with “cycles of crisis, reform and counter-reform” which do not bear fruit. He also points to over-regulation and “legislative uncertainty” which discourages investment.
Torres recognizes the weight of a set of external shocks -from the pandemic to the tightening of sanctions in the two mandates of Donald Trump-, but he gives pre-eminence to the model of “a centrally planned economy.” De Miranda also stresses the need to look in politics for the causes of the Cuban economic prostration and highlights among the main reasons the “political and institutional system” of “authoritarian and autocratic character,” the abandonment of the “social conquests of the revolution” and “systematic errors” in economic policy.
In the same vein, the Cuban-American Carlos Martínez explains the Cuban economic situation by the policies of centralized planning, general nationalizations and systematic restrictions on private initiative.
Translated by Regina Anavy
*Translator’s note: There is, in fact, no US ‘blockade’ on Cuba, but this continues to be the term the Cuban government prefers to apply to the ongoing US embargo. During the Cuban Missile Crisis the US ordered a Naval blockade (which it called a ‘quarantine’) on Cuba between 22 October and 20 November of 1962. The blockade was lifted when Russia agreed to remove its nuclear missiles from the Island. The embargo had been imposed earlier in February of the same year, and although modified from time to time, it is still in force.
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The musician lived an ostentatious lifestyle on the Island; among his belongings in Havana were a mansion in Guanabacoa, with swimming pool, bar and jacuzzi.
Gilbert Man had been living as a refugee in Cuba since 2013, after fleeing from justice in the United States, where he had been living since 2005 / Facebook
14ymedio, Havana, October 13, 2025 — After more than a decade in prison, where he was serving a 17-year sentence for seven felonies, Cuban reggaeton musician, Gilberto Martínez Suarez, known by his stage name Gilbert Man, was released on Monday. When reporting the news, the official Facebook page of El Taigeron said, without giving details about the terms of the release, “Today our team is happy because new things are coming.”
The musician was jailed on charges of money laundering, tax fraud, tax evasion, electricity theft, bribery, deprivation of liberty and illicit economic activity. At the trial held in September 2016, the Prosecutor’s Office requested a sentence of 20 years’ imprisonment for him.
He was jailed on charges of money laundering, tax fraud, tax evasion, electricity theft, bribery, deprivation of liberty and illicit economic activity
Gilbert Man has been living as a refugee in Cuba since 2013, after fleeing US justice, which also charged him with several fraud offenses. The artist, who has lived in the country since 2005, was flagged for using fake credit cards and identity theft in Martin and Miami-Dade counties in Florida. continue reading
Because of these charges in the US, Gilbert Man faced a sentence of up to 16 years in prison but paid bail and escaped before trial. Among other illegal activities, he was accused of fraud in the amount of $150,000 in purchases at stores such as Toys-R-Us and Babies-R-Us, as well as 176 fraudulent transactions with more than 100 credit cards, together with two alleged accomplices.
The US court also charged him with several fraud offenses
Ten months after his escape, he managed to obtain an identity card from the Cuban authorities and established himself in the country.
Once on the Island, he led an ostentatious lifestyle, which was reflected in social media. Among his belongings in Havana a mansion in Guanabacoa stood out, which had a swimming pool, bar and jacuzzi, precious wood furniture, wrought iron grills, curtains and carpets, collections of perfumes and beverages, along with bulky bundles of notes with which he posed for photos on Facebook.
It wasn’t long before Gilbert Man, who was also a producer of several Cuban reggaeton artists, was arrested in January 2015 by elite forces from the Ministry of the Interior, in an unusual operation. A video about that day leaked to social media went viral, though the official press never mentioned the event.
After the arrest and trial, which took 18 months to complete, the musician, who is about to turn 40, had all his property confiscated, including his house (now a home for orphans), five luxury cars (a Camaro, a Saab, a Hyundai, an Audi and a BMW), money (a sum that was not revealed) and the furniture.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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“The departure, bound for the United States, follows a formal request from that country’s government and the express acceptance of Ferrer García,” the Foreign Ministry said in a statement.
Image of José Daniel Ferrer with the Truman-Reagan Medal of Freedom, received upon his arrival at Miami airport. / CiberCuba
14ymedio, Madrid, October 13, 2025 — The opposition leader of the Cuban Patriotic Union (UNPACU), José Daniel Ferrer, arrived in the United States on Monday after being released from prison. “Today, José Daniel Ferrer and his family have just boarded a plane in Santiago de Cuba,” reported his brother, José Enrique Ferrer, at an event held in Miami. He also said that the opposition leader and his family would arrive at that city’s airport at 12:45 p.m., accompanied by two U.S. State Department officials.
Luis Enrique Ferrer explained that both officials had been in Santiago de Cuba since last week, sent by US Secretary of State Marco Rubio. “They said they wouldn’t return until they came on the same flight as José Daniel and his family,” the activist detailed. As can be seen in the images shared by those close to him, with the opposition leader accompanied by his current wife, Nelva Ortega Tamayo, their young son, Daniel José, his ex-wife Yusmila Reyna and her daughter with Ferrer, Ana Laura Ferrer, and another daughter of the UNPACU leader, Fátima Victoria (also the daughter of Belkis Cantillo).
At the Miami airport, not only Luis Enrique Ferrer was waiting for them, but also other family members, dozens of media outlets, and numerous Cuban supporters in the US. The UNPACU leader was also greeted by Cuban-American congressmen Mario Díaz-Balart and Carlos Giménez, and by Miami-Dade County Mayor Daniella Levine Cava. However, “for security reasons,” the opposition leader did not leave through the previously announced gate, but instead through another, non-public area, his brother announced.
Upon his arrival, U.S. authorities awarded him the Truman-Reagan Medal of Freedom for his fight for human rights and democracy on the island.
Cuba’s Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement saying that Ferrer “is leaving the country” and is doing so “at the request of the U.S. government.”
While the plane was still in flight, the Cuban Ministry of Foreign Affairs issued a statement saying that Ferrer “is leaving the country” and is doing so “at the request of the U.S. government.”
“The departure, to the United States, follows a formal request from the government of that country and the express acceptance of Ferrer García, within the framework of the formalities of application and compliance with the law that exist between the two countries,” the text reads. It continues: “This procedure is based on the Prosecutor’s Office’s exhaustive evaluation of Ferrer García’s legal situation; compliance with due process; consideration of the specific circumstances of the case; and the application of the powers granted to institutions by law.”
Without mentioning the harassment by State Security to which he was subjected or the torture and ill-treatment in prison, they present their particular version of the events: “In January 2025, Ferrer García was granted early release while serving a sentence of 4 years and 6 months of imprisonment. Due to repeated violations of the obligations and continue reading
requirements established by the court, as set forth in the Criminal Enforcement Law and its Regulations, the benefit was revoked in April of this year.”
Opposition leader José Daniel Ferrer, on the flight from Santiago de Cuba to Miami, with his family. / Martí Noticias
The opposition leader was reportedly placed under provisional detention for “committing a new crime.” “Once the investigation was concluded, this body, in accordance with its legal powers, decided to modify the provisional detention measure,” they explain.
In any case, his release fulfills the wish he had expressed in a handwritten letter published by his family on October 3. The letter was sent from Mar Verde prison in Santiago de Cuba, where he had been since his parole was revoked on April 29, after he had been released for three months.
“This decision was taken for the safety of my family and because of the frustration that I felt when I came out of prison to confirm the disunity, sectarianism and lack of effectiveness of the opposition inside and outside Cuba in the struggle for freedom and the well-being of our homeland,” he said in the letter sent from Mar Verde prison in Santiago de Cuba, where he had been since his parole was revoked, referring to his months of release.
“For years I have been subjected to brutal beatings, torture, humiliation, threats of death, and other cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment by henchmen and other instruments of the worst dictatorship the American continent has ever known,” the text began. “All with the intention of forcing me to leave my country or renounce the nonviolent struggle for freedom, democracy, human rights, and the well-being of my homeland.”
“All with the intention of forcing me to leave my country or renounce the non-violent struggle for freedom, democracy, human rights and the welfare of my homeland.”
In the past few months in prison, “the brutality of the dictatorship against me has exceeded all limits,” he said, listing “beatings, torture, humiliation, threats and extreme conditions,” as well as “the theft of my food and toiletries” and threats against his wife, Nelva Ortega, and their children. “All with the intention of forcing me to leave my homeland,” he says. “In the face of constant demonstrations by the political police to force me out of Cuba, I ended up agreeing to go into exile.”
However, he said, “since the procedures to achieve this end began, as always happens, the agents of the regime have been playing dirty: they continue with the plan of harassment, threats, humiliations, thefts and extreme conditions.” As an example, he mentions the pressure they exerted to have his marriage with Nelva take place on the “birthday of the deceased dictator,” August 13, and the “videos and recordings” that Ferrer claims they took “with the intention of producing publications that call into question our commitment to the struggle for freedom in Cuba.”
He also stated that they had wanted to compel him to make statements and to ask the Catholic Church to mediate between Havana and Washington, a dialogue he defined as “leading to the shameful negotiation of other times: release of political prisoners in exchange for lifting sanctions and other gifts to the dictatorship.”
Opposition leader José Daniel Ferrer on the flight from Santiago de Cuba to Miami. / Martí Noticias
The opponent clarified: “If my life and that of my family depends on me asking such things, I prefer my death in this Nazi-style concentration camp and even the sacrifice of my family.” And he adds, without making it clear whether his departure can take place in the short term, “I will only leave Cuba with my dignity, honor and my head held high and not for long.”
On the same day, Cuban-American congressman Mario Díaz-Balart spoke out on X about the opponent’s decision, calling him a “hero” and saying, “After years of imprisonment, beatings, physical and psychological torture and persecution by the murderous regime in Cuba simply for demanding freedom, he is being forced into exile. He deserves a welcome worthy of a hero and will receive it.” However, from the moment the letter was published, all was uncertainty.
Last Monday, Ferrer’s wife, Nelva Ortega, was arrested for several hours after demanding explanations for being denied the week’s conjugal visit. Ana Belkis Ferrer, sister of the opponent, said that Ortega went to prison to visit her husband, but Captain Liván Laguart Riquelme refused entry “without a clear reason. At 12:30, with Ferrer’s wife standing in front of the entrance to protest the decision, four agents of the Ministry of the Interior detained her, saying that she should accompany them to the Research and Operations Centre in Versailles so that someone could explain why she was not allowed to visit.”
“If another video or post came out everything would go backwards in terms of the exit process, both for him and the family, and she would be imprisoned”
“After driving her there, they kept her for almost half an hour inside the patrol car under the sun. They then drove her to an office where the aforementioned repressors were located: Major Raúl, another filming with a camera and one who initiated the threats. According to them, this was her last warning for being on social networks publishing against the authorities and institutions of the regime, in addition to the current situation of my brave brother. That if another video or publication came out everything would go backwards in terms of the exit process, both for him and the family, and she would be imprisoned,” said Ferrer’s sister, who added that her sister-in-law returned home around 2:00 pm.
On previous occasions, Ferrer had spoken out against leaving the country, as offered by State Security in exchange for not keeping him in prison and under torture. The opponent was informed of the charges against him -propaganda against the constitutional order and contempt of Díaz-Canel- two weeks after he was imprisoned.
Ferrer was violently removed from his home, also the headquarters of UNPACU, in Altamira, Santiago de Cuba, after three months of constant harassment. According to his family, the State Security agents “completely ransacked” the house and took him away, along with Nelva Ortega and their young son, Daniel José, although these last two were released hours later.
On the same day, April 29, Félix Navarro was also arrested during a visit with his wife, the Lady in White Sonia Álvarez, to the prison where their daughter Sayli is being held in Matanzas.
Both opponents were part of the group of prisoners released last January under an agreement between the regime and the Vatican, and returned to prison eight days after the death of the previous pope, Francis.
The Council for the Democratic Transition in Cuba (CTDC), of which Ferrer is president, celebrated the news of the opposition figure’s exile. “His release and departure constitute a profoundly human relief, after having witnessed the intense pressure and harassment he and his family have suffered since he made public his intention to leave the island,” the organization said in a statement.
“We know that his mind remains clear and that his firm decision to continue fighting for his country from another perspective, until the day he can return, will be crucial,” they continue. They conclude, stating: “With his powerful and scarred voice, José Daniel Ferrer will continue to be a moral and political figurehead for all Cubans committed to building a free, just, and democratic Cuba.”
Amnesty International also welcomed the news, referring to his departure as a “forced exile.” “His situation is not an isolated incident,” the NGO asserted in a tweet. “It is part of the Cuban government’s systematic strategy of silencing dissenters, imprisoning them under extreme circumstances, and expelling them for seeking justice and defending human rights.”
In the same message, they make an “urgent call” to the regime’s authorities to “end the repression,” “immediately and unconditionally release all those who remain unjustly imprisoned in Cuba,” and “respect the right to freedom of expression and the defense of human rights.”
The departure of the UNPACU leader comes on the same day as the arrival in Madrid of another opposition member and prisoner of conscience, Luis Robles, “the young man with the placard.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
The opponent is accompanied by his mother, Yindra Elizastigui, and his seven-year-old son
Luis Robles Elizastigui, on arrival at the Adolfo Suárez Airport in Madrid this Monday, October 13. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Madrid, October 13, 2025 — Luis Robles Elizastigui, the “the young man with the placard,” arrived in Madrid this Monday from Cuba, along with his mother, Yindra Elizastigui, and his seven-year-old son. Excited and tired, they did not want to make any statement on arrival at the Adolfo Suarez Airport in Madrid, which was witnessed by 14ymedio.
The 32-year-old from Havana, considered a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International, was one of those released last January during the mass releases of prisoners as part of an agreement with the Biden government. At the time, he was still under house arrest — as he was last June — as part of his sentence of five years in prison for holding a poster calling for the release of rapper Denis Solís on the central boulevard of San Rafael in Havana on December 4, 2020.
Arrested that same day, the images of his solitary demonstration spread on social networks and were immortalized two months later in the Patria y Vida video clip. They were, at the same time, the only incriminating evidence presented by the Prosecutor’s Office in the trial, held almost a year later in Marianao, in which Robles was tried for resistance and enemy propaganda, despite the fact that in the video it was observed that he did not fight with the officers who arrested him, nor was there any allusion to an enemy on his poster. The people around him tried to defend him from the police.
The banner said, “Freedom, no more repression, #FreeDenis,” in reference to the rapper sentenced to eight months in prison in a summary trial, who would end up being banished to Serbia.
The three judges and prosecutor involved were sanctioned last May by the US for their “crucial role” in the arbitrary detention
According to the judgment, to which 14ymedio had access, it was “proved” in the trial that Robles “responded to a call” by the Cuban influencer “Alexander Otaola to speak out” against the arrest of Solís, “the police authorities and the leaders of the State and the government,” to carry out any act aimed at destabilizing the internal order and to demonstrate publicly in the streets against the Cuban economic and social system.”
The phrase on the sign that Robles was carrying “opposed the decisions of the authorities” and determined his arrest, which was justified by the Provincial Court of Havana, where the activist was prosecuted.
The sentence was dated March 28, 2022, almost four months after the trial, and the three judges and prosecutor who participated were sanctioned last May by the US for their “crucial role” in the arbitrary detention of Robles, an action that Washington said was a “grave violation of his human rights.”
Since then, the four officials – Gladys María Padrón Canals, María Elena Fornari Conde, Juan Sosa Orama and Yanaisa Matos Legrá – and their families have been banned from entering US territory.
Luis Robles, the “young man with the placard,” was sentenced to five years in prison for holding a poster calling for the release of rapper Denis Solis
While he was imprisoned in the Combinado del Este maximum security prison, the regime went after Robles’ family and arrested one of his continue reading
brothers, Lester Fernández, while he was building a boat. He was also fined 7,000 pesos for “illegal exit from the country,” although there was no proof of it, as his mother has reported since they submitted the facts in early 2023.
Yindra Elizastigui, for her part, has been one of the most combative mothers for the cause of political prisoners, not just her son. Throughout his years in prison, she never tired of denouncing the ill-treatment Robles received. “We must continue to defend them, because our children and our families are innocent. What they did, they did for a right that all human beings want,” she declared in a live broadcast in May last year when her son was once again denied the conditional release to which he was entitled.
Graduated in Informatics, we started to know more about Luis Robles thanks to his brother, Landy Fernández Elizastigui, who became one of the channels of communication of the “young man with the placard” with the outside. In an interview with 14ymedio, Fernández said that his brother has always “thought differently about the regime.”
Indeed, three days before going out on the streets to demonstrate peacefully, Robles recorded a video that was published much later where he talked about his thoughts, desires and also the reasons that led him to be a protester.
“We wish from the heart for a change, a change of system, a change of country, because really communism has turned this country into a living hell”
“We sincerely wish for a change, a change of system, a change of country, because really communism has turned this country into a living hell, a hell where it is practically impossible to breathe, not only air, but also peace and tranquility,” he stated.
At another time, he said that “freedom is the greatest thing you can have in life, and these shameless communists since they arrived have cut off all kinds of freedoms, freedom to a free religion, freedom to a free ideology, freedom to choose who you like, not who they impose on you.” And he continued: “They have taken away even the freedom to think, they want to control even what we think.”
In March 2022, the 29-year-old published a letter reiterating his struggle and goal: “freedom for the people of Cuba.” In the missive, Robles went back to the reasons that brought him to the peaceful protest that led to prison.
“I decided to break my silence because I was tired of seeing my country destroyed and the government doing nothing to fix it,” he explained, “because I think that Cuba’s greatest enemy is not outside but sitting in the seat of the President.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
14ymedio, Havana, 16 October 2025 — The National Series baseball teams continue to fail to attract sponsors and advertising for uniforms and stadiums. More than two months after the Sports Law approved the opening of the program to state and private companies, none have approached the clubs. “The opportunity is legal,” Karel Pachot, legal director of the National Institute of Sports, Physical Education, and Recreation (Inder), told the program Bola Viva.
