“At that time there were very few on the Island who dared to give statements directly to Radio Martí, and those who did were automatically stigmatized and repressed,” recalls María, who remembers the maneuvers that had to be done in the houses to tune in. “You had to have a certain type of radio and put it in a certain place. My father discovered that if he lay down on the bathroom floor and put it on the tiles, he picked up the station better, so the bathroom became a very busy place.”
Aware of the power of providing information other than the official one, the regime immediately jammed the signal with an annoying interference. “It continue reading
could barely be heard and had a noise, brbrbrbr,” imitates Tomás, a resident of Centro Habana, who claims to be a listener of the station since he was a teenager. “The neighbor next door put it on and taught me how to look for it on the radio and I put it on too.” At that time, says the man, there was no other universe than the one presented on national television. “We were completely oblivious. Here we thought that the world was a disaster and that Cuba was paradise.”
In its programs at that time, you could learn about the consequences of hurricanes crossing the Island – something that official propaganda always tried to minimize – or officials who had deserted on a trip abroad, or even international sanctions against the Havana regime. Tomás concludes: “Where I first heard the real truth was on Radio Martí.”
It also served, for example, to know what number came up in the “bolita,” the illegal lottery that is played on Cuban streets
The musical theme at the beginning of the broadcasts was repeated several times during the day and in some way became the soundtrack of our desire for freedom of information. “When you heard that cadence coming from a home in some tenement, you knew that the family was listening to the forbidden station,” María continues.
When I was little and heard it for the first time, it was in the middle of the Special Period,” says Josiel, an immigrant in Florida. “I soon sensed that it was something forbidden because in the neighborhood many spoke quietly when they mentioned this station.” Josiel says that he was not very aware of what was happening, but he associates Radio Martí with some neighbors who “made rafts with truck bodies” and reached the Guantánamo Naval Base.
As an adult, the young man continues, he visited the house of an uncle in Santiago de Cuba, who was very critical of the regime and a “faithful listener of Las Noticias Como Son (The News as it is).” In a similar way, María believes that the political transformation of her father, who ended up denying the Communist Party of which he had been a member, “was partly due to Radio Martí, which he greatly admired.”
There were consequences to getting involved in some way with the station. In the repression of the Black Spring, the mere possession of a shortwave radio to capture the signal or having ever spoken through microphones, via phone call, were considered incriminating evidence against the activists and independent journalists who were tried in those days of 2003.
“It can be reactivated with fewer staff, but nothing guarantees us employment”
The medium did not always have such a serious task. It also served, for example, to know what number came up in the “bolita,” the illegal lottery that is played on Cuban streets. “There were people on my block who only tuned in for that,” explains Gabriel, now a resident of Miami. His first memory of Radio Martí was not as a listener of the station but as a student, at the beginning of what was called the “Battle of Ideas“: “The first thing I heard were attacks made by teachers against that medium, which they called an enemy. In the classrooms we were constantly bombarded with rants against everything related to the Cubans in Miami.”
This 35-year-old father, a Trump supporter, does not believe that the closure of Radio Martí will be definitive. In this regard, he mentions the president’s own order, issued as “temporary,” and the promise of Cuban-American Republican congressmen Carlos Giménez, María Elvira Salazar and Mario Díaz-Balart to “work” to guarantee the continuity of broadcasting.
“Radio Martí has been key to counter the propaganda of the Castro/Díaz-Canel regime. While the programs and agencies of the federal government are restructured, I will continue to work with President Trump to ensure that the Cuban people have access to the uncensored news they need and deserve,” Salazar wrote on his social networks.
Martí Radio Television workers who a few days ago maintained optimism, this Monday were more hopeless. “It can be reactivated with fewer staff, but nothing guarantees employment,” one of them told 14ymedio on condition of anonymity.
“The freedom and democratization of Cuba is not only of interest and benefit to Cubans but also to the United States”
For the time being, numerous voices inside and outside the Island have spoken out against the presidential decision. On Monday, the Assembly of the Cuban Resistance urged Trump on Monday to help, instead of ending Radio and Television Martí. “The preservation and strengthening of this means of communication is indispensable for the Cuban people,” the Miami-based coalition, composed of 53 groups, stressed in a statement. It also reiterated: “The freedom and democratization of Cuba is not only of interest and benefit to Cubans but also to the United States.” It recalled that the Havana regime “has installed on its territory military and espionage bases of the adversarial regimes of the United States and has consistently undermined US national security.”
For its part, the Council for the Democratic Transition in Cuba, based in Madrid, expressed its “deep concern about the order to dismantle the United States Agency for Global Media (USAGM), which includes the temporary suspension of funding for Radio and Television Martí. ” This “has already brought negative consequences, such as the receipt of dismissal letters by workers, who are in a situation of uncertainty.”
In a statement made public on Monday, the organization emphasizes that these media “have played an essential role in offering truthful information to the Cuban population, breaking the regime’s information monopoly and acting as a necessary counterweight to state propaganda.” In addition, it points out that they have also been “key elements to promote independent journalism, peaceful resistance against repression and censorship of the Cuban regime.”
And they warn: “The disappearance of Radio and Television Martí would represent a significant setback, benefiting exclusively the Cuban regime in its propaganda discourse both inside and outside the Island. In addition, it would strengthen the propaganda and misinformation of other authoritarian regimes that already have a presence in Cuba and in the rest of the world, such as the Russian media, Russia Today (RT), CGTN of China, HispanTV of Iran and Telesur of Venezuela, which would also affect the democratic interests of the United States and the West in general.”
José Daniel Ferrer, leader of the Patriotic Union of Cuba (UNPACU), spoke along the same line. In repeated posts on his social networks, he highlighted that Radio and Television Martí is “a necessary and inseparable symbol of the cause in favor of freedom and democracy in Cuba.” He understands “any necessary restructuring” so that “these platforms constantly improve and are more effective and of greater scope,” but affirms that “they must not cease to exist.”
“Its total absence would greatly benefit the discourse and propaganda of the Cuban communist regime and the anti-democratic media increasingly present on our continent”
“Its total absence would greatly benefit the discourse and propaganda of the Cuban communist regime and the anti-democratic media increasingly present on our continent,” insisted the historical opponent. He asks that the president of the United States allow Radio and Television Martí “to continue to give voice to our people, oppressed and silenced by a brutal and tyrannical enemy of the United States and the entire West.”
Miriam Leiva also lashed out against the measure. In a post published on Facebook, the independent journalist recalled her collaboration, over more than 20 years, with Las Noticias Como Son, the program presented by José Luis Ramos, Amado Gil and her husband, Oscar Espinosa Chepe, which cost him the regime’s reprisal. “In his trial as part of the 75 of the Black Spring of 2003, the prosecutor used his participation in that program. Chepe replied that if they didn’t want him to do it, ’give me space on national radio’. The response to him was harsh and offensive.”
In the same publication, Leiva recalled, in capital letters, that Radio and Television Martí never paid them (something, by the way, that other collaborators expose as a criticism and that has been a frequent source of discomfort among reporters living in Cuba, who did not even benefit from phone recharges by the station). Not in vain, the journalist relates how the regime has recently congratulated itself on the cancellation of the programs that help independent media and human rights activists. Leiva concludes: “With this dismantling, the Cuban government has won.”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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