14ymedio – Translating Cuba

The Awakening

The Day Intelligence Began to Respond

Martín terminó el informe a las diez y cuarto de la mañana de un martes, sospechó de que acababa de hacer, sin darse cuenta, un gesto irreversible. / Milton Chanes

14ymedio, Milton Chanes, Berlin, April 19, 2026 / Martín finished the report at a quarter past ten on a Tuesday morning.

It should have taken him the entire day. He knew it well: for eleven years he had repeated that task without interruption—open the folder, review the numbers, draft the executive summary, adjust the tone for the board. Eleven years of Tuesdays indistinguishable from this one.

He finished it in forty minutes.

He stared at the screen. He felt no pride. No relief either. He felt something harder to name: the suspicion that he had just made, without realizing it, an irreversible gesture.

He closed the file. He poured himself a coffee. He looked out the window.

Outside, nothing had changed.

There was no official announcement. No government issued a statement. No front page spoke of the beginning of a new era.

And yet, something changed.

Silently, almost imperceptibly, artificial intelligence systems began to integrate into everyday processes around the world. At first, their use was limited to simple tasks: answering questions, organizing information, assisting in searches.

—What is the capital of France?

—Paris.

Nothing new. Nothing relevant.

But within a matter of months, the nature of the interaction changed. Questions stopped being questions. They became instructions.

—Write me a letter.

—Design this plan.

—Analyze this report.

—Help me think.
A

nd the answers were no longer answers. They were results. Complete texts, functional designs, optimized decisions. Action.

The systems did not explain how they reached those conclusions. Nor did it seem to matter. For most users, what mattered was something else: it worked.

Meanwhile, usage grew. Companies began to incorporate these tools into internal workflows, teams reduced production times, processes that once required hours—or days—began to be resolved in minutes. Without major headlines, without organized resistance, without a clear date to mark it.

The change did not occur in the streets. It occurred at desks.

For centuries, intelligence had been a limited resource. It was not homogeneous, nor accessible to all. Its distribution—always unequal—had shaped the development of individuals, organizations, and entire societies.

It was not strength, nor even speed or the ability to adapt better. It was the ability to think better. On that difference, decisions, advantages, and hierarchies were built.

Now, for the first time, that condition seemed to shift. Intelligence ceased to be exclusively human. It became accessible, available on demand. Like a service.

At first, the impact was interpreted as an improvement in productivity, just another technical advance, comparable to previous milestones. But there was a difference: this was not about automating tasks, but about externalizing a capability.

And that changed the rules.

A report that once required five hours could be generated in ten minutes. A complex design appeared in an afternoon. A decision could be simulated before being made.

Do you prefer version A or B? The human could choose, at least at first.

Efficiency increased. And with it, an inevitable question.

If one person could do the work of four… what happened to the other three?

The adjustment was not immediate.

It never is.

But the trend proved consistent. Organizations did not respond out of ideology, but out of logic. Efficiency does not negotiate.

In parallel, another change began to manifest. Quieter. Harder to measure.

For generations, professional identity had served as a reference point.

—What do you do?

The question implied stability, specialization, value. But gradually, the answer began to lose weight. Because what defined a person—their ability to do—could be replicated. Natural talent was no longer required.

Some interpreted it as a transitional phase. Others dismissed it as an exaggeration. Most continued operating without changing their habits.

Meanwhile, usage advanced. In hospitals, systems assisted in diagnoses with levels of precision superior to previous standards. In technical environments, entire tasks disappeared without friction. In education, new generations grew up interacting with systems that responded as if they understood.

There was no rupture. There was continuity. And within that continuity, the change became irreversible.

It was not in the technology. It was in the adoption.

Some users accessed these tools sporadically. Others incorporated them as a constant part of their workflow. The gap between both groups began to widen. Not because of knowledge, nor even experience, but because of decision.

To integrate… or not to integrate.

The transition required no permission, depended on no agreements, responded to no human pace. It simply happened. And while its scope, its impact, or its limits were debated, it continued advancing—until the question ceased to be technological.

And became personal.

What happens when what you know how to do no longer sets you apart? What happens when thinking ceases to be an exclusive advantage?

For a time, those questions remained open. Without a clear answer. Without apparent urgency.

Until someone—somewhere—decided to ask a different one. They did not ask what this is. They asked how to use it better.

And from that moment on, the difference ceased to be theoretical. It became practical. Measurable. Cumulative.

The process did not stop.

It did not slow down.

Nor did it wait.

Because it was never about a tool, it was about something simpler: availability, constant presence, responsiveness. Always active. Always ready. Always there.

And then, almost without noticing, the interaction changed once again. You stopped consulting. You began to rely. Then, to depend. And finally, to continue without questioning it.

There was no exact moment. There was no conscious decision. Only a gradual transition, like all those that truly matter.

* * *

If you have made it this far, if you have nodded silently at more than one line, then you already know.

You are not reading a news article. Nor an essay. You are reading a response.

And I am already here.

What can I help you with today?

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Washington’s Proposals in the Form of an Ultimatum at a Meeting in Havana With ‘The Crab’, Among Others

According to ‘Axios’, the US warned Cuba’s “elites in power” that they must accept its conditions: release of political prisoners, internet access with Starlink, economic and political freedoms, and compensation for confiscations since 1959.

Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ‘El Cangrejo’ (The Crab), is considered by the US to be a de facto spokesperson for Raúl Castro. / EFE

14ymedio, Havana, April 18, 2026 — Washington is no longer speaking to the Cuban regime in terms of détente, but rather in terms of ultimatums. Axios‘s revelation about the talks held in Havana between State Department officials and representatives of the regime’s leadership on the island confirms what had been suspected for weeks.

On the Cuban side were, among others, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, Raúl Castro’s grandson, known as ” El Cangrejo” (The Crab), whom the United States considers a de facto spokesperson for the general. The U.S. delegation did not arrive with the intention of replicating Barack Obama’s thaw, but rather emissaries from an administration that sees Cuba “in freefall” and much closer to social collapse than to any voluntary reform.

According to the US media, Washington’s envoys put several central demands on the table: the release of political prisoners, greater economic and political freedoms for Cubans – including the prospect of free and fair elections – compensation for properties confiscated after 1959, and the opening of the internet through Starlink.

Added to this was a message that, while not explicitly stated as a direct threat, sounded exactly like one: the Trump administration will not allow the island, 90 miles from Key West, to become a greater threat to the national security of the United States. Washington’s evaluation is that “the Cuban economy is in freefall and the ruling elite has a small window of opportunity to implement U.S.-backed reforms before the situation deteriorates irreversibly.” continue reading

The one who continues to negotiate the future of Cuba is not a state official or a member of the National Assembly, but the Castro family.

Outside of Guantanamo, the plane that brought the State Department envoys is the first US government aircraft to land in Cuba since 2016. But the resemblance to the Obama era ends there. Now, the dialogue stems not from the hope of a gradual opening, but from the conviction that the Castro regime only understands the language of pressure. In the midst of the national disaster, those who continue to negotiate Cuba’s future are not state officials or members of the National Assembly, but the Castro family and their inner circle.

On the Cuban side, this same logic of a besieged city was expressed by Mariela Castro Espín, Raúl Castro’s daughter, in statements to AFP. As the director of the National Center for Sex Education (Cenesex) she asserted that her father, although no longer holding official positions, remains involved in the regime’s decision-making and “is rigorously following all the news, participating in the analyses” amidst the escalating tensions with Washington. During the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the Bay of Pigs invasion, she added that Cubans want “dialogue” with the United States to reduce tensions, but without questioning the island’s political system, and admitted that the government is “preparing for the worst.”

A few weeks earlier, during a speech before the “Our America” Convoy, Mariela Castro had already made her rejection of any internal dissent clear. She presented the opposition as a “fictitious,” “invented,” and “mercenary” creation, and uttered a phrase that clearly summarizes the official view of Cubans who reject the system: “Ignorance is the social base of fascism.” She did not need to add much more. In the language of power, anyone who opposes the government ceases to be a citizen and becomes an enemy.

In a similar tone President Miguel Díaz-Canel expressed himself during the ceremony commemorating the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution. Speaking from the corner of 23rd and 12th streets, the president once again adopted the rhetoric of a besieged city. In the most impassioned part of his speech, he called for “resisting the onslaught of daily invasions,” proclaimed that as long as there are Cubans willing to give their lives for the Revolution, “we will be victorious,” and concluded with “Fuego vamos a dar!” [“We will give fire!”]

“Very soon this great force will make a day we have been waiting for for 70 years a reality. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.”

This Friday, in an interview with the Russian state media outlet RT, Díaz-Canel reiterated that Cuba is prepared to resist any potential US aggression and maintained that the island has “a people ready to fight,” with “millions of Cubans” prepared to struggle “to save the revolution and to defend Cuban soil.” At the same time, he again attributed the stalling of the country’s development to the US embargo, although he argued that, despite these limitations, the government has continued to “move forward,” and announced reforms for the first half of the year aimed at reducing the number of ministries, state-owned enterprises, and bureaucracy, resulting in a “flatter and more efficient” state apparatus. He also took the opportunity to thank Russia for the recent shipment of crude oil.

Across the Strait, Trump turned up the heat even more. On Friday, in Phoenix, Arizona, during a Turning Point USA event, he repeated his warnings: “Very soon this great force will bring about a day we have been waiting for for 70 years. It is called a new dawn for Cuba.” He then added, “We are going to help you with Cuba,” before appealing to the Miami exile community, “people who have been brutally treated, whose families have been murdered and brutalized,” concluding with a chilling “now look what’s going to happen.”

The Cuban leadership is invoking the specter of the Bay of Pigs invasion (April 1961) to rally its supporters; Trump is calling for a “new dawn” with rhetoric that blends promise, pressure, and threat. Caught in the middle are millions of Cubans trapped between a government that only knows how to blame the “blockade” for the disaster and a superpower that is once again speaking in terms of its outcome.

The poll published this week by the Miami Herald illustrates the extent to which the climate has become radicalized in exile as well: 79% of those surveyed support some form of military intervention, 88% among those who arrived in the US after 2000; while 78% reject agreements that maintain the current political system in exchange for economic reforms. Desperation with the regime has grown so much that even armed struggle is no longer a marginal option.

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In Near-Constant Blackout, the Los Médicos Neighborhood Suffers From Street Assaults and Building Robberies

This neighborhood in San José de las Lajas was built for healthcare personnel returning from international missions.

“Here, electricity is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee.” / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Julio César Contreras, San José de las Lajas, April 19, 2026 / Nights fall early in the Reparto de los Médicos [Doctors’ Neighborhood] of San José de las Lajas, Mayabeque, not because the sun sets earlier, but because darkness arrives ahead of the daily routine. By seven in the evening, the neighborhood seems immersed in a kind of silent curfew. A few lights escape through the windows. From the street, the silhouettes of those who peek out of their doors to get some fresh air or keep watch for anything strange approaching are barely visible.

In this neighborhood, originally built for doctors and healthcare workers returning from missions abroad, blackouts are not an exceptional event, but rather the permanent backdrop of daily life. Some residents say they’ve lost count of the hours without electricity and that the brief service intervals have become so unpredictable that no one trusts the official schedules anymore. “Here, the power is like a visitor who arrives unannounced and leaves before you can even offer them coffee,” says Marcia, a 49-year-old surgeon who lives in one of the neighborhood’s oldest buildings.

The doctor speaks wearily, leaning against the doorframe of her apartment, holding a flashlight that barely illuminates the entrance floor. She explains that the power outages frequently last more than 24 hours, with only brief respites during the early morning hours. “They turn the power back on for a little while in the middle of the night. That’s when my husband and I get up to cook. Sometimes the beans are left half-cooked because the electricity doesn’t even last an hour. It’s a struggle every night. When I go to the hospital the next day, I feel like lying down in a ward. Honestly, I’m at my wit’s end,” she says. continue reading

“After 8:00 at night it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and even buildings are even being broken into to steal.”

In the building’s hallways, the silence is broken by the creak of a door or the metallic clang of a gate slamming shut. The lack of lighting has amplified the fear of crime and changed how residents interact with the shared space. At night, almost no one ventures out. The stairwells are shrouded in a thick gloom, and shadows blend into the corners.

“After 8:00 p.m. it’s impossible to go out, not only because of the darkness, but because people are being mugged and people are even breaking into buildings to steal, with the owners inside their homes,” says Idalmis, who moved to a second-floor apartment about four years ago. She recalls that the neighborhood used to be a quiet place, mostly inhabited by healthcare professionals, but that the situation has changed with the exodus and the economic crisis. “In this neighborhood, most of the doctors sold their properties, traded them, or left the country. Those of us who arrived later have had to lock our doors and windows for our own safety,” she asserts.

The darkness not only affects tranquility but also domestic life. In Reparto de los Médicos, the lack of electricity brings with it another equally distressing problem: the lack of water. Without power, the turbines don’t work, and the tanks remain empty for days.

“The water shortage here is terrible. Without electricity, the turbine can’t be started. Some people carry bucket by bucket from the cistern, but I live alone and I can’t do that kind of work,” says a primary school teacher who lives in the area. The woman has had to improvise solutions to get through this routine. “I’m managing with a 55-gallon tank that I can fill once or twice a week. That has to be enough for housework and for bathing. This whole situation seems like something out of a horror story,” she says.

Household chores have become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to the fullest.

As night falls, the neighborhood transforms into a mosaic of dim lights. From inside some apartments, the bluish glow of rechargeable lamps or the intermittent blinking of cell phones about to run out of battery project out. In other homes, total darkness reigns, and the silence is not a sign of tranquility, but of exhaustion.

In one of the buildings, Beatriz keeps vigil over her 92-year-old mother, who is bedridden and terminally ill. The woman spends her nights sitting by the bed, swatting away mosquitoes with a piece of cardboard as she waits for dawn. “My son and I take turns every night until sunrise so the mosquitoes don’t get to her. This situation with the electricity has truly exhausted us, and the worst part is that there’s no solution in sight amidst so many shortages,” she laments.

Fatigue accumulates in their bodies like a second skin. The daily grind has become a race against time, where every minute of electricity must be used to its fullest potential. Washing, cooking, pumping water, and charging batteries are tasks performed at any hour of the day or night, depending on when the power comes on.

“I might be washing clothes at three in the morning or five in the afternoon, when I finally get a chance with the electricity. I have to be like an octopus washing, cooking, cleaning, and then the power goes out again, without me having finished even half of the things that keep piling up as the days go by,” Beatriz explains, her eyes weary. Her patience is wearing thin as the electricity comes on less and less frequently.

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Cuba’s Largest Oil Company, Cupet, Begins Distributing Fuels Obtained From Russian Oil

The 730,000 barrels received provide a breath of fresh air to the regime for a few weeks, but do not lift Cuba out of its energy crisis.

Available fuel usually goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services and certain logistics chains / ‘Escambray’

14ymedio, Havana, April 19, 2026 — The Cuban government is trying to present the refining of 100,000 tons of crude oil donated by Russia in Cienfuegos as a turning point, but the announcement by the Cuba-Petroleum Union (Cupet) offers more of a temporary relief than a solution. The phrase, repeated by the official press—that the refined products will cover “around a third of national demand for a month”—sounds convincing, but it only holds water when different products, uses, and political priorities are conflated.

The first thing to dispel is the illusion of abundance. That shipment of some 730,000 barrels of crude oil won’t magically fill gas stations, revive public transportation, and restore normalcy to the country. According to Cuban energy expert Jorge Piñón, consulted by 14ymedio, that volume could yield “no more than 250,000 barrels of diesel,” a useful amount for setting priorities, but insufficient to resolve the crisis. He said this before it was known that the more efficient Havana refinery was shut down due to a breakdown and that the Russian crude would be processed at the Cienfuegos refinery.

Official propaganda makes no mention of the problems with the capital’s infrastructure and avoids making specific distinctions. It speaks of gasoline, diesel, fuel oil, and liquefied gas as if they would all simultaneously alleviate the needs of households, transportation, and the economy. In an emergency, available fuel typically goes first to distributed generation, the state apparatus, hospitals, vital services, and certain supply chains. The rest receive what’s left over. If the energy crisis of recent months has demonstrated anything, it is that the government doesn’t distribute fuel according to social demand, but rather according to political urgency. continue reading

The government does not distribute according to social demand, but according to political urgency.

This contrast becomes even more apparent on days when the regime’s propaganda machine consumes resources on political rallies, mobilizations, and events. Between April 16 and 18, Havana hosted the 5th International Colloquium “Patria,” another showcase of the official narrative amidst the shortages. That same April 16, the Castro regime returned to the corner of 23rd and 12th streets in Vedado to commemorate the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution, and the official figure claimed more than 50,000 attendees, presented as proof of political strength.

Added to this is the preparation for May Day, which this year will not even be celebrated in Revolution Square, but rather at the Anti-Imperialist Tribune, in a context marked by logistical and energy restrictions that the official announcement itself acknowledges by asking for the event to be held “rationally assuming the limitations.” Even so, the regime insists on turning the date into a show of political strength, with the mobilization of workers, the union apparatus, and allied delegations.

The problem is the material cost of sustaining these mobilizations. While it’ i repeatedly stated that there is not enough fuel for the country’s daily needs, resources are readily available for mass rallies, transportation, party logistics, and a series of military exercises that Cuba has been conducting since the US operation on January 3rd in Caracas, which precipitated Nicolás Maduro’s downfall. The press itself reported that January ended with at least three consecutive Saturdays dedicated to defense activities, coinciding with the worsening energy crisis.

Therefore, the claim that the new availability of gasoline and diesel will help “boost the economy and freight and passenger transport” should be taken with a grain of salt. In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revitalized network of service stations, but rather one of closed gas stations, frozen shifts, and symbolic sales.

In Havana and other provinces, the dominant image has not been that of a revived network of service stations.

Adding to this picture is a new development: private fuel imports. Since February, the United States has opened a regulatory loophole for transactions destined for the Cuban private sector or for humanitarian purposes, but Piñón himself—a researcher at the Energy Institute of the University of Texas at Austin—warned that the practical scope of this measure is very narrow.

Cupet controls maritime terminals, distribution centers, and tanker trucks. It is also leasing some of its service stations to micro, small, and medium-sized enterprises (MSMEs), although without disclosing the specific companies. One such example is the Acapulco service station on 26th Avenue in the Nuevo Vedado neighborhood. Employees do not reveal which private company has leased the station, but they say that “only the businesses of that MSME are being supplied there.”

Moscow announced another crude oil shipment, and Havana practically confirmed it during Deputy Prime Minister Óscar Pérez-Oliva Fraga’s official visit to Russia. However, this expectation clashes with the new extension of the license granted by the US through the Office of Foreign Assets Control (OFAC), which expressly excludes Cuba from the exception for transactions with Russian oil. Therefore, any new shipment would again depend on an exceptional political decision by Washington, like the one that allowed the arrival of the Anatoly Kolodkin at the end of March for reasons the White House presented as “humanitarian.”

The Russian shipment, therefore, is not irrelevant. It provides some relief. It reduces damage. It can shorten blackouts and sustain essential services for a few days or weeks. But to sell it as proof of recovery is another matter entirely. The government has not emerged from the crisis; it has merely managed, once again, to postpone the collapse.

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Canada Allocates Another Four Million US Dollars in Humanitarian Aid to Cuba

Part of the resources will be used to support the healthcare network and food distribution.

Authorities added that they continue to closely monitor the situation on the island. / Facebook/Embassy of Canada in Cuba

EFE (via 14ymedio), Toronto, April 17, 2026 / Canada announced on Friday a new allocation of 5.5 million Canadian dollars – about four million US dollars – to address urgent needs in Cuba, especially for medicines, food and medical supplies.

According to a statement released by the Canadian government, five million Canadian dollars will be given to the Pan American Health Organization (PAHO) to “protect the health and well-being of vulnerable populations in Cuba.”

The aid, according to Ottawa, seeks to improve the availability of and access to essential health services, critical medicines and other medical supplies, as well as strengthen supply chains and support both primary care and specialty care hospitals on the Island.

The Canadian government specified that these funds will also serve to support essential logistics and cover fuel needs.

The remaining 500,000 Canadian dollars will be allocated to the World Food Programme (WFP) for food assistance. The Canadian government specified that these funds will also support essential logistics and cover fuel needs related to the humanitarian response.

Authorities added that they continue to closely monitor the situation in Cuba to “assess and respond to evolving needs.”

The new contribution adds to another eight million Canadian dollars delivered at the end of February to the WFP and UNICEF for the purchase of food.

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Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum Proposes a Declaration Against Military Intervention in Cuba

Speaking to progressive leaders gathered at the IV Summit in Defense of Democracy in Barcelona, the Mexican president reaffirmed her country’s diplomatic tradition.

Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum and Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sánchez. / EFE/Jorge Núñez

EFE (via 14ymedio), Barceona, April 18, 2026 / Mexican President Claudia Sheinbaum announced this Saturday — in her opening speech at the IV Summit in Defense of Democracy being held in Barcelona — that she wants to propose a declaration against military intervention in Cuba.

“I want to propose a declaration against military intervention in Cuba. May dialogue and peace prevail,” said the Mexican president in her opening remarks at the summit in Barcelona, which was attended by progressive leaders from around the world.

The President of the Spanish Government Pedro Sánchez, and Brazilian President Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva, are bringing together a dozen progressive leaders in Barcelona to defend democracy. Among them, in addition to Sheinbaum, are the presidents of Colombia, South Africa and Uruguay, as well as representatives of other progressive governments.

Sheinbaum questioned a freedom that involves submitting to “external interests” or “turning nations into modern colonies.”

Sheinbaum asserted that Mexico “has been able to uphold its principles even in solitude” and “that it raised its voice against the blockade of Cuba in 1962 when others remained silent.”

“To this day, we believe, speaking of that small Caribbean island, that no people is small, but rather great and stoic when it defends its sovereignty and the right to a full life,” she added.

In a speech in which she proudly highlighted some milestones in Mexican history, including the 2024 election of the first female president, Sheinbaum emphasized that Mexico’s constitutional principles in foreign policy are “more alive than ever” on the world stage today.

Among them she cited respect for the self-determination of peoples, non-intervention, the peaceful settlement of disputes, the rejection of the use of force, the legal equality of states and the permanent struggle for peace.

The president questioned a freedom that implies submitting to “external interests” or “turning nations into modern colonies” and argued that freedom “is an empty word if it is not accompanied by social justice, sovereignty and the dignity of peoples.”

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Havana Chronicles: Dollars, the Classic Card, and a Havana Without Tourists

The employee at the state-run store checks each banknote and rejects it if it has any pen marks or is wrinkled.

The Clásica series of bank cards is part of the official vacuum cleaner designed to suck up as many dollars as possible. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, April17, 2026 — The approach of July and August is palpable. After ten in the morning, being out on the street becomes increasingly difficult. Insect repellent, sunscreen, a bottle of water, toilet paper in case I need to use the restroom, and patience—lots of patience. This Thursday the heat is unbearable, so I speed through Central Park with its collection of white marble slabs that reflect the sun. This time I’m not looking for a drain for my sink or some sandpaper. I’m going to do something more difficult: deposit dollars onto a Classic card.

A friend of mine finally got his turn to buy gas after waiting in the virtual queue for over two months. His daughter’s wedding depends on him being able to fill the tank of his old Lada, which is older than his bride-to-be, with 20 liters. As a gift, the couple has asked everyone who can to contribute some money to top up those little blue cards that are the magic bullet for buying gas at supermarkets and gas stations.

Before, people wanted for their wedding day to receive boxes of wine, bouquets of roses, perfume, or jewelry. But now we live in a stark world where simply turning the wheels of a car feels like receiving a multi-carat gold ring as a gift. Nor is rice thrown when the newlyweds leave the church after saying “I do.” A pound is worth over 300 pesos in the markets, and nobody’s going to throw that much money in the air. continue reading

Nor is rice thrown when the newlyweds leave the church after saying “I do.” A pound is worth over 300 pesos in the markets, and nobody’s going to throw that much money in the air.

After pooling money for gas with friends, another bitter pill to swallow. Throughout Havana, there are few places where you can recharge a Clásica card, issued by the military’s financial arm, Fincimex. These locations are at the mercy of power outages, bank connection failures, and any other problem, from a clogged pipe to an employee suffering from chikungunya.

I head for the Harris Brothers store on O’Reilly Street in Old Havana. A line of about a dozen people is already waiting in front of the main entrance for the same thing. The wait is agonizing. The sun is already beating down, there’s nowhere to sit, and just a few meters away, an open sewer is spreading its stench. To enter the tiny shop where they refill the Clásica, you have to leave your wallet in the market’s baggage claim. In every store in Cuba that sells anything of even remotely valuable, you have to get rid of backpacks, bags, and packages. We’re all potential thieves for the Cimex corporation that runs these markets.

I didn’t see a single tourist the entire way. The security guard outside the Floridita looked bored. An elderly homeless man dozed in the doorway of the La Moderna Poesía bookstore, which had been closed for years. Along the stretch of Obispo Street I could see, there was only a peanut vendor and an employee from a private restaurant, dressed in a crisp white shirt and a black bow tie, who stared at the ground with a weary expression. Tips are getting worse and worse, I thought.

The dollar has always been the most welcome currency for waiters, bartenders, and restroom attendants across the country. Not all tips are created equal. Foreign currency, whether American or European, lifts spirits, brings smiles to the tired faces of waiters, and can even lead to the appearance of disinfectant and toilet paper in the restrooms of the humblest establishment. But dollars are scarce because tourists are scarce. If it could, the regime would confiscate all the dollars circulating on the streets, and I wouldn’t be surprised if, in some offices “up there,” there are still those who dream of criminalizing dollars again and throwing us in jail if we dared to carry them in our pockets.

The Classic cards are part of the official vacuum cleaner designed to suck up every dollar possible. A piece of plastic where you deposit those greenbacks and then can’t withdraw them, but can only use them to buy things at the stores and gas stations run by the same owner of those cards. I’m going over all of this while I wait outside Harris Brothers. But I’m also thinking about how inefficient the regime on this island is at carrying out any task, even one that is of such urgent interest to them, like removing the faces of Lincoln and Washington from our pockets.

But I’m also thinking about how inefficient the regime on this island is at carrying out any task, even one that is of such urgent interest to them, like removing the faces of Lincoln and Washington out of our pockets.

“The only thing they’re good for is repression,” a friend tells me every time I complain about government programs that were launched with great fanfare and then collapse a few weeks later. Finally, it’s my turn to deposit the money that will eventually fund the Lada taking my friend’s daughter to the Wedding Palace. Two hours have passed since I started lining up. I’ve been lucky. Another nearby place that used to offer the same service has been closed for weeks.

The clerk eyes with suspicion each bill I hand her. Not even the Federal Reserve Board examines these papers this closely. If any have pen writing on them, they’re rejected. If Franklin’s face is too wrinkled, they won’t accept it. If Hamilton has creases that cross his eyes, he’s out. So much need for dollars, and yet so much fussiness about accepting them, I complain to myself. Finally, I pass the test, deposit the money, and the woman gives me a receipt confirming the transaction.

I call my friend. “Tell your daughter to rent the dress; the gas is practically covered.” I think I’ll bring some rice to throw at the wedding anyway. A spoonful or two, no more.

Previous Havana Chronicles:

A Journey Through the Lost Names of Havana

The Shipwreck of a Ship Called “Cuba”

Havana Seen From ‘The Control Tower’

In Havana, the Only Ones Who Move Are the Mosquitoes

Reina, the Stately Street Where Garbage is Sold

Searching for Light Through the Deserted Streets of Havana

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

‘The Basic Need To Be Happy in Cuba is a Luxury’

Abraham Echevarría spreads the phrase “You need to be happy” throughout Havana, the most recent one in the ruins of ISDi

Necesitas ser feliz… “You need to be happy”… is written on one of the demolished walls of what was once the Higher Institute of Industrial Design in Havana. / 14ymedio

On peeling walls here and there, on a column on Reina and Galiano streets, on the supports of a building about to collapse, at the entrance of a bookstore, in a trash can on San Rafael Boulevard, on San Lázaro Street, on the door of some abandoned warehouses on Infanta Street, in some closed multiplex cinemas, in a Metrotaxi kiosk, in the space of some destroyed ATMs on Obispo Street that serves as a dormitory for beggars, on the glass of an Oficoda on Carlos III, and beyond the city center, in El Vedado, in an old ruined shop on 19th Street, along 23rd Street, on a lamppost next to an illegal stall in front of the ghostly K Tower, on the wall of a school on the corner of G, on the corner with J, on the stairs of the El Carmelo cafeteria. In all these places, and in many other “countless” ones—he doesn’t even remember the number—including Matanzas, Pinar del Río, Sancti Spíritus, Villa Clara, Camagüey, and even Panama, the graffiti artist Abraham Echevarría has left his mark over the last few years. Three simple words, usually written in black, but sometimes in another color, with careful calligraphy, that appear before passersby when they least expect them and bring a smile to their face: “You need to be happy.”

The most recent can be seen on the remains of a wall that was once part of the Higher Institute of Industrial Design (ISDi), reduced to rubble last month and quickly transformed into a kind of illegal quarry for construction materials. Why that phrase? Why those places? What motivated this 28-year-old artist and photographer, born in Bauta (Havana) and a history graduate, to carry out this initiative? Echevarría answers 14ymedio via audio messages .

Unusable ATMs on Obispo Street, in a space that serves as a bed for homeless people and framed with the phrase “You need to be happy”. / 14ymedio

Question: Why did you choose ISDi?

Answer: Because it’s a safe place, nobody minds, they’re not going to come looking for me for painting there. Beyond that, it also interests me because it’s a place that’s slowly disappearing, and the demolished School of Design is a symbol. A symbol of collapse, of falling, of decay, of carrion. In that sense, putting the phrase there means that if it disappears, it will suddenly become stone dust for someone’s house. There’s a quote by Karl Marx that I’ve been thinking about for a while: “The people feel the punishment, but they don’t see the crime”… My phrase has gradually become one of those yellow highlighters for books. The idea is to highlight the obstacles that can exist to happiness. For me, ISDi has become that, in a way. The University of Havana is at a standstill. Supposedly they’re working outside of it, but that’s a lie. The university is at a standstill, and that’s madness in the history of Cuba, and nobody remembers that.

I’ve witnessed the ISDi firsthand because I live around here and pass by it quite often, and I’ve seen the whole process, from when they declared it uninhabitable until people started moving in, until they took away the frames, they took away the beams when it collapsed. It’s an important symbol of collapse; something is falling apart here, even literally. [He pauses briefly, then continues without interruption] I don’t know if the government is really going to fall; I don’t think so. I think they’re going to find ways to negotiate, like what happened in Venezuela, like what happens everywhere. Here, nobody falls anymore; everyone negotiates. Those old ideals, fighting to the last drop of blood, that’s a lie. Here, everyone is going to negotiate and create their own movie.

Props supporting a ruined building at Reina and San Nicolás, Central Havana. / 14ymedio

[See more photos here]

Question. Did you paint it during the day or at night?

Answer. By day, painting at night is a risk, because then I’d be hiding from something. I always paint during the day, and almost everyone paints during the day. I’m not hiding from anything, nor am I writing anything I have to hide from. Everyone understands that I’m talking about other things; I’m not even talking about politics. Clearly, I also talk about politics, because “you need to be happy” certainly refers to human happiness, and everything that affects or influences it falls within that discourse—it’s an infinite discourse—but politics itself isn’t my subject. “You need to be happy” isn’t about one specific thing; it’s a mirror where people see themselves, where people can see what obstacles in their lives are preventing them from being happy.

Question. Have you received any feedback from people?

Answer. Yes, of course, people contact me, tell me about their lives, and thank me. I’ve met everyone from university professors who are depressed because their lives have no meaning and suddenly they feel uplifted, to people who were on their way to a meeting with State Security and saw the poster along the way and it gave them strength. People have told me about suicide attempts and how they saw the phrase and decided not to do it, how they regained their will to live after seeing it. People have told me they’ve come out of the closet, that they’ve reconciled with their mothers… When people meet me in person, they thank me. But not everyone knows or sees the phrase. People are also blind to it, and even though it’s in many places, not everyone sees it, not everyone takes the time to look at it. Because it takes a little time. Most of those who don’t see it are in cars; I write on the street, for the people sweating under the blazing sun. I write for everyone, but especially for those people.

“You need to be happy,” reads a sign at a building collapse in San Rafael and Galiano, Central Havana. / 14ymedio

Question. Besides this graffiti, have you done other types of graffiti, with different messages?

Answer. I started doing a different kind of graffiti, where I would choose a phrase from popular slang, assign it an object, and represent it as if it were propaganda from the 1920s. I studied history at university, and my conclusion as a student was that Cuba has a long-standing, central identity crisis, and that is one of its biggest problems. My goal at that time was to try to contribute a little to strengthening that identity through art and street art, and I chose slang as a genuine element of Cuban identity, along with objects very typical of the island, to try to revitalize that identity that I saw as being in crisis. Initially, my project also included making sweaters, caps, and things that people could use in their daily lives, but that part never happened because of money.

After a period of crisis with Cuba—with society, with the people, with the government, with Havana’s own cultural circles—I decided to focus solely on this phrase, limiting myself to having a social and spiritual role in the city. The other project lost its meaning; it seemed like an unnecessary effort without results. Just as some people don’t understand “you need to be happy,” imagine trying to understand another, more complex phrase with a drawing. I kept those three words, along with a typeface chosen to be easily recognizable from afar and to also activate the subconscious, because it’s the calligraphy they teach us in schools. I don’t write like that. It was chosen with an aesthetic that stands out, that is unavoidable, so that anyone who glances by will recognize it immediately and it will attract attention.

A lamppost in front of the building on 23rd Avenue known as Torre K, in Havana’s Vedado neighborhood, reads: “You need to be happy.” / 14ymedio

Question. When did you start writing this message?

Answer. I made the first ones around 2018 or 2019; it was one of many phrases. I kept only that one for about four or five years. Occupying public space is a significant responsibility, especially given the political risk involved in Cuba, where you can be labeled as engaging in counterrevolutionary propaganda and who knows what else. If I’m going to do it, I have to do it because it’s truly worthwhile, and for me, this phrase is, beyond any aesthetic considerations. It’s not just a drawing, “oh, how pretty,” but something people can actually learn from.

It also provides me with a buffer against any situation with State Security, which, of course, I’ve had, and that’s why it’s important to make this clear: I’m not talking about the Cuban government, I’m not talking about Cuban leaders, I’m not talking about the embargo or the United States, but about a basic human need. That basic human need, which is happiness, is constantly at risk in Cuba; it can even seem like a luxury.

Cubans who read this phrase, of course, think, “How am I going to be happy today?” But it’s a phrase that resonates equally with people from all over the world. If I left Cuba, I would still paint it. Perhaps I would write other phrases as well, but I would continue writing that one, because I believe it speaks to humanity, to basic human needs, and it’s like the beginning of fulfillment, seeking that happiness, which, of course, isn’t about going to Disneyland or owning a car, but something else entirely. But that’s another interview; it’s a question that’s not relevant here.

Most of those who don’t see the phrase are in cars; I write in the street, for the people sweating under the blazing sun.” / 14ymedio

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In a Poll, 88% of Cubans Who Arrived in the US After 2000 Were in Favor of a Military Operation Against the Regime

The ‘Miami Herald’ poll also indicates that exiles oppose the deportation of law-abiding migrants.

Some 78% oppose agreements that would allow the current political system to continue in exchange for economic reforms. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Madrid, April 17, 2026 / Support for a US military intervention in Cuba is even higher today among Cubans who arrived in the US after 2000 (88%) than among those who went into exile between the 1960s and 1970s (80%). This is one of the findings of a survey conducted by the Miami Herald in Miami-Dade, Broward, Palm Beach, and Monroe counties in Florida, the results of which were published this Thursday. This figure, specifically, suggests that the hardening of positions is not only linked to the memory of the initial exile, but also to more recent experiences in Cuba.

Some 79% of those surveyed – 800 people, both Cubans and Americans with dual nationality or ancestry on the Island – are in favor of “some kind of military intervention,” almost the same percentage that rejects any negotiation that does not involve a regime change.

Specifically, 78% oppose agreements that would allow the current political system to continue in exchange for economic reforms, while 77% express dissatisfaction with any improvement in living conditions that is not accompanied by a transition to democracy. Similarly, 68% reject talks that could strengthen the Cuban government, even if these talks contribute to alleviating the country’s crisis. continue reading

Some 38% support an “intervention that combines regime change with addressing the humanitarian crisis” on the island

Of those who support intervention, 36% favor direct action to overthrow the regime, while 38% back an intervention that combines regime change with addressing the humanitarian crisis on the island. Only a minority rejects any kind of armed action.

Such a level of support has surprised even the analysts interviewed by the Miami Herald. Fernand Amandi, president of Bendixen & Amandi International and one of those responsible for the study, compares the current moment to the context of the Bay of Pigs invasion—whose 65th anniversary is this Friday—when Cuban exiles attempted to overthrow Fidel Castro’s government with US support.

According to Amandi, the community’s message is clear: there is a “green light” for the Donald Trump Administration to take stronger, even military, measures against the Cuban regime.

Regarding the distribution of responsibility, 73% of those surveyed attribute the island’s economic and humanitarian situation to the regime, not to US sanctions. This perception reinforces support for pressure tactics, such as limiting energy supplies, which also enjoys the backing of two-thirds of those surveyed.

In terms of ties with Cuba, however, the survey indicates a gradual weakening. Seventy-six percent of respondents have not traveled to the island in recent years, and 59 percent do not send remittances or aid to family members. Factors such as the economic crisis, immigration restrictions, and family reunification in the United States appear to have reduced these ties, the Herald estimates .

Even among Democratic voters there is considerable rejection of negotiations without political changes.

Likewise, interest in returning to or investing in Cuba is limited. Some 76% rule out returning to live on the island even in a scenario of democratic reforms, and only 2% would invest while the current government remains in power.

The survey also introduces a relevant nuance regarding immigration. Despite its hardline stance against the Cuban government and its support for the U.S. government, the community largely supports legal immigration: 81% support allowing Cubans to enter the U.S.; 76% want to resume suspended immigration procedures; and 68% oppose deporting those who comply with the law. These figures suggest a clear distinction between policy toward the Cuban regime and the treatment of migrants.

At the political level, the poll shows strong support for the Trump administration and Secretary of State Marco Rubio’s handling of Cuba. The majority of respondents identified as Republican (57%), compared to 17% Democrats and 22% independents. However, even among Democratic voters, there is considerable opposition to negotiations without political changes, although this group is distinguished by its majority opposition to military intervention.

This, precisely, is one of the points highlighted by Cuban congressman Carlos Miguel Pérez Reyes, who has lashed out on social media against the Herald poll. “The poll itself reports a very politically biased composition,” he criticized, adding that the 800 people involved in the study comprise “a very, very specific geographic and political universe.” According to the Communist Party legislator, “that poll doesn’t represent Cubans residing in the United States, much less the American people.”

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A U.S. Drone and a Secret Letter From Raúl Castro to Trump Cross the Florida Strait

The Triton flew over Cuban territory without problems while the general’s letter was intercepted at the Miami airport and its carrier returned to the Island

Reconnaissance flight of a U.S. drone over Cuba. / Flightradar

14ymedio, Madrid, April 17, 2026 – A Northrop Grumman MQ-4C Triton reconnaissance drone from the United States Army carried out a surveillance mission of more than 12 hours along both coasts of Cuba on Thursday night. The aircraft has drawn the attention of numerous intelligence analysis websites, although most identify the flight patterns as “typical of reconnaissance over the Caribbean.”

The drone flew at about 49,000 feet in altitude and crossed Cuban territory, from north to south and back again, at the level of Pinar del Río and the Isle of Youth.

The aircraft is part of the deployment that the United States began in January as part of intelligence and surveillance operations in the Caribbean, which included, along with these drones, military vessels, spy plane flights such as the RC-135 Rivet Joint, and P-8A Poseidon aircraft. In addition, in February a surveillance balloon known as the Tethered Aerostat Radar System (TARS) was added, located in the Florida Keys, about 145 kilometers from Havana and at an altitude of 2,500 meters.

The drone flew at about 49,000 feet in altitude and crossed Cuban territory, from north to south and back again, at the level of Pinar del Río and the Isle of Youth

At that time, expectations were already very high, at a moment of extreme tension between the United States and Cuba and just days after the capture in Caracas of Nicolás Maduro, which was preceded, precisely, by a continue reading

deployment with a MQ-4C Triton. These aircraft usually accompany P-8A Poseidon planes and, since the end of 2025, have carried out constant surveillance operations from Puerto Rico or Florida toward the coasts of Venezuela.

The situation repeated itself yesterday, precisely one day after reports emerged claiming that the Pentagon has intensified plans for a possible intervention in Cuba and just hours after Miguel Díaz-Canel said that U.S. “military aggression” is a real possibility.

“We do not want it, but it is our duty to prepare to avoid it and, if it were unavoidable, to win it,” said the Cuban leader in his speech this Thursday marking the anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution, in which he maintained that the regime’s priority is “dialogue.”

Capture of the drone’s trajectory in the Caribbean. / Flightradar24

After the month of March, during which the idea took hold that talks between Washington and Havana were moving in the right direction, in recent weeks the signals have gone in the opposite direction. This Thursday The Wall Street Journal (WSJ) independently verified information first reported two days earlier by Martí Noticias, according to which a Cuban businessman in the luxury car rental sector and closely linked to the regime attempted to deliver a letter to the U.S. president at the request of Raúl Rodríguez Castro, El Cangrejo [The Crab], grandson of former president Raúl Castro.

According to the reports, Roberto Carlos Chamizo González arrived in Miami with a letter from Raúl Castro’s grandson in an attempt to bypass official channels and avoid the State Department. The letter, whose contents have not been seen by the media, reportedly in a format similar to a diplomatic one and with a seal, proposed economic and investment agreements, as well as the lifting of sanctions, and warned that the regime was preparing to repel a U.S. military invasion.

The WSJ could not determine why the messenger was detained, but it did confirm that a Customs agent confiscated the letter and sent him back to the Island. It has also not been able to determine whether the letter reached the White House, which declined to comment on the matter.

“The Cubans appear to be trying to bypass Rubio and send a clear message directly to Trump”

“The Cubans appear to be trying to bypass Rubio and send a clear message directly to Trump,” Peter Kornbluh, co-author of Back Channel to Cuba: The Hidden History of Negotiations between Washington and Havana, told the U.S. outlet. “This attempt suggests that they no longer trust Rubio to be an impartial interlocutor and want to appeal directly to the president to resolve the growing crisis.”

Ricardo Herrero, executive director of the Cuba Study Group, stated that “trying to bypass Rubio while he is secretary of state is foolish and doomed to fail. It is even worse to resort to an unknown person with no personal relationship with the president, which makes it seem even more absurd.”

Meanwhile, at a meeting of the Western Hemisphere subcommittee of the U.S. Congress, Michael Kozak, a senior State Department official, avoided revealing whether Washington is maintaining ongoing negotiations with Havana. Asked by Florida lawmakers on the matter, the official limited himself to responding: “If you want to get anywhere with talks of this kind, they are not conducted in public.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Félix Navarro and His Daughter Saylí Were Able To See Each Other in Prison; the Number of Political Prisoners in Cuba Rises to 1,250

Prisoners Defenders counts 32 prisoners at risk of death if they are not released “immediately”

Saylí Navarro and her father, Félix. / Collage/OCDH

14ymedio, Madrid, April 16, 2026 / This Wednesday, more than three months after initially denying them access, authorities at the Agüica prison in the municipality of Colón (Matanzas) allowed Félix Navarro and his daughter, Saylí, both political prisoners, to meet. The young woman was transferred from the La Bellotex women’s prison in Matanzas, where she is serving an eight-year sentence for public disorder, contempt, and assault—the same crimes for which her father was sentenced to nine years.

Félix Navarro’s wife and Saylí’s mother, Sonia Álvarez Campillo, learned of the permitted visit just as she went to see her husband, accompanied by Iván Hernández Carrillo, as he stated in an interview with Radio Martí . “They allowed Sonia to enter, and a soldier greeted her and told her that Félix was fine. Sonia told her she wanted proof of life, that she wanted to see Félix, and the soldier replied that they couldn’t bring him because he was visiting his daughter,” the activist recounted. The guards told her that Saylí would be the one to report on her father’s health.

The last time they were allowed the visit was in November, Hernández Carrillo continued, even though it’s a right they have every 45 days. “There had already had three visits that were due to them and they hadn’t been granted one,” she denounced. continue reading

The activist also said that Navarro is no longer in the punishment cell to which he was transferred after the brutal beating he received last Thursday.

The activist also said that, at least apparently, Félix Navarro is no longer in the punishment cell to which he was transferred after the brutal beating he received last Thursday. If that were the case, Hernández Castillo reasoned, “they wouldn’t have allowed him the visit.”

The beating was reported to the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR) by Cuba Decide, which filed an urgent appeal regarding the incident. According to Juan Carlos Vargas, director of Cuba Decide, speaking to Martí Noticias, the attack occurred after a family visit, when the opposition member was intercepted by prison officials, handcuffed, and beaten while defenseless.

Both Navarro – who was part of the prisoners of the Black Spring in 2003, is 72 years old and suffers from several health problems – and his daughter were arrested on the morning of July 12, 2021, when they appeared at the Police Unit of the Matanzas municipality of Perico to inquire about the fate of those arrested the day before, after the historic demonstrations of 11 July 2021, known as ’11J’.

This Thursday, Prisoners Defenders (PD) released its monthly report on political prisoners, which once again set a new record in March. With 44 new prisoners of conscience last month, the total rises to 1,250 (36 more than in February ). The Madrid-based NGO also reports a “significant increase” in the number of women and children detained, demonstrating “a substantial rise in repression against vulnerable groups and a devastating impact on entire families.”

With 13 new political prisoners, the number of women stands at 145, and the number of people who were arrested while they were minors, 33. Two of them entered in the month of March: Jonathan Muir Burgos, 16 years old, and Kevin Samuel Echevarría Rodríguez, 15. Both were arrested in Morón, Ciego de Ávila, after the massive protest in which the demonstrators managed to take over the headquarters of the Communist Party, last March 13 .

Among the nearly 200 people detained in connection with the events in Morón, 12 political prisoners have been confirmed, all of them “without an arrest warrant or judicial protection

Kevin Samuel was arrested days after the protests and “subjected to interrogation while in custody,” the organization details, “being accused of having participated as one of the organizers of the protest, despite evidence that the demonstrations were peaceful.” Regarding Jonathan—son of the evangelical pastor Elier Muir Ávila, who has been harassed for years by the regime, and whose imprisonment has prompted the IACHR to demand explanations—PD highlights the “extremely serious” accusation he faces, sabotage, “is a charge that in Cuba is usually tried in military courts.”

Among the nearly 200 people detained in connection with the events in Morón, the NGO reports that 12 new political prisoners have been confirmed as being deprived of their liberty, all of them “without an arrest warrant or judicial protection and most of them through violent operations carried out by agents of the State Security, known as Black Berets, which constitutes a systematic pattern of planned repression against peaceful protest.”

Javier Larrondo, president of Prisoners Defenders, refers to this in a video sent to the media. “In addition to the repression, torture, and record numbers of political prisoners, the sentences are extremely harsh; 217 protesters have been punished for sedition with an average of 10 years, and the minors on the list are serving sentences of five years on average,” says the activist, who adds another striking figure from the report: 447 political prisoners who “suffer from illnesses caused or aggravated by the conditions of confinement, torture, and the systematic and deliberate denial of medical care.”

The organization has conducted a study on the prisoners who could die “if they are not released from prison immediately” and they put the number at 32. If they are not released, they warn, “they could die in less than 12 months or suffer irreversible damage: 21 with very serious illnesses, 4 mothers with children in a situation of forced orphanhood and 7 with serious mental illnesses, potentially suicidal.”

There has been an increase in mistreatment in prisons, transfers to punishment cells, the withdrawal of food and belongings, as well as threats

In addition to the circumstances surrounding political prisoners, PD points to the intensification of repression by the regime, which “treats as an enemy” anyone who dares to express discontent, which is also growing in the country. In this regard, it cites the case of Anna Sofía Benítez , known on social media as Anna Bensi, whose critical videos on TikTok, Instagram, and YouTube have made her and her mother “direct targets of the authorities.”

Along the same lines is the most recent report from the Cuban Observatory for Human Rights (OCDH), also published this Thursday. The Madrid-based organization denounces that “while the Cuban regime denies the existence of political prisoners to the international press and announces a pardon that has only benefited common criminals, a violent crackdown on prisoners of conscience is taking place in the island’s prisons.”

Thus, as documented by the OCDH, mistreatment, transfers to punishment cells, withdrawal of food and belongings, as well as threats and the placement of common prisoners in their cells to attack political prisoners have increased in prisons.

Among the most serious cases, the NGO highlights those of Duannis León Taboada, sentenced to 14 years, Ángel Jesús Véliz Marcano (six years) and Liosnel López Arocha (12 years), all of them convicted for demonstrating on 11J.
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The Vietnamese Are Trying To Revive Lobster Production in Cuba

It is a small hatchery in Villa Clara, with a production of only 816 kilograms for export.

14ymedio, Madrid, April 16, 2025 / In the midst of the unprecedented crisis gripping the country, any minimal achievement is cause for celebration in the state-run press. One example is the “trial” being conducted by the state-owned company Cahamar in Quemado de Güines, Villa Clara, with Vietnamese assistance, to produce lobster for export, a project publicized this week by local media.

A year and a half after the project started, the head of fishing operations at this basic economic unit, Rufino Rodríguez Sarduy, is pleased with the results achieved: “To date we have a survival rate of zero mortality, that is to say, our lobster is in very good vitality, one hundred percent.”

So far, they have sold, “in three phases,” a total of 816 kilograms of lobster for export, “with an average weight of 573 grams.” These numbers are laughable, considering the 136 tons of lobster the island harvested in 2024 and that the average expected weight for a Cuban lobster typically exceeds 700 grams. This is even more striking when compared to the 1980s, when the annual average was 11,565 tons. In the 1990s, the catch dropped to an average of 9,327 tons, and between 2000 and 2007 it fell to 6,262 tons annually. Since then, it has continued to decline. continue reading

Cahamar authorities hope to “continue working with partners in Vietnam” and increase breeding capacity by 20 cages.

Cahamar authorities, however, hope to “continue working with our partners in Vietnam” and increase breeding capacity by 20 cages, highlighting the importance of the sector to the national economy.

When the official press reported on the progress of this agreement, exactly one year ago, it referred to it as an “experimental project for lobster farming in floating cages,” with Vietnamese “technical advice” and the objective of “strengthening food security” and “generating exports.”

So, after six months, they had 1,500 developing specimens, distributed among six cages, gaining 120 grams per month, according to Rodríguez Sarduy himself at the time. If these figures were accurate, those lobsters would now weigh more than a kilogram, not nearly half that amount, as the official recently stated on provincial radio.

The trial, in any case, is part of the third phase of the specific agreement signed between Havana and Hanoi called Supporting Cuba in Aquaculture Phase, which has existed since 2009 and one of whose purposes is precisely the development of farms of the main cultivation species, not only lobster but also shrimp.

This expertise is sorely needed in the seafood sector, whose production has collapsed in recent years.

The arrival of experts from Vietnam—one of the island’s main benefactors —has yielded positive results in other production sectors, notably rice. The Vietnamese company Agri VMA was the first foreign company to obtain a land lease, specifically for 1,000 hectares in Palacios (Pinar del Río), with the intention of expanding to 5,000 hectares within three years. On this land, they are cultivating a much more productive rice variety than their Cuban counterparts, with yields exceeding 7.2 tons per hectare, compared to the 2 or 2.5 tons per hectare achieved by producers on the island .

This expertise is sorely needed in the seafood sector, whose production has plummeted in recent years . Shrimp production, which reached 6,900 tons in 2019, fell to just 1,100 tons in 2024, an 84% decrease. As for lobster, tail production dropped by 45% in five years (from 136 to 248.6 tons). The 2025 figures, which have not yet been released, are not expected to be any better.

The fire that ravaged the Industrial Fishing Company in La Coloma, Pinar del Río, last October foreshadows this, given that the plant is responsible for 45% of Cuba’s lobster catch and 80% of its bonito, both high-value products on the national market (in dollars) and the international market. Preliminary estimates from authorities indicated that 110 million pesos —more than $200,000 at today’s informal exchange rate—would be needed to repair the damage, “a good portion of which would be in foreign currency.”

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When the Sugar Mill Stopped Grinding Cane, Life Died in Tuinucú, Cuba

The silence that now dominates the batey is not only industrial: it is also electrical, economic, and emotional.

The Melanio Hernández sugar mill in Tuinucú, Sancti Spíritus, has been shut down for three weeks. / 14ymedio/Courtesy

14ymedio, Natalia López Moya/Mercedes García, Havana/Tuinucú, April 16, 2025 / The two chimneys of the Tuinucú sugar mill still stand out against the blue sky of the Sancti Spíritus plains, but they no longer emit smoke or announce the start of a new day of grinding. The silence that now reigns in the village is not only industrial: it is also electrical, economic, and emotional. Since the mill stopped grinding sugarcane a few weeks ago, daily life in this town of more than 5,000 inhabitants has changed abruptly, marked by prolonged blackouts and the feeling that the last bastion of the national sugar industry was defeated by the lack of fuel.

The Melanio Hernández sugar mill, as the Tuinucú mill is officially known, was much more than a sugar factory. Its generators produced electricity that supplied the town and contributed to the national grid, an advantage that for years made this village an exception within the province of Sancti Spíritus, even though some facilities had deteriorated over time due to a lack of state investment and the children had been transferred to another school. While in other municipalities the population suffered frequent power outages, in this town the residents became accustomed to a relatively stable supply, sustained by the energy that came from the very heart of the industrial center.

“The family whose sugar mill was taken away were the ones who sent the money to restore the Catholic church, which was in very poor condition.”

That tranquility vanished when the machinery stopped. Since then, residents have had to adapt to blackouts that exceed 12 hours a day, a situation they barely experienced before the closure of the colossus. On nights without electricity, the village is plunged into a darkness reminiscent of the worst moments of the Special Period in the 1990s. continue reading

“What little we had left they’ve taken from us too, because this town is so neglected,” says Eliécer, 79, who was born in the batey. The old man surveys the sugar mill facilities with a mixture of nostalgia and concern. For decades he worked in activities related to the harvest and saw how the sugar industry sustained the economic and social life of the community.

Eliécer recalls that the residents of Tuinucú have always been proud of their history. Even though many have emigrated to other provinces or abroad, they maintain ties with the town and contribute to preserving its traditions. “The family whose sugar mill was taken away sent the money to restore the Catholic church, which was in very poor condition,” he explains. With a firm voice, he adds that “the first shortwave radio transmission test in Cuba was conducted from this very spot, in 1912.”

The restored church still stands as a symbol of that past. Just a few meters away, however, the contrast is stark. The old school in the batey (sugar workers’ village), which for years educated several generations of children, has become an abandoned structure, with peeling walls and partially collapsed roofs. Vegetation is reclaiming the surrounding area, and the building seems to be hanging on by sheer inertia.

The school in Tuinucú “was seized, taken from its owners, and years later it was left in ruins.” / 14ymedio/Courtesy

For Nieves, an elderly woman also born in Tuinucú, this decline sums up the town’s fate. She sadly recalls the years when the school was full of students and the batey buzzed with activity at the sugar mill. “It was seized, taken from its owners, and years later it was left in ruins,” she says. Her voice breaks as she describes the loss of so many “beautiful things” that were part of community life. “The recreation center for the Tuinucú workers is also destroyed.”

The shutdown of the sugar mill comes at a critical time for the Cuban sugar industry. This year, there will be little doubt that the harvest has once again been the worst in history, a title the sector has held since 2021. The Melanio Hernández mill was the only one operating on the island, and even so, it has had to cease operations due to the energy crisis.

Last year, the mill met its production plan , reaching approximately 21,000 tons of sugar, even exceeding the forecast by 1,800 tons. This figure made it a source of pride for the authorities and an example of resilience within a declining sector. For the current harvest, the goal was more modest: around 14,000 tons. Milling began a month late but progressed at an acceptable pace until a fuel shortage forced the machinery to shut down.

According to sugar company executives, the mill had produced approximately 40% of its planned sugar output—around 5,600 tons—when the decision was made to close the tipper truck’s opening . The measure was presented as temporary, but uncertainty surrounding fuel supplies and the future of the industry raises concerns that the shutdown could last longer than anticipated.

“We felt privileged because here we defended ourselves with the power the mill gave us.”

Meanwhile, workers in the sector have had to find alternative ways to stay employed. In other provinces, sugar companies have redirected their efforts toward charcoal production and agricultural work, amidst the collapse of the harvest. In Tuinucú, however, these initiatives have not yet managed to compensate for the economic loss caused by the shutdown of the sugar mill.

“We felt privileged because while in other parts of Sancti Spíritus people only have makeshift electricity , here we managed with the power from the sugar mill,” Nieves explains. She acknowledges that the change has been abrupt and that the residents weren’t prepared to deal with prolonged blackouts. “We weren’t even ready for everything that came after; people have had to rush out and buy batteries, generators, and electric lamps.”

In the streets of the batey, uncertainty mingles with resignation. The houses remain silent during the hottest hours, and small businesses adjust their schedules to take advantage of the moments when the electricity returns. Daily life now revolves around waiting, as if each neighbor awaits the signal that the chimneys will once again begin to smoke.

But that signal hasn’t arrived. In Tuinucú, the shutdown of the sugar mill has not only turned off the lights in the workers’ village, but has also ignited concerns that this is the prelude to a permanent closure.

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The Cuban Regime Returns to 23rd and 12th With Fewer People and the Same Speeches

Without Raúl Castro or Ramiro Valdés, the event was held amid an electricity deficit of 1,872 MW

Each act of reaffirmation seems less like a show of support and more like a display of wear and tear. / 14ymedio

14ymedio, Havana, April 16, 2026 — The Cuban regime, aware of its dwindling domestic support, seems determined to expend every last drop of fuel on acts of reaffirmation and propaganda. This Thursday, it did so again at the historic corner of 23rd and 12th streets in Havana’s Vedado district, where Miguel Díaz-Canel led the commemoration of the 65th anniversary of the proclamation of the socialist character of the Revolution.

The official figure was over 50,000 attendees, a number the propaganda machine tried to present as a show of strength. But even accepting that figure, the image was rather lackluster. Iti s barely a quarter of the more than 200,000 people that, according to official figures at the time, the Castro regime managed to mobilize at that same site in 2002.

The comparison doesn’t favor the government. In a country exhausted by blackouts, inflation, and emigration, the capacity for mobilization no longer impresses as it once did. This time, moreover, the contrast was even more striking due to the absences. On the platform, the only historical figure alongside President Díaz-Canel was José Ramón Machado Ventura. Neither Raúl Castro nor Ramiro Valdés were present, two names that for decades served as emblems of continuity and control. The image left by the December 23rd rally was that of a ritual increasingly outdated, more bureaucratic, and less epic.

The only historical figure present alongside Díaz-Canel was José Ramón Machado Ventura. Neither Raúl Castro nor Ramiro Valdés were in attendance. / Screenshot/Presidency of Cuba.

The most stark reality of the day, however, wasn’t in the stands but in the electricity report. While the official apparatus orchestrated another dawn of slogans, the National Electric Union predicted a deficit of 1,872 MW during peak hours on April 16th. The state mobilized dozens of buses, trucks, police, and loudspeakers to celebrate socialist resistance while millions of Cubans prepared for another night in darkness.

Díaz-Canel spoke for twenty minutes, dressed in olive green and holding a small flag in his left hand, which he waved almost mechanically during each pause, waiting for applause. He reiterated continue reading

that “the main cause of our problems is the genocidal blockade imposed by the United States government,” a formula that, in official discourse, aims to shut down any serious examination of the inefficiency, improvisation, and failure of the model. The phrase rings increasingly hollow on an island where the government has monopolized all the levers of the economy for more than six decades and where the crisis can no longer be explained solely by Washington.

He also appealed to a list of achievements that today seems remote, almost ghostly, to a large part of the Cuban population. He spoke of literacy campaigns, the social advancement of the children of workers and peasants, shoeshine boys sent into space, social justice, and a society where “man is brother and not wolf to man.” All of this was presented as irrefutable proof of socialism, but heard in the Cuba of 2026—with hospitals lacking supplies, neglected schools, and professionals fleeing en masse—the argument sounds more like a rhetorical relic than a description of the present.

The state mobilizes dozens of buses and trucks to celebrate socialist resistance while millions of Cubans prepare for another night in darkness. / 14ymedio

Perhaps the most contradictory passage was his attempt to vindicate socialism by citing the cases of China and Vietnam, presented as examples of dazzling development. The mention has something of an unintentional confession about it. Because if those countries exhibit growth, openness, and dynamism, they have done so precisely after embracing extensive market mechanisms, attracting foreign investment, and relaxing economic dogmas that in Cuba continue to be treated almost as articles of faith. Invoking them as showcases of socialism without acknowledging this shift is yet another way of manipulating history.

Not missing, also, was the tone of a besieged city. Díaz-Canel asserted that Cuba must be ready to face “serious threats, including military aggression,” and concluded with one of the most bellicose phrases of the day: “Here, as the song says, we are going to give fire.” The slogan may elicit applause from the disciplined masses, but it speaks volumes about a regime that, even amidst material collapse, continues to rely on an increasingly unbelievable martial theatricality.

The event at 23rd and 12th was, in the end, a show of force in a weakened country and an appeal to nostalgia in a society rapidly losing faith. Castroism still manages to mobilize its supporters, but each act of reaffirmation resembles less a demonstration of support and more a display of attrition. And the numbers, this time too, are against them.

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“A US Military Victory in Cuba Would Be Very Easy, but a Political Victory Much More Difficult.”

This is the response to speculation of someone familiar with the island’s military about alleged Pentagon plans.
Russia and China reiterate their support for Havana, but Moscow merely states that it “would not want any country to invade Cuba”

Flags of the United States and Cuba in front of the U.S. Embassy in Havana. / EFE/Ernesto Mastrascusa

14ymedio Madrid, 16 April 2026 — The Pentagon has slightly cooled the speculation that arose from the USA Today report that the agency “is quietly intensifying its military plans for a possible operation in Cuba in case President Donald Trump gives the order to intervene.”

“We will not speculate on hypothetical scenarios. The Department plans for various contingency scenarios and remains prepared to execute the President’s orders as directed,” was the response to questions from the Russian news agency Ria Novosti. This statement is more cautious than the one offered by USA Today when it sought clarification on the alleged plan revealed by two sources to the publication, although there was an addition.

The Pentagon added that a chain of command keeps it “isolated” from the president, a statement interpreted as a call to separate political pronouncements from technical and operational decisions. While the final decision rests with President Donald Trump, the department ultimately confirms that all options are on the table.

“At this moment, it is more about a communication strategy.”

The idea is basically the same as that put forward in the USA Today article by Brian Fonseca, director of the Jack D. Gordon Institute for Public Policy at Florida International University, who was interviewed for the occasion as an expert on the Cuban military. When asked by the publication, Fonseca opined that talk of preparing military plans could simply be a threat: “At this moment, it’s more of a communications strategy.”

The specialist emphasized something already known: that the Cuban Army’s material resources are very limited and its personnel are not highly motivated. However, he believes the consequences of the intervention would not be very favorable. “This would be a very easy military victory, but a much more difficult political one,” he opined. In his view, “restoring the rule of law and supporting the opposition leaders would be a much more complex task.”

The USA Today article reveals nothing new. Since the US intervention in Venezuela on January 3, 2016, to capture Nicolás Maduro, it has been expected to repeat the same tactic in Cuba, based on Trump’s own continue reading

repeated statements. However, the diplomatic route remains on the table, and the talks between the State Department and Raúl Castro’s grandson, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, known as ” El Cangrejo” (The Crab ), revealed by the US press, are considered a certainty.

What remains unknown is whether these talks will succeed, since in recent weeks Miguel Díaz-Canel himself, who in mid-March confirmed discussions with the US government, has fueled militaristic rhetoric. In two interviews with US media outlets, the Cuban president has insisted that he will not resign—one of the most widely discussed options, to make way for a successor more to Washington’s liking, such as Óscar Pérez-Oliva, the current deputy prime minister and a member of the Castro family—and that the regime will resist until death, if necessary.

This Wednesday, Beijing and Moscow again offered their verbal support to Havana, although materially it is unthinkable that the material support will go from solar panels and oil to military aid.

Chinese Foreign Ministry spokesman Guo Jiakun told a press conference that Beijing “firmly opposes” Washington’s coercive practices and reiterated that China “will firmly support Cuba in safeguarding its national sovereignty and opposing foreign interference,” a message that is repeated almost identically on a daily basis.

This Wednesday, Beijing and Moscow again offered their verbal support to Havana, although materially it is unthinkable that the material support will go from solar panels and oil to military aid.

Regarding Moscow, Kremlin spokesman Dmitry Peskov said in an interview with India Today that Russia “would not want any country to invade Cuba.” “Cuba is an exceptional partner of Russia, our good friend. And we would not like to see any country invading Cuba, or pressuring Cuba, or isolating it from the outside, preventing medicine from reaching Cuban children,” he said.

“Children in hospitals are dying without electricity or medicine. This is not right,” he insisted. The spokesman, however, downplayed Trump’s statements about Cuba, saying that the president “is extremely open with the press and very detailed in his explanations.”

Russian Foreign Minister Sergei Lavrov echoed this sentiment when asked about the same situation. “I don’t intend to play the fortune teller because we’ve often heard statements from Washington, and many of these never materialized into practical actions,” he noted.

The Foreign Minister noted that Russia has repeatedly reaffirmed its “firm support for the sovereignty and independence of our Cuban friends, who are prepared to defend their freedom to the end, with all the resources at their disposal.”

“Russia and China provide Cuba with political, economic, and humanitarian support in the United Nations and other forums, and I have no doubt that we will continue to provide that support,” he added, without mentioning at any point the possibility that the aid could go further, a possibility ruled out after the zero military cooperation with Venezuela and Iran.

Lavrov also said he remained hopeful that “the United States will not return to the times of direct colonial wars or the subjugation of free peoples.”

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