Theory and Practice in Our America / Somos+, Eliecer Avila

Source: CLAES

Somos+, Eliecer Avila, 1 May 2018 —  or at least two decades, since Hugo Chavez’s rise to power, the policial debate in Latin America has centered its discussions around the populist model, which was introduced in Venezuela and which has not stopped being exported, with more or less success, to the rest of the continent.

After the resounding failure of the experiment called “21st century socialism,” the arguments against it were greatly strengthened; today, it is not so difficult for any well-informed Democratic candidate to win a debate by a large margin when facing the representatives of the radical Left.

With the overwhelming evidence we have at hand about the impracticality of this type of political project, it seems impossible that candidates like Gustavo Petro in Colombia or Manuel López Obrador in Mexico will be competitive in the face-to-face surveys in the next elections. continue reading

Apparently, voter perception is not based solely on television content, educational videos, or posts on social media. A majority of the world’s citizens continue to reference the concrete situation in which they live to determine whether they will support or oppose any given politician.

To save democracy from the claws of populism is, in the opinion of many, the “mission” that voters have in the next elections, and this is true. What’s not healthy is that this perspective overlooks the necesary debate that must be had about the quality of the democracies and governments which aspire to be elected as alternatives to populism.

It is of no use today to win ideological debates or to demonstrate the falsity of the proposal aligned with Chavism if, after being elected, many Democratic candidates don’t last in their seat without being prosecuted for corruption, vote buying, alliances with the mafia, links to drug trafficking, crimes against journalists, shell corporations to launder money, and a string of things that have become rule, with honorable exceptions from the Rio Bravo to Patagonia.

No matter how hard it is to admit, bad Democratic governments are the principal architects of populism and its consecuences, because they have not taken full advantage of their years in power to implement the structural changes, investments, and public policies that are urgently needed in Latin America to improve the quality of life of a majority of our people.

It’s difficult to believe that in the era in which we live, millions of people in our America are unable to access the medical attention that they need, some are unable to study at elementary levels because they’ve needed to work since childhood, and crime, scattered or organized, runs rampant in entire populations where governments and police mean nothing to the Left.

I know that the populist formula does not resolve these problems, or if it resolves them in part, it does so in exchange for your life, your will, and your conscience. But, if we are clear that this is not the way, that the solution is not that “you give him the fish without teaching him how to fish,” that “you can’t drink the milk and eat the meat from the same cow,” and many other adages that appear to be obvious: why are there not sufficient advancements with solutions emanating from democracy? Isn’t that what democracy itself is for?

I have no doubt that the western democratic design, based on balance of power, freedom of expression, and respect for the human rights recognized in the Universal Declaration, is the best one that exists on the face of the earth, but if the human capital entrusted with making the system work does not respect its rules and repeatedly betrays the social pact and the trust of the outraged voters, then they will inevitably end up rejecting the politicians and also the democratic design.

Now more than ever, the future of our America depends on the integrity, honesty, and commitment of the democratic leaders. This should, at least in theory, make us feel safe and happy. We’ll see what will happen in practice.

Translated by: Emilee Sullivan 

Which Jose Marti do Cuba’s Rulers Read? / Somos+

“I feel like they murder a child of mine each time they deprive a man of the right to think.” –José Martí

Somos+, Germán M. González, 29 January 2018 —  In Cuba, there is an urgent need to restore, rehabilitate, revive, reconstruct, rescue, all familiar terms in the party/government media. The sugar and coffee agro-industries, livestock breeding, the fishing and merchant marine sectors–all are barely surviving at less than 30% productivity. Also at risk are intangibles such as culture, the transmission of our history–in short, everything.

But for Cubans, both in and outside the Island, there is an urgent need to rescue José Martí, our Apostle, because his thought is proving today–in the shadow of our civic extinction and the battered state of our national pride–an indispensable guide. continue reading

They combine Martí with incompatible things, starting with his appeal that heads up the current Constitution: “I want the first law of our Republic to be the cultivation of Cubans towards the full dignity of Man”–negated when the supremacy of one small part of the society over this Republic, and the state, is proclaimed in Article 5–wherein additionally he is mixed up with characters (“…follower of Martí and Marxist-Leninist…”) who were antithetical to the ideology that can be noted throughout his entire body of work. The following maxims are representative examples:

A Constitution is a living, pragmatic law that cannot be constructed out of ideological elements. José Martí Complete Works, v. 9, p. 308.

On the “candidacy commissions” during “elections”:

 The Republic is lifted on the shoulders of universal suffrage... Op.Cit., v. 1, p. 91

On considering Marxism-Leninism to be an exclusive ideology:

To know diverse philosophies is the best way to free oneself from the tyranny of some of them… Op.Cit., v. 15, p. 91

On eternal socialism:

The right of the worker cannot ever be hatred of capital: it is harmony, conciliation, the coming together of one and the other. Op.Cit. v.6, p. 275.

On thousands of executions following extremely summary trials lacking procedural safeguards:

(…) capital punishment is unjust for it quenches in the body (…) the rage roused by the crime of the spirit. Op. Cit. v.21, p. 25.

On the plans for massive scholarships:

There is great danger in educating children away from home, for it is only from parents that the continuous tenderness flows which should water the youthful flower, and that constant mix of authority and affection–ineffective, owing to the very domination and arrogance of our nature, but that both proceed from the same person. Op. Cit. v.5, p. 260

On the medical missions and emigration that break down the family:

 (…) so necessary in the family home is the father, always dynamic, as well as the mother, always cautious. Op. Cit. v.4, p.275.

On intervening in the internal affairs of and conflicts between sovereign nations:

Nothing so imprudent there is as to perturb with their own rancors–given that there are unfortunates who hold them–the peace of a foreign people: (…) Op. Cit. v.4, p. 137.

On the abrupt eradication of thousands of small and medium-sized businesses and farms:

A nation is rich that includes many small proprietors. Op. Cit. v. 7, p. 134.

The finest citizen is he who cultivates a large tract of land. Op. Cit. v. 7, p. 164.

On heavy bureaucratization:

A country of paper pushers is headed on the wrong path. Op. Cit. v. 15, p. 391

On the absolutist State:

 (…) from being a slave of the capitalists, as is said today, would a man go to being a slave of the functionaries. Op. Cit. v.15, p 391.

On the absolute and lifelong power guaranteed by the current political system:

All power that is fully and prolongedly exerted degenerates into a caste. With the caste comes the vested interests, the high positions, the fear of losing them, the intrigues (…) Op. Cit. v. 9, p. 340.

On the militarization of the economy and society:

What in the military sphere is a virtue, in the government sphere is a fault. A country is not a battlefield. In war, to command is to bring down; in peace, it is to raise up. No known edifice exists that was built upon bayonets. Op. Cit. v. 13, p. 129-143.

On caudillismo [Spanish or Latin American-style autocratic government]:

 A Revolution is still necessary–that which does not make of its caudillo a President, that revolution against all revolutions: the raising up of all men of peace (…) so that neither they nor anyone else will ever see him again!  Op. Cit., v. 6, p. 360. 

Let us rescue Martí–the true one has been hijacked–and we need him.

Translated By: Alicia Barraqué Ellison

Enemy of the United States? / Somos+

José Martí

Somos+, Germán M. González (Professor-A1010-S +), 30 January 2018 — Our Apostle (as we Cubans call José Martí) is sentenced to prison in Cuba at only sixteen years of age. In 1871 he is deported to Spain; in 1875 he arrives in Mexico after a brief passage through Paris and New York, and from there he settles in Aztec lands until he falls into disgrace with the government of Porfirio Díaz; he lives in Guatemala and Venezuela, from where he has to leave because he upsets the dictators on duty, and spends a brief period in Cuba until his second exile. Altogether, twelve years of suffering prison, exiles, and physical and spiritual breakdowns. Sin: expression of thought. Enemy: intolerance. continue reading

From 1882 he resides–except for short trips–in New York. At this time he consolidates the monumental work that is considered by many the greatest cultural event of Latin American in the 19th century, and he maintains feverish political activity towards his life’s goal: the independence of his homeland. In his articles for the Spanish-American media the “North American Scenes” are defined; there he offers a vision of the American life of that period consistent with what he himself had stated:

To know a people, you have to examine it in all of its aspects and expressions: in its elements, in its tendencies, in its apostles, in its poets and its criminals! 

Martí recognizes the merits of this nation, the largest of those which never declared freedom in his article “Vindication of Cuba” and immediately after clarifies: We love the homeland of Lincoln, as much as we fear the homeland of Cuttíng. This coincides with the Americans who venerate their lumberjack president and scorn the other character. Martí always expresses the critical admiration that the young nation produces: Criticism is not censorship; it is simply and even in its formal sense–in its etymology–is this, the exercise of judgement.

Through the exercise of judgement–in and about the United States–José Martí did not visit a police station, nor did he visit a police officer in his 14 years of residency. How different from his previous 12 years of life in Cuba, Spain, Mexico, Guatemala, and Venezuela! If in these countries (even today) he had expressed a fraction of the opinions that he voiced about Americans, including the presidents, he would not have lived to prepare the necessary war and to die in it.

The criticism of the ideas of Martí in the United States is very wide-spread, unlike their admiration:

for the people greatest in peace and most generous in war live in his time in the universe. [O.C. t 13, p 83-115]

Deeply generous, or decorous, or discreet, is this American people, (…). [ibid]

(…) the greatest prosperity that written history remembers through the centuries; but a country that (…), to that which skimps on or threatens its right, denounces and overturns it. [ibid]

Of the most vehement of the freedom born in the apostolic days is North America. [O.C. t 6, p 134]

I would sculpt in porphyry the statues of the marvelous men who drafted the Constitution of the United States of America: I would sculpt them signing the vast work (…) [O.C. t 10, p 184]

At this moment in time, it is the truth that never has a happier crowd lived in such useful labor in any people of the earth, nor has it originated and enjoyed more fortune, [O.C. Vol. 9, p 123 E.D.]

How the relationship between the two Americas should be:

(…) whose enmity is neither sane nor feasible to encourage, and with which strong decorum and astute independence is not impossible and is useful, to be friends. 

Martí insistently warns of the necessity of the objective knowledge of the United States as well as the necessity of knowing Our America to achieve the previous purpose.

When the Latin American demagogues cease to blame the United States for all of their misfortunes, act like the Apostle predicted, and show more interested in the progress of their country than in the grasping of power, Latin America (and Cuba) will change.

Translated by: Emilee Sullivan 

Let No One Paint Anything! Only the PCC Can Smear … / Somos+

Cuba is ours. I am Fidel.
Cuba is ours. I am Fidel.

Somos+, Alexei Games, 9 December 2017 — The laws in Cuba are written, but they are applied in a selective and discriminatory manner. These two images (there are thousands) show that on the walls of public entities and institutions of all kinds, one can paint or place insignias, advertisements, graffiti and whatever else occurs to the Cuban Communist Party (PCC) even if it does not comply with any urban regulation.

I tell you all this because, as a member of the Methodist church of Jagüey Grande, Matanzas, it hurts me that we can not put a sign on the front of our temple that says “METHODIST CHURCH.”

Several times our pastor has made efforts to get “someone” to authorize the sign. The last few times, in his visits to the physical planning office they dared to tell him, “Why do you want to put a sign on it if everyone knows that this is the Methodist Church of Jagüey?”

Another justification offered was that you can not paint directly on the walls, though it can be done on a signboard with some measures regulated according to the law of physical planning. However, it is impossible to legally obtain this signboard anywhere in Cuba, except on the black market,  but that is another subject.

However, this municipality is full of signs and posters everywhere and none of them complies with the law that our Church must comply with. If we paint the wall of the temple, it is very likely that some sanction will be invented and that surely the wall will have to be repainted so that the sign can not be seen. But … Who sanctions those who have smeared paint in Cuba in violation of its own law?

Translated by Alberto

A Summoning to General Elections / Somos+

Somos+, Havana, 27 October 2017 — By the present lines, I, Dr. Carlos Raúl Macías López, Institutional Secretary of the Political Movement Somos+, by virtue of Article I of the Electoral Regulations, and by the expressed mandate of the National Council, headed by the current President Engineer Eliécer Avila: summon all members of our organization to participate in the first general elections for the honorable duty of President.

Election Timeline for 2017:

  • 10th of November: Presentation of the Electoral Commission.
  • 13th of November: The preparations and means to register and enroll Candidates will be announced.
  • 20th of November: Deadline for Candidates to register and enroll.
  • 21st of November until the 5th of December: Publication and debate of the messages of the candidates.
  • 8th of December: The Electoral Commission communicates to its participating members (eligible to vote) the methods, protocols and technical details to achieve suffrage directly and secretly.
  • 10th of December: National and International Suffrage, in accordance with the methodology that the Commission will define.
  • 10th of December: Announcement of Results and Celebration!

continue reading

It is important to remind all of our members the immense responsibility and privilege that it means for us to be a part of this process, that it strengthens and honors us for its exceptional and neccessary course, for our Homeland “Patria” and our Time.

At the same time, we must not forget the obstacles of all sizes that we will be facing to achieve with success what we are hoping and longing for.

The stability that we have had in a general sense during these past four years, is today more necessary than ever in order to guarantee the subsistence of our project and to be part of the light and good example that our nation needs to reconstruct itself.

We recommend that everyone read the Electoral Regulations carefully, and be in constant contact with the Commission, once it be presented, in order to clear up any doubts or report any anomalies in the process.

We will continue offering information as necessary.

Dr. Carlos Raúl Macías

Institutional Secretary

Political Movement Somos+

Translated by: Ylena Zamora-Vargas

Somos+ Stands In Solidarity With The Victims Of The Terrorist Attack In Barcelona / Somos+

Somos+, 18 August, 2017 — The political group Somos+ offers condolences and solidarity to the city of Barcelona, in the wake of the recent terrorist attack which left 13 dead and over a hundred wounded, according to official sources.

We grieve the loss of human life caused by this condemnable act. Our thoughts are with the families and friends of the victims. We wish for a quick return to calm for the city and that those responsible are brought to justice

We repeat our condemnation of these kinds of attacks that threaten humane principles. We are part of a community that dreams of an end to this wave of terror and hatred, in the construction of a fraternal, caring society.

Translated by Alice Edwards

Edison Lanza and the Lack of Press Freedom in Cuba / Somos+, Karla Pérez González

Edison Lanza

Somos+, Karla Pérez González, 28 August 2017 — Edison Lanza, Special Rapporteur for the Freedom of Expression of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH), shares his vision on what is happening in Cuba regarding the violation of a series of elementary rights, already surpassed by the majority of systems that govern the continent.

The Uruguayan, who has held the reins of this department of the CIDH since 2014, regrets the Cuban case, where according to him, at the moment “the modality of repression has changed, but it is still a state that violates the international standards of freedom of expression”. continue reading

“In the last 20 years the rapporteur has been consistently pointed out that, first of all, there is no pluralistic system of political parties in Cuba, there is no system that allows pluralism of opinions and diversity of ideas. Then there is a legal framework restricting freedom of expression, starting from the Constitution that subordinates this right – which is individual – to the interests of the Party and the Revolution. There are an immense series of criminal figures that suppress critical voices. The history of the last 30 years in Cuba has led to situations of exile, or imprisonment for political dissent that forms organizations that are not allowed by the regime. Simply to propose from the Academy a series of transformations in the economy and in the Cuban political system, some were cataloged of subversives and of attempting against the security of the State, and they underwent severe and long penalties of prison”, said the journalist.

Regarding the island of the last five-year period, he explained that “there are sentences of journalists, activists, human rights defenders and journalists are simply being held outside official structures, which can last for 24 or 48 hours. They are then released, or subjected to criminal proceedings that generate a strong inhibitory effect, or destruction of material, subtraction of equipment to prevent independent journalists from performing their work. ”

Internet was the last topic of the interview. It is known the complicated panorama that crosses the common Cuban to “connect”. When in the world this communicative tool is a necessity today, the criollos still have to see it -not because they want to, but because they have no other choice- as a luxury, a petty-bourgeois pleasure.

“Obviously the lack of internet access that today is the platform to disseminate information par excellence and in general Cubans have restrictions to access the Internet, to disseminate. Surveillance also on those who exercise freedom of expression. A journalist who lives guarded, who tries to know his source of information, his contacts by email, etc., is a journalist who is not free. All this scenario makes Cuba a country not free to do journalism.

The Rapporteur has also integrated, led and founded several non-governmental organizations in defense of the right to freedom of expression. He did postgraduate studies on freedom of expression and criminal law at the University of the Republic, and holds a doctorate related to the processes of regulation of audiovisual media in the region at the Faculty of Social Sciences of the University of Buenos Aires.

Edison Lanza is co-founder of the Center for Archives and Access to Public Information in Uruguay. Moreover, this also included the Committee on Freedom of Expression and Access to Information of the Regional Alliance for Free Expression and Information and the IFEX-ALC Alliance for the Defense of Freedom of Expression. He has also offered consultancies to different countries for the development of law projects related to access to public information, freedom of expression and communication media systems, among others.

Translated by: J. Rausenberger (From Somos+ English site)

Reinaldo Escobar: The Unqualified Cuban Truth / Somos+

Photo taken from the web

Somos+, Leyla Belo, 23 MACH 2017 — Those who ever speak with Reinaldo cannot deny his innate genius, his sense of humor and gentleness of expression. A matter of decorum, isn’t it? That quality which is so scarce among many people nowadays.  He does what he considers to be his duty: to disassemble our Island from within, dreaming that some of us, or all of us together, will fix it. Each one of his writings brims with endless sensibility, while leaving to others the use of easy adjectives and trivial cruelties.  A committed journal¡ist; of the kind of those no longer living, because his commitment is not centered around one man but around his Cuba, his suffering Cuba.

You had nearly two decades of work in official media under your belt. When did you decide to take another path and why?

When I was supposed to graduate from the School of Journalism in 1971, there was a “purge” at the University of Havana which meant the expulsion and punishment of several students. My “punishment,” caused by my “ideological issues,” consisted of working for a year for a tabloid by the name of El Bayardo, which was part of Columna Juvenil el Centenario, a youth brigade (a forerunner of the Youth Working Army), in Camagûey province. I stayed there until mid-1973. continue reading

After serving out my sentence I was placed with Revista Cuba Internacional where, according to my colleague Norberto Fuentes, we were involved in “sugarcoating.”  I worked there until mid-1987, when I transferred to the Juventud Rebelde newspaper, inspired by the Soviet glasnost, and thought that we would be able to engage in a different type of journalism in Cuba. I tried to do so with the best of intentions, and the result was that I was expelled from the newspaper in 1988 and disqualified from exercising the profession on the Island. Thus, some 18 years elapsed between mid-1971 and 1988 when I was engaged in official journalism.

I began working as an independent journalist in January, 1989, which was referred to at that time as “freelance” journalism, and contributed to several European publications by writing about Cuban subjects.

You are the founder of 14ymedio and are its Editor in Chief. How difficult is it to engage in serious journalism in an underground media?

The 14ymedio newspaper is not an underground newspaper. If I were to label it at all, I would rather call it an independent or unofficial newspaper. The best definition is that we are a digital, non-subsidized, non-printed newspaper.

That definition is essential to explain its difficulties. The problem other media have in securing ink and paper is experienced by us in achieving Internet connectivity. The largest volume of information flow is with our correspondents in the provinces and with other associates through the Nauta webmail network, which is slow and government-controlled.

The other difficulty is the scarcity of journalists who meet the appropriate requirements, as the first characteristic is for them to have the professional sensibility to sense everything which is really newsworthy. The second characteristic is to be able to truthfully and appealingly write in any journalistic genre, while checking with reliable sources. The third element is for them to dare to face the risks stemming from the threats by the political police.

At times those threats materialize into specific events which physically render it difficult to perform our job.

Current independent journalism (most of it) does not stem from a “passion” when dealing with the news.

One of the distinctive features of the current, independent journalism is the short distance that exists between many of its reporters and political activism. Arbitrary detentions, beatings, searches, evictions and everything that contributes to a true picture of a typical dictatorship seems to be the only thing of interest to that type of journalism. This can be explained because such news is absent from official media, and to counteract the official media monopoly on information is one of the raisons d’être of independent media. The passion is inherent to the nature of this reporting, hence the (always unnecessary) profusion of adjectives.

Independent journalism should also focus on other matters, such as the growing presence of entrepreneurs, and it should look at those –apparently insignificant– signs of defiance by our plastic artists, filmmakers, writers, humorists and musicians.

Authorized press in Cuba is subsidized by the Cuban Communist Party (PCC). In your opinion, what would be the ideal management paradigm for the media?

I do not think there is an ideal management paradigm for the media.

The issue of media ownership is a complex matter. When it is privately-owned,  under a market system, information becomes one more item of merchandise and “what sells” gains visibility over “what needs to be reported.” When management is in state hands and does not depend on advertisers, the media often becomes boring and doctrinaire. In addition, there is public management, which is somewhat different from state management in that it is governed by the readership.

Even though it is not noticed at first glance, the official broadcasting media in Cuba are privately-owned and are the monopoly of the Communist Party. If we understand that the concept of ownership specifically refers to the decision-making capacity and add to the aspect of material responsibility for what is owned, there is no question that the official media owner is the PCC, which designates the management staff, establishes the editorial line, manages material resources and pays the salaries.

Earnings are not measured in terms of money as under a market system, but in terms of the achieved control over the population, which only finds out about what those media report if they are privileged enough to connect to other media. It is acceptable for a political party to own its own publication, but it not acceptable for that party, having exclusive access to power in the name of the law, to use State funds to pay the cost of its media and, in addition, to take upon itself the right of prohibiting the existence of its competitors.

Eventually, we will have private newspapers and magazines in Cuba, perhaps full of advertisements, police-blotter journalism and trivial news about the world of show business; civil society institutions will manage their own media and perhaps there will be a public TV channel where people will learn about the debates in Parliament.

You interviewed the Law student expelled from Cienfuegos University. How do you define his action?

This young man only exercised his sacrosanct right to free expression when answering the test questions. If a student is asked on a test what his opinion is regarding a specific subject, whoever grades the test has to refrain from his or her political prejudices, otherwise they should pose the questions with more honesty, such as, “What do you think I would be pleased to hear regarding such subject?”

You were detained a few months ago while a Spanish journalist was interviewing you. Was that another violation of the freedom of expression?

During the days of mourning following the death of former president Fidel Castro, I was interviewed by journalist Vicent Sanclemente, from Televisión Española. I do not think I was being followed at that particular time, but “they” were just highly-strung. Maybe the informant who was keeping an eye by the Malecón sea wall thought my answers to be inappropriate. When this young man reported to his superiors that there was a Cuban guy saying strange things to a foreign journalist, the person who got the report was compelled to fulfill his duty. Something “natural” in our environment.

Violating the freedom of expression is expressed in the most acute way when, for instance, our newspaper becomes inaccessible to the domestic servers providing Internet browsing service.

The official discourse boasts of freedom of expression in Cuba. Yet the reality is different.

Once, I do not remember the exact date, Mr. Carlos Lage maintained that there was total freedom of thought in Cuba… and it is true. What happens is, as Friedrich Engels used to say, “the word is the material wrapping of thought,” so that it is totally worthless for someone to come up with a political formula if he or she cannot in absolute calmness expound upon it to all of his or her followers.

Freedom of expression, exercised in its public environment, is the best guarantee that all rights to which people are entitled are fulfilled, including, naturally, the right to education, public health and social security.

Translated by: Anonymous

Human Rights Violations: How to Report them? / Somos+

Somos+, 20 March 2017 — During the last session of Academia 10/10, we were joined by renowned Prof. Moisés Rodríguez Valdés, a physicist by profession but one with ample knowledge of human rights and civil liberties.

He is the chief spokesperson in Cuba for Corriente Martiana. Attendees enjoyed this very valuable conference during which, among other important topics, he explained how to formally report human rights violations to the United Nations. The following are some of the major points he shared with us.

Report violations of human rights you have experienced to the United Nations. continue reading

Not doing so encourages the perpetrators’ sense of impunity, even if this is not your intention.

The process is easy and does not take much time, but the effect can be significant if everyone follows established procedures.

We hear reports on a daily basis, through Radio Martí and other broadcasters, as well as through digital and print media, of human rights violations against civil society activists not formally recognized, who are vilified and repressed and, occasionally, are subject to unjustified physical violence.

Using the media to raise public awareness is NECESSARY, BUT IS NOT ENOUGH. That is because UN resolution 1503 precludes the organization from considering complaints based on press reports (see annex, UN Res. 1503).

Some complaints are forwarded to international human rights organizations, such as Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International, among others. There is nothing wrong with it, but this is also NOT ENOUGH. UN Res. 1503 establishes that the complaint must be filed by the victims, their representatives or organizations located in the places where the actions were known to have occurred.

Furthermore, it is well-known that complaints by the European Union and even the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (IACHR), while noteworthy, have proved to be inadequate in stopping systemic and institutionalized violations depicting a persistent situation, which is what triggers UN mechanisms.

Failure to communicate individual facts to this international institution means to forego the one institution that can compel the Cuban government to halt violations committed by state officials and institutions, which essentially means State Security agents.

It is not a question of resolving individual cases but rather that out of all the complaints made it will be possible to put members of the Cuban government on the stand, as was done until prior to 2006, when the Commission on Human Rights was replaced by the current UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC).

The fact that the Cuban government has served on Council three times, or that it is currently a member, does not preclude us from seeking redress from that government through other channels provided we report each violation we have personally experienced, or that others we know have experienced, whether they are civil society activists or the population at large.

For information on how to go about filing a complaint, we are attaching the text of Res. 1503, which you should review prior to initiating such communication, as well as the sample form to report violations to the so-called special procedures.

We suggest that you begin the process by emailing your written testimony to Corriente Martiana:

It will be reviewed and forwarded to the UN by people who have years of experience in dealing with these matters. They will also send you suggestions on how to format any future correspondence.

Do not fail to do so, for only in this manner will we contribute to increase the political cost to the Cuban government for its systemic, institutionalized violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms, which keep the country in a continuous state of crisis, cause the steady exodus of fellow countrymen and keep the citizenry mired in an effort to survive amidst generalized fear and misery, which prevents them from acting as legitimate citizens but rather as accomplices due to their dependence upon the totalitarian regime imposed on our country.

Looking forward that you will carefully assess this suggestion, I remain,


Moisés Leonardo Rodríguez Valdés

Human Rights Advocate

This document was prepared and distributed by Corriente Martiana, an institution currently focused on the promotion of human rights through face-to-face teaching, distribution of information and teaching material, and implementing pressure strategies on decision-making individuals.

Address: Ave. 45 # 2410 e/ 24 y 26. Cabañas, municipio Mariel, provincia Artemisa. Cuba


Web page:  www,                                    @cubamartiana

Mobile phone:  +53 5 3351152

Annex 1

Procedure contemplated in Res. 1503, reviewed (summary of the main points for purposes of this suggestion).

The fact that a communication is forwarded to the applicable government and an acknowledgment of receipt is forwarded to the author thereof does not mean any opinion as to the admissibility or merits of the communication. When the Working Group finds that there is reasonable evidence to the existence of a persistent sitatuon of manifest human rights violations, the matter will be referred to the Working Group on Situations for review. The Working Group on Situations will consist, as before, of five members designated by regional groups, and due attention shall be given to the rotation of its members.

The Group shall meet one month, at the latest, prior to the Commission’s meeting, in order to review particular situations referred to it by the Working Group on Communications, and it shall subsequently decide whether or not to refer some of those situations to the Commission.

Then, the Commission shall adopt a decision on each particular situation brought to its attention in this manner. Confidentiality.

All initial steps of the process are confidential until a situation is referred to the Social and Economic Council (ECOSOC).  However, since 1978, the Chairman of the Commission on Human Rights has disclosed the names of those countries subject to review. Thus, if a situation of abuses occurring in a given country are not resolved during the initial stages of the process, it can be brought to the attention of the international community through the ECOSOC, which is one of the main UN bodies.

What are the admissibility criteria for a communication to be reviewed?

– No communication shall be admitted which is contrary to the principles of the UN Charter or which displays political motivations.

– Only one communication shall be admitted if, after having reviewed it, it is determined that there are reasonable grounds to believe –also having taken into account all replies sent by the interested country– that there is a persistent situation of manifest, conclusively proven violations of human rights and fundamental freedoms.

– Communications may originate from individuals or groups claiming to be victims of human rights violations or  from those having first-hand, reliable knowledge of those violations. Anonymous communications shall be inadmissible, as well as those based on media reports.

– Each communication shall describe the events and indicate the purpose of the petition, as well as the rights which were violated. As a general rule, communications containing offensive terms or insulting comments regarding the State against which a claim is made shall not be reviewed.

– In order for a communication to be reviewed all internal remedies must have been exhausted, unless it can be convincingly proven that national solutions would be ineffective or would take longer than reasonable expected to be achieved.

Annex 2


Communication to UN Special Procedures from CUBA.

(Read the instructions at the end prior to beginning your communication.)

i. Identification of individuals(s) victim(s):

1. Surnames:

2. Given Names:

3. Sex: M____ F____

4. Date of birth or age (at the time of being subject to the violation):

5. Citizenship(s):

6. a) Type of ID (ID from your country, passport or similar).

ID Card

b) Number:

7. Profession and/or activity (if there are grounds to believe that the violation of rights and/or freedoms bears any relation to it(them):

8. Current address:

City:                        Province:

II.  Identification of violation’s perpetrators.

1. Date when violation occurred:

2. Place where violation occurred (please provide as many details as possible):

3.  Alleged perpetrators of violation:

4.  Are perpetrators members of any official institution? Which one?

III. Please provide a detailed description of events and circumstances under which the violation subject to the communication occurred (be brief and concise).

IV. Indicate which rights were allegedly violated during incident subject to the communication.

V. Identification of individual(s) or organization(s) filing the communication:

1. Name and surnames of individual(s) or name of the organization and representative’s name:

2. a) Address of the individual or the organization’s headquarters:

City:                            Province:

b) Email:

c) Telephone No. (landline):

d) Cell phone:


1. If you submit a handwritten communication, please use black or blue ink and write legibly, preferably in block letters.

2. Your communication shall not be reviewed if you use insulting language or political content.

3. Please limit yourself to describing the events in connection with the incident and clearly and concisely provide only the essential details. It is not a questions of evaluating or giving an opinion, only of describing the facts.

4. No anonymous communications shall be accepted.

To clarify any questions, you can contact Moisés Leonardo Rodriguez at:


Avenida 45 número 2410 entre 24 y 26, Cabañas, municipio Mariel, provincia Artemisa. CP 34100. Cuba.


Let’s do it! That way we will achieve a more favorable environment for the defense of Human Rights!

P.A. Mosés Leonardo Rodríguez

Original Corriente Martiana founder.

 Translated by: Anonymous

Peru,Thank You for Your Example and Great Strength / Somos+

Eliecer Avila on a walk around Lima’s mountains, with two Peruvians

Somos+, Eliecer Avila, Havana, 21 March 2017 — During those days we observed with deep sorrow the disaster that Peruvians are enduring, with many deaths and thousands homeless due to flooding and landslides. A beautiful country that has overcome some of the most unfavourable historical events, to rise up to one of the continent’s and the world’s emerging economies of our time.

It has reached a stable democracy after more than a decade of civil war, dictatorship, and extreme poverty. It has since started to forge a modern history of sustained growth, advances in social issues, in infrastructure, in telecommunications, with booming business and an unprecedented right-wing state. continue reading

Eliecer Ávila visiting a family-run ice cream factory in Lima in 2014

Still far away from its potential, Peru today constitutes an example of what a Latin American nation can achieve when it advances together and is reconciled in what is necessary. One can appreciate the tremendous efforts of its entire diaspora that has not rested, collecting assistance that will soon reach the hands of their compatriots to alleviate, even if just a little, so much shared pain.

Our movement maintains strong ties of solidarity and cooperation with different institutes and civil organizations in Peru. We have witnessed there the humility, education and immense spirit of work that distinguishes its people. To all our friends, we want to let you know that we are at your disposal to help in everything that is possible.

We are sure that this dark chapter will pass and the immense South American nation will resume even more strongly its path of flourishing and progress. They will achieve it with the same spirit they express, in the motto that accompanies their shield and banner: “Steady and happy for the union.”

Happiness / Somos+

Somos+, Roberto Camba, 21 March 2017 — The United Nations has just launched the 2017 World Happiness Report, coinciding with the World Happiness Day on March 20th. From its first publication in 2012, the world has come to understand more and more that happiness has to be used as the correct measure with regards to social progress and the objective of public policies.

The report is based on statistics collected from the happiness index or subjective well-being, Gross Domestic Product, social support, life expectancy from birth, freedom to make decisions, generosity, perception of corruption (within the government or in businesses), positive or negative feelings, confidence in the national government and in society, the level of democracy and the level of income per household. continue reading

Much of the data is taken from the average of the results of Gallup’s global survey. For example, the “life’s staircase” question: “imagine a staircase, with steps numbered from 0 (at the base) to 10 (at the top). The top of the stairs represents the best life possible for you and the base the worst life possible. Which step do you feel like you are currently at right now?”

“Social support” means having someone that you can rely on during times of difficulty. Generosity equates to having donated money to a charitable organisation over the past month. Whereas, positive or negative feeling relates to questions about whether for the most part of the previous day the individual experienced happiness, laughter or pleasure; or rather did they experience negative feelings such as worry, sadness or anger. The report references its sources and explains the other indexes which negatively influence the perception of happiness such as: unemployment or social inequality.

The 2017 Happiness Report places Norway at the top of its list, followed by: Denmark, Iceland, Switzerland, Finland, the Netherlands, Canada, New Zealand, Australia, and Sweden as the top ten.

The US was listed at number 14 and Spain at 34. The best placed Latin American nations were Chile (20), Brazil (22), Argentina (24), Mexico (25), Uruguay (28), Guatemala (29) and Panama (30). The list included 155 countries. Those that have improved the most with regards to their position between 2005-2007 are Nicaragua, Lithuania and Sierra Leone, whilst Venezuela is the country that has slipped down the rankings the most.

And Cuba? It does not appear on the list. The Network of Solutions for Sustainable Development that prepared the report only possesses data on Cuba from 2006. During that time, the average response to the “staircase of life” was 5.4 (which placed it at 69th out of 156 nations), just behind Kosovo. Possibly today many Cubans would answer “where is the staircase to even begin to climb it?”

According to the 2006 data, Cuba appeared to be high in its ranking of social support and life expectancy from birth, but it was the third worst in freedom to make decisions. It was ranked as low for level of democracy, despite the fact that its per capita GDP surpassed China, Mexico, Brazil and South Africa to name some of the prosperous economies in the world*. In the net index of feelings (the average of positive feelings subtracted by the average of negative feelings) Cuba occupied the 112th place, making it the lowest ranked country in Latin America, with only Haiti having worse figures.

This index is the most direct measurement of fulfillment or of personal frustration that influences values and behaviour.

Of course beyond scientific rigour, no statistic or survey is 100% reliable. Subjective happiness or individual perception of happiness is very variable. Replying to these questions implies making a mental comparison. We compare ourselves to our neighbour, to those abroad, to our past or to our previous situation.

who receive manipulated information will not be able to effectively compare themselves. Furthermore, people think as they live: having access to running water could be the ultimate happiness for someone living in Sub-Saharan Africa, but a European or North American considers that they must have that and would take offense if they did not have it.

Cubans do not need a global report to know that there is a low happiness index among the people. The problems seem insoluble, the shortages are growing, personal ambitions have had to be postponed for decades, emigration becomes the only hope. The government quashes individual initiatives and working towards the happiness of its people — or allowing others to do it — does not seem to be in its projections. At Somos Más (We Are More) we believe that a responsible government must have this as its main objective and we will continue to fight to achieve it.

Translator’s note: If the GDP used for this analysis was that provided by the Cuban government, it would likely have been inaccurate. 

The Right of Assembly / Somos+

Somos+, Ezequiel Álvarez, 27 March 2017 — I believe that, in the resistance against the totalitarian, military dictatorship of the Castros, the existence of diverse organizations is essential and necessary. If we fight against a monolithic system, it is indispensable to start from a pluralist base wherein there is room for different ideas. continue reading

If communism’s major flaw is to intend for all the world to submit by force to one ideology, our response cannot be another antagonistic solution of the same kind.

The human being by nature represents a variety of opinions. The democratic system proclaims freedom of assembly, and as proponents of democracy for Cuba, we should accept that other points of view also have a right to participate in the opposition.

Starting from that premise, I propose that we should know how to work together in this phase, and allow the electoral process to decide the democratic route that the nation will take.

Meanwhile, let us continue, each according to his conscience, respecting the same right in others, working together toward the same ideal.

Let us prepare the foundations starting now, so that in the eventual future, we can be ready to prevent a repeat of the current tragedy. An upright structure that will serve as safe passage to a constitutional democracy, with the prior approval of the opposition parties, is a solution that we should explore and work towards making a reality.

Translated by: Alicia Barraqué Ellison

Requiem For My Havana / Somos+, Grettha Yedra

Island, what happened to you?
Who changed the spring?
Who shut the door?
What ship left you alone?

Island, they have changed your clothes
They have distorted decency
They have trafficked your innocence
They have shit on your equality and mine.

Island, by Lien Y Rey

Somos+, Gretther Yedra Rodriguez, 29 March 2017 — A few days ago I arrived from Cuba. I was there about a month. Havana was where I spent most of my time. I hadn’t seen it for almost two years, two years of not feeling the breath of the Malecon which enchants even the most skeptical. I suffered the spectacle. The most controversial capital in the world felt to me like a Dantesque chaos. In a few years, I thought, it’s going to look like a pile of trash where there once was a city. Cardboard houses proliferate on the periphery and spread throughout the country. Havana, my beautiful Havana, what happened to you? continue reading

I saw something that I had not seen before and that, in the country where I now reside, caused me great sorrow: I saw beggars, tons of them. Beggars and children wandering aimlessly along the Malecon and the historic center. Old people with lost gazes, filled with despair and empty hands. Irritable people, alcoholic men… and even women. State companies in a lamentable state, indolent workers who say NO for the pleasure of saying it.

I saw Havana as a raggedy old man, lying in a doorway while a copy of the Granma newspaper pretends to protect him from the cold.

On my way from Matanzas to the city I could see idle lands, plagued by the invasive marabou weed, and I thought enviously of the Ecuadorian earth, deeply cultivated, filled with cattle, of the rows of plants created by the indians and native people. I thought with sadness that there was a time when Cuban land did not suffer by comparison to the beautiful Andean land. It is not necessary to be a specialist to see the decline in agricultural and livestock, to notice the huge expanses of idle farmland, the volume of imported food continually increasing, making up for the deficit in national production.

While most of the Asian and Latin American countries lagged behind Cuba in the 1960s, they have now overtaken Cuba in the diversification of their economies, the development of competitive manufacturing sectors for export, and the decline in their dependence on a limited group of export products. And knowing this data and returning to Cuba, it hurts. It forces you to rethink many things, to not remain silent when the instinct of self-preservation demands it.

As I was walking along Montes street, I looked in disbelief at how the building collapses multiplied in only two years of absence. A man, seeing my puzzled face, told me: “Looks like they threw bombs, right?” My silence was agreement. And the bombs exploded in my head. Nothing they promised was fulfilled, economic failure has made a beautiful country into an arid land, cold and dirty, where people fight to survive.

How to wake an entire people from their slumber? How to tell them that humanity said “Enough” and got up and walked, and that we should do the same if we want a future?

We cannot remain with the masterful lines of Gabriel García Márquez, where an omniscient narrator asserts that those condemned to a hundred years of solitude do not have a second chance on earth. We are not García Márquez’s fictional Macondo, we are Cuba. We come from the line of Maceo, Gomez and Martí, Jose Antonio Echeverria, Frank and Camilo. Let us honor these men by rescuing what we have all lost. Let us awaken from this lethargy and, without shaking off the dust of the road, let us act. These are times to act.

It would kill me to say that Cubans are afraid, that it is difficult to reveal ourselves to a totalitarianism that constantly represses and annuls. In Cuba today, fear no longer exists, what we lost was faith and with it shame. From the ashes of Havana we must rescue her.

13 March 1957: The Assault on the Presidential Palace / Somos+

Canter with arm raised: José Antonio Echevarria

We trust in the purity of our intention,
May God favor us,
To achieve the Empire of Justice in our country.
José Antonio Echeverría Bianchi

Somos+, Jose Presol, 13 March 2017 — Today, March 13, we celebrate a date that, fifty years ago, could have radically changed the history of Cuba. A date that could have been, but was not. And it was not because of betrayals that, even today, are not clearly defined

That day, according to the policy of the Revolutionary Directorate, was “to attack the head.” A very high “head”: Fulgencio Batista.

From the beginning of the idea, towards the end of 1955, the goal was unity of action between its time.

In 1956, the plan was picked up again and, recalling the pact between the Directorate and the M26J (26th of July Movement) so-called Mexican Letter, Faustina Perez who was heading the “26th” in Havana was contacted, and he refused to collaborate on orders of Fidel. The writer doesn’t know of any reference to the proposal being communicated to Frank Pais or to other members of the National Directorate, on some dates when Fidel was by no means the Maximum Leader. continue reading

Thus, everything was conceived, planned and executed by the joint forces of the Authentic Organization and the Revolutionary Directorate.

Nothing was left to chance. There were enough weapons. Surveillance equipment. Political and military leadership. The leaders were Menelao Mora (for the Authentics) and Jose Antonio Echeverría (for the Directorate). The military commander was Carlos Gutiérrez Menoyo, who had been an officer with the Free French Forces during World War II.

Those who did not participate in the action were intended to: (1) Start the guerrilla action in the Escambray Mountains, (2) Arm and reorganize the Revolutionary Directorate in Havana, (3) Send troops to Frank Pais to be used in the El Uvero combat and to initiate the 2nd Eastern Front.

The plan was complex and simple at the same time: A frontal attack by a group transported in a delivery truck and two cars, which would go up to Batista’s office and take him prisoner or execute him, and that would be supported by men distributed on nearby roofs, to prevent the arrival of reinforcements; others as support and in reserve along the Paseo del Prado; and a main reserve that would arrive from Guanabacoa.

Messages would be broadcast for the uprising of the militants and sympathizers of the FEU and the Authentic Party throughout Cuba. In Havana they had to concentrate on the School of Architecture, where the group that had previously occupied Rádio Reloj would be organized, armed and instructed to occupy their objectives. As for the Army, the officers of higher rank next to the Authentics would take control of the garrisons.

Menelao Mora would assume the provisional presidency, until the arrival of the previous President-elect, Carlos Prío Socarrás, and then the process of elections interrupted by Batista with his coup d’etat would begin.

But, if everything was so measured and calculated, what was it that failed? Well two things:

  1. Batista fled from the Presidential Palace at the moment of the attack through a door the assailants didn’t know about.
  2. Someone sabotaged the action. I base  this on two things.

A. Everything (weapons, communications and vehicles) was checked several times and was in order. On leaving the Presidential Palace a tires of the delivery truck were low in air, affecting the suspension. The driver, Amado Silveriño, insisted on  continuing, promising to get there. Did someone let the air out?  It is not known.

B. The reserves did not receive the order to mobilize. Who was in charge of sending it? Someone who still walks around Havana: Fauré Chomón. The men who had to occupy the access points and those concentrated in Guanabacoa never moved of their collection point.

The result was, apart from the failure of action, the almost total dismissal of the only two organizations that could have cast shadows Fidel Castro’s aspirations: the Authentic Party and the Revolutionary Directorate.

Fidel can be considered the only winner of the failed attack.

Translated by Jim

Numbers, Reason and Principles / Somos+

Somos+, Eliecer Avila, 8 March 2017 — Daily, as part of my functions as leader of Somos+ (We Are More), I meet people who are interested in knowing the details of the organization. In theory, these people would become members of Somos+ if there is a sufficient match between their ideas and the ones we promulgate.

It turns out that often, I prepare to explain our proposals, program, explain the logical arguments about the need for changes, etc… but the first question that I ask is, “Come here… and how many are you?”

It never ceases to amaze me, the extreme importance that many people give to the number of people who adopt an attitude that they then adopt as their own. I believe their it would be much more worthwhile to concern ourselves with the number when we acquire some product for our use or contract for some service between the number of people previously satisfied by the same offer could be an indicator of its quality. continue reading

Instead, when it’s about values, principles, ideologies, justice and political positions, I don’t believe that the priority should be the number of people who adopt this or that position.

History abounds with examples in which great multitudes committed the most terrible and horrible crimes. Were they right? No, but they were many, many more joined them and the wave became so immense and unstoppable that opposing it would seem an act of uselessness, masochism or stupidity.

This overwhelming game between majorities and minorities is preferred by revolutions, because they establish in advance what is the “good side” and the “bad side” where people can position themselves, and depending on that decision their lives will be respected or tainted.

For me, democracy will never be described by the reductionist argument of “the dictatorship of the majorities,” because this primitive mentality is the one that always existed and does not necessarily contemplate a civilized advance that guarantees the peace and the participation of the whole society in decision-making. Instead, it will be the “opportunity for minorities” to exist in dignity and to be represented that would distinguish a democracy.

We should not be afraid to be alone or accompanied by few in the place that we consider right. If we think that striking a woman is wrong, we should not hit her to be in tune with the millions of men who do. Or if we believe that animals should be protected, or that corruption affects us all, it is legitimate to say it even though there are probably no de facto crowds chanting in our favor.

It is thanks to the rebels of the past, those who did not care about the number of their followers, that today we have, around the world, less violence, machismo, corruption and oppression than in previous centuries.

A political position is above all a right, but it is also a duty, which should never be exercised by imitation, enthusiasm, or pressure of any kind. It must be an act of responsibility based on abundant or full information, the product of a deep and measured analysis, strictly attached to what we are and what we believe to be just for us, our families, our nation and for all humanity.

Only in this way will we feel full, happy and secure in expressing our opinions or taking action both individually and in groups, voluntarily or remunerated, supported or rejected, blessed or repressed. Learning to think for oneself is to be free.

Numbers, reason and principles always have been and will be three different subjects.