Cuban writer Odette Casamayor and other authors reflect on language, exile, and literary creation at the Madrid Book Fair
Odette Casamayor has reached “the conviction that there is no home, only being within oneself.” / X / Madrid Book Fair
EFE, Madrid, June 6, 2026 / Writing from the perspective of a foreigner lends literature a singular character, and migration transforms authors into figures who would never have existed had they remained in their home country. Several Latin American writers agreed on this idea during a conversation at the Madrid Book Fair on Friday.
The event, titled “Wrong Journeys, Undefined Hopes and Literary Creation,” was organized at the fair by the Sundial House publishing house of Columbia University.
“I was born in Cuba, but that is not my only origin, I am fundamentally diasporic,” said Odette Casamayor, born in Havana, although she has spent most of her life between Europe and the United States.
The author of Con tinta negra [In Black Ink] confessed that the Afro-diasporic experience has given her the peace of mind to find and love herself in all her “complexity and monstrosity,” as well as the possibility of building loves that “suit her” without disappointing any pre-established code.
To feel at home, she said, she has reached “the conviction that there is no home, only being inside oneself.”
Venezuelan writer Juan Carlos Méndez Guédez, on the other hand, admitted that his prose is a bit “Frankenstein”
“If I hadn’t had to leave Argentina, I would never have written,” said poet Valeria Correa Fiz, who explained that her literature stems from the need to speak in her own language and from the constant introspection continue reading
she experienced when she moved first to Miami, then to Milan, and later to Madrid.
Correa Fiz believes that migrants lose many things, including the feeling of being “local.” “I always return as a visitor,” she said, referring to the cities where she has lived.
Venezuelan writer Juan Carlos Méndez Guédez, on the other hand, accepted that his prose is a bit “Frankensteinian.” Throughout his life, he explained, he has developed a “nomadic subjectivity” in which he has incorporated vocabulary from different places, forcing him to find strategies to make his texts understandable to the widest possible range of Spanish-speaking audiences.
“I don’t speak Castilian, I speak Puerto Rican Spanish.”
Originally from Barquisimeto, Méndez Guédez pointed out that the transformations do not only occur in those who leave, but also in the places that remain in memory and that, meanwhile, change in real life.
On occasion, he said, the most melancholic places are not on the other side of the world, but “two blocks” from the house where one grew up.
“I don’t speak Castilian, I speak Puerto Rican Spanish,” said Puerto Rican linguist Natalia Olivero Huffman, referring to the decisions she makes when writing.
From her perspective, life is a continuous journey back home. “You can choose your destination, but destination chooses for you,” she asserted.
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Producers will face restrictions on leaving Cuba if they want to retain ownership or use of their land.
“The land was in poor condition and we had to prepare it with our own hands,” say the farmers. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Madrid, June 9, 2026 — Foreigners will be allowed to buy a home in Cuba, but not own land. That is one of the conclusions drawn from the publication this Monday of the draft Agricultural and Forestry Land Law, a measure that consolidates as many as 25 previous laws and is expected to be approved by the National Assembly during its next session in July. The legislation safeguards socialist ownership, except for land belonging to private individuals or agricultural cooperatives (13% and 7%, respectively, while the State owns 80%).
The law is explicit regarding the “protection of land against any transfer of ownership in favor of foreigners,” although interested parties may gain access to land through usufruct by two avenues. As private individuals, this applies to those who have effective residence in Cuba; for foreign or joint-venture companies, authorization will be granted provided they have a legal basis and are aligned with the development strategies of the area.
This is precisely how the Vietnamese company AgriVMA established itself on the Island. Between late November 2024 and January 2025, it obtained 308 hectares of land in Pinar del Río for rice cultivation, becoming the first experience of its kind since 1959. The project has performed well, achieving crop yields far above national averages, and as early as June 2025 the company requested an expansion of its land holdings. Nevertheless, it is still considered almost a unique case.
One of the significant changes compared with previous regulations is the introduction of inheritance agreements, which will allow people to decide during their lifetime who will inherit ownership of the land
One of the significant changes compared with previous regulations is the introduction of inheritance agreements, which will allow people to decide during their lifetime who will inherit ownership of the land, replacing the previous system in which wills were the only means of transferring it. However, it remains mandatory that the land continue to follow the socialist principle that it belongs to those who work it. The new owner must demonstrate continue reading
active involvement—or ensure that others are involved—in making the land productive, applying good agricultural practices, and delivering to the State what has been agreed upon.
These agreements may be revoked if the heir fails to fulfill the obligations assumed with the owner. At the same time, the owner is prohibited from selling or donating the land to a third party while the agreement remains in force; otherwise, compensation must be paid to the heir. Such agreements cannot be verbal and must be registered before a notary and in the corresponding registry.
Another sensitive issue is the treatment of land owned by emigrants. The law divides them into two categories depending on whether they left the country before or after July 2024. Those who emigrated before that date, when the Migration Law was approved but not published until a few weeks ago and still not in force, retain ownership of their land as long as it was not confiscated. However, they lose the right to transfer it, meaning that upon their death the land passes to the State, according to an additional provision of the law.
The only concession to heirs is that they will have a preferential right to obtain the land in usufruct if it is determined that they have no other means of livelihood. In that case, and if authorized by the Municipal Commission on Agrarian Affairs, family members will receive preferential rights to use the land.
The second group consists of emigrants who left after July 2024 and are already subject to the current regulations. It is presumed that they benefited from the elimination of the “automatic confiscation of assets upon permanent departure from the country,” although this was never confirmed because the law remained unpublished for two years. In their case, the determining factor is effective migratory residence, meaning they may lose their land if they fail to keep it actively productive.
If an owner exceeds the permitted absence period without legal justification, it will be considered “abandonment of the land,” triggering sanction procedures that may lead to confiscation of both the land and agricultural assets
The current law imposes travel and residency restrictions abroad on landowners, tied directly to the productivity of the land. Farmers may remain outside Cuba for a maximum of one year and must grant a notarized power of attorney authorizing someone else to temporarily manage the farm during that period. The only exception is in cases of force majeure.
If the owner remains absent beyond the allowed period without legal justification, the situation will be classified as “abandonment of the land,” activating sanctions that may result in the seizure of the land and agricultural assets for failing to fulfill the social function of production.
For producers who do not own their land but hold it in usufruct, the restrictions are even stricter, since the land belongs to the State and their contract requires active use. These farmers must also grant a notarized power of attorney authorizing another person to manage the land, but only for a maximum period of six months. If that period is exceeded without justification, the usufruct contract is terminated and the State reclaims the land.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Since last Friday we’ve only had a few hours of electricity each day, and in my mind, the days are strung together as if it were all one long, unbearable day.
The figure is like the mannequins that filled the shops of my childhood. Unappealing, just like the clothes we could only buy with a ration card or a coupon. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, June 8, 2026 / Three in the morning. There’s electricity and water, so I set up the electric pressure cooker with some beans, fill the washing machine with everything that’s piled up, and jump in the shower. Some Mondays feel like Wednesdays because of the weariness they carry. Weeks that start already old and exhausted. Since last Friday, we’ve only had a few hours of electricity each day, and in my mind, the days are strung together as if it were all one long, unbearable day.
The water revives me. I recover the thread of hope that had been lost to me on Sunday, or perhaps it was Saturday. I don’t remember. It’s barely dawn, and I set off for Old Havana. I prefer to go on foot. The price of private taxis has risen so much, due to the fuel crisis, that I have to choose between taking an almendrón* there or back, because the whole circuit would be crazy for my wallet. A long lament echoes down Ayestarán Street, which also seems like a single voice emanating from different faces.
“Everything went bad,” one elderly woman tells another. “I had to eat the chicken I had in a single day because it wouldn’t last until today,” grumbles a man chatting with two others on a street corner. “Call her and see if there’s electricity in her building so we can bring her the baby’s milk so it won’t spoil,” a woman, holding a baby, shouts to a young man leaving on a motorcycle. In the nearest garbage bin, a package of pork steaks, already turning green, can be seen—slices that were meant to be a meal for some family.
“I don’t care if they come from the US or Burundi, just come now!” shouts a woman leaning out of her balcony.
I turn onto Desagüe Street. “I don’t care if they come from the US or Burundi, just come now!” shouts a woman leaning out of her balcony. She’s wearing a threadbare housecoat and has a desperate look on her face. “My refrigerator is wide open because it’s useless,” she explains. Below, several neighbors add their own dramas, also shouting. “No one has slept in my house for three days because of the heat and the mosquitoes,” one explains. “I already told my work not to expect me back, that I haven’t been able to shower since Thursday.”
I head out onto Carlos III Avenue, and the street vendors are starting to set up their stalls. It’s the same old stuff: tubes of toothpaste, packs of cigarettes, cell phone chargers salvaged from the trash, and over-the-counter medications. But as I approach Reina Street, I see something I initially struggle to identify. It’s a mannequin representing a girl a little a bit over ten years old. It’s naked and wearing a black wig. Next to it, a man is offering the doll without a clear price. “How much will you give me?” he asks when he sees me looking curious.
The figure is like the mannequins that filled the shops of my childhood. Unattractive, just like the clothes we could only buy with a ration book voucher or coupon designated for “industrial products.” I hated those clothes. They were always too big or too small, the fabric itched, or on the day we were supposed to shop, the blouse I wanted was sold out, and I had to go home in pants that seemed more suitable for working in agriculture than for going out with my friends. The 80s were such a bad time for fashion in Cuba that sometimes I don’t even want to look at my photos from that decade.
In Old Havana, I didn’t see a single tourist the whole way. / 14ymedio
The mannequin has some chipped paint. “If you give me 5,000 pesos, you can have it,” the vendor insists. I imagine myself carrying the little girl with the black wig through the streets of Havana on my way home. I have to laugh when I get to the part where I carry her up the 14 flights of stairs and we rest together on some landing while passing neighbors ask about her origins and what I’ll use her for. My dogs would burst out barking at the sight of the figure, a little over a meter tall, entering the doorway. I shake off the daydream and tell the vendor that I would only buy her to make a horror movie, but I already live in one; I don’t need to film one.
I lengthen my stride and finally reach Old Havana. Outside the once glamorous Mercado del Oriente, a woman is on the phone, pleading to be able to store some food in a friend’s freezer. She eventually manages to get some space in the refrigerator, which is also off due to a power outage, but “still keeps things somewhat cold.” I don’t see a single tourist along the entire route. I only see people in long lines outside the banks, the Etecsa office, and the Commerce Market Building, where there’s an office of the Spanish Consulate in Havana.
Two women dressed in brightly colored traditional costumes and headscarves walk ahead of me. They scan the room, searching for a foreign visitor who will pay them for a photo, which they can then take back to their country and show off with a sly grin. They are like mannequins in a shop window that no one passes by.
*Almendrón: A classic American car operating as a shared tai, generally on a fixed route. The name references the car’s ‘almond’ shape
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Interior Trade Minister Betsy Díaz and President Miguel Díaz-Canel have thanked both countries for their support of the Island.
The commercial vessel Asian Katra docked this Sunday at the Port of Havana. / EFE
EFE/14ymedio, Havana, June 8, 2026 / Cuba received a donation of 1,700 tons of food and other basic necessities this Sunday from Mexico and Belize, intended to help alleviate the shortages affecting most of the Island’s population as a result of the energy and economic crisis.
State media reported that the commercial vessel Asian Katra arrived at the Port of Havana carrying the humanitarian aid shipment as a “demonstration of cooperation and solidarity from the governments and peoples of Mexico and Belize.”
They also indicated that solidarity organizations supporting Cuba, Cuban residents in both countries, and a campaign launched by the Mexican newspaper La Jornada, among other participants, contributed to “managing, organizing, and assembling” the operation.
Upon receiving the donation, Interior Trade Minister Betsy Díaz highlighted Mexico’s “unconditional and historic” assistance and thanked the authorities, public figures, and organizations of both nations for their support of the Island.
Solidarity organizations supporting Cuba, Cuban residents in both countries, and a campaign launched by the Mexican newspaper La Jornada, among other participants, contributed to “managing, organizing, and assembling” this operation
President Miguel Díaz-Canel also expressed his gratitude on social media. “The ship carrying 1,700 tons of food and supplies from Mexico and Belize is now continue reading
in Havana. An effort by both governments, solidarity groups, Cubans residing in those sister nations, and La Jornada. We are grateful for this embrace of solidarity in such difficult times. #CubaNoEstáSola [#CubaIsNotAlone],” he posted.
In recent years, Mexico has established itself as one of Cuba’s most active regional partners in humanitarian assistance, sending fuel shipments and several cargoes of essential goods.
The arrival of this shipment adds to other aid operations received from Spain, Brazil, Uruguay, China, South Korea, Japan, Canada, United Nations agencies, and a shipment sent by Colombia, which has announced that it is currently en route to the Island.
In March and April, the Convoy Nuestra América, made up of activists from several countries in Europe, Mexico, and the United States, also delivered several tons of food, medical supplies, solar panels, photovoltaic systems, and educational materials.
The Island, already burdened by six years of deep economic crisis, is now virtually paralyzed by fuel shortages, from hospitals to gas stations, and from public transportation to state-run enterprises, with medicine shortages, high inflation, partial dollarization, and blackouts that affect large regions of the country for more than 20 hours a day.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Protests are multiplying during one of the worst weeks for Cuba’s electrical system, which is unable to meet more than one-third of national demand.
Protesters block the Vía Blanca in Havana as a demonstration against power outages. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Havana, June 8, 2026 — More than 50 people blocked the Vía Blanca in Havana this Sunday, according to documentation obtained by this newspaper, which witnessed the police deployment in the protest area. Residents demonstrated against the lack of electricity service, which they said they had been without for three days, according to one participant’s testimony.
Women, teenagers, and children were the main participants in the protest. Standing on the roadway and blocking one of the main highways connecting the capital to Matanzas, demonstrators banged pots and pans to express their discontent. After nearly half an hour, several police patrol cars arrived in the area to persuade protesters to end the traffic disruption.
Scarcity and desperation are pushing more and more citizens to take to the streets and protest, even in broad daylight, despite the usual police response and the arrests that often accompany these demonstrations.
The energy crisis affects virtually every aspect of daily life on the Island. Power outages also interrupt water service, make food preservation difficult, prevent sleep during hot, humid nights filled with mosquitoes—carriers of diseases such as dengue—and complicate medical care in hospitals.
Scarcity and desperation are pushing more and more citizens into the streets despite police responses and arrests
Cuba’s Electric Union (UNE) has spent weeks reporting disruptions affecting more than 60% of national demand during peak consumption hours after sunset. This situation has resulted in blackouts lasting more than 48 consecutive hours in some parts of the country and more than 20 hours per day in Havana. continue reading
Yesterday, Sunday, eleven of the country’s 16 thermoelectric generating units—most of which operate on domestically produced crude oil—were out of service due to breakdowns or maintenance work. Forecasts for Monday are very similar, with 10 units offline.
Among them is the Antonio Guiteras thermoelectric plant, the Island’s largest power generator, which had been contributing 220 MW. It disconnected from the National Electric System (SEN) last Friday for the thirteenth time this year, and repairs will still “take the necessary time under established controls,” according to its director, Román Pérez Castañeda.
The structural problems affecting thermoelectric plants, which are responsible for 40% of electricity generation, stem mainly from decades of operation beyond their intended service life and from a chronic lack of investment.
Protests are recurring frequently in different parts of Havana and other provinces, with pot-banging demonstrations, garbage fires, and road blockades
These incidences are compounded by generation limitations caused by fuel shortages. A total of 106 distributed-generation plants remain out of service, creating a deficit of 890 MW. The Turkish floating power plant [“patana“] in Regla is in the same situation.
According to the UNE report, electrical service was affected by insufficient generating capacity throughout all 24 hours on Sunday, and the disruption continued during the early morning hours, reaching a maximum deficit of 1,953 MW at 9:20 p.m. For Monday, a deficit of 2,045 MW is forecast during peak hours, equivalent to nearly 67% of the estimated demand of 3,050 MW.
Protests were also reported on Sunday in the municipality of Regla during the daytime. Demonstrations have become frequent in different areas of Havana and other provinces, especially during blackout nights, involving pot-banging protests, the burning of garbage piles, and road blockades. Many of these demonstrations have ended with police repression and the detentions of participants.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Since March, “the presence of the disease in a number of people higher than the usual figure of recent years” has been reported.
Authorities indicate that the incidence of this disease could surge this month. / Tele Pinar
14ymedio, Havana, June 7, 2026 — Without providing figures, Belkys González Robaina, head of the Digestive Disease Transmission Program in Pinar del Río, reported that the province has experienced “an unusual increase in cases” of hepatitis A. In a report published by Radio Guamá, the specialist warned that outbreaks are most prevalent in the Jagüey Cuyují and Cuba Libre people’s councils in the municipality of Pinar del Río, and in the Urban People’s Council in San Luis.
In statements to the provincial media outlet, the official also explained that the incidence of this disease, as well as other digestive-transmission illnesses, could increase due to rainfall and contamination of groundwater sources.
In light of this, González Robaina emphasized the need to strengthen hygiene and sanitation measures to curb the spread of the virus, which is transmitted primarily through the consumption of contaminated water or food. Recommendations include chlorinating water, applying disinfectant solutions in bathrooms to eliminate fecal and urine residue from patients, properly washing the clothing of infected individuals, and avoiding contact with healthy people.
Health alerts over hepatitis outbreaks in Pinar del Río have accumulated in recent months. Last March, Yusmary Estévez Mitjáns, deputy director of the Provincial Center for Hygiene, Epidemiology and Microbiology, reported an increase in suspected cases in the municipality of Minas de Matahambre and in the provincial capital, specifically in the town of La Coloma.
González Robaina stressed the need to reinforce hygiene and sanitation measures to prevent the spread of the virus.
“In these territories, the presence of the disease in a number of people higher than the usual figure of recent years is likely,” she said at the time, although, as now, she did not provide any figures.
This viral disease, which can be contracted through the consumption of contaminated water or food that has not been properly washed or that has been washed with contaminated water, has also been reported in other continue reading
parts of the country. In Matanzas, Andrés Lamas Acevedo, director of the Provincial Center for Hygiene, Epidemiology and Microbiology, confirmed in early May the existence of active hepatitis cases in the province, in areas such as Versalles, the Plácido district, La Cumbre, and “isolated cases in all municipalities.”
Although the physician stated in an interview with Girón that all outbreaks were “fairly well controlled,” the same outlet noted at the beginning of its report that, a couple of weeks earlier, “residents of Matanzas Province remain concerned” about the situation.
Regarding the province, the official explained that hepatitis transmission cases had spread “from person to person” and not through water, “as happened 20 years ago in Versalles.” He also attempted to downplay the outbreak: “In reality, there have been few cases.”
Provincial authorities had already announced that epidemiological surveillance had been strengthened in response to the outbreaks
In early April, provincial authorities announced that they had reinforced epidemiological surveillance due to hepatitis outbreaks in several municipalities, with the most critical situation concentrated in the Versalles neighborhood, where 18 active cases were recorded at that time.
Other outbreaks have also been reported in Camagüey. On April 23, provincial television interviewed a health-sector official who acknowledged that there was “an increase in our province of suspected and probable hepatitis A virus cases, mainly concentrated in our municipality.”
In the report, Televisión Camagüey stated that “in a scenario where there are serious problems with solid waste collection, it is urgent to intensify hygiene and sanitation measures.” Despite this situation, the health official interviewed maintained that “at this time, we do not have an outbreak in the municipality of Camagüey, despite a notable increase in the disease.”
“Camagüey has been full of hepatitis cases for months. Where I live, more than 20 people that I know of have had hepatitis. Please, take this seriously,” one user responded to the report published on Facebook. Another commenter also questioned the official message: “Calling them isolated cases is not accurate, because when you diagnose 30 to 40 positive cases in a single day in an emergency room, that is an outbreak.”
“Calling them isolated cases is not accurate, because when you diagnose 30 to 40 positive cases in a single day in an emergency room, that is an outbreak”
At the beginning of the year, health authorities in Ciego de Ávila reported through official media that they were investigating several suspected hepatitis cases detected in different municipalities of the province.
As often happens, no figures were provided, and officials limited themselves to reporting that, after detecting the first patients with symptoms consistent with the disease, the protocols established by the health system had been activated.
Hepatitis is a disease characterized by inflammation of the liver. Among its most common symptoms are fatigue, yellowing of the skin and eyes, nausea, abdominal pain, and dark urine, although it may also occur without symptoms. In severe cases, however, extreme fatigue, fever between 37 and 38 degrees Celsius, headache, muscle aches, loss of appetite, and bleeding gums may occur.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
Publishing releases related to Cuba moved between poetry, testimony, novels, and essays to narrate a nation marked by diaspora and uprootedness.
The books of May reflect a shared concern with preserving memory and understanding the human consequences of exile. / Collage
14ymedio, Havana, June 7, 2026 — Memory, the wounds of exile, and the mass exodus that has redefined the Cuban nation both inside and outside the Island dominated many of the literary publications and presentations linked to Cuba during May. From poetry to novels, as well as testimonial essays, art criticism, and anthropological research, the month’s new releases confirmed an increasingly visible trend in contemporary Cuban intellectual production: the need to tell the story of a national experience fragmented by emigration, distance, and the profound social transformations of recent decades.
Among the most notable releases is Efluvios (Effluvium), by Cuban poet Joaquín Gálvez. The work arrives with a foreword by writer and journalist José Hugo Fernández, who has noted that the volume, “dispensing irreverence and professional rigor in equal measure, transcends the philosophical, the literary, and the introspective to illustrate how poetry often rises above human frailties and reaches its zenith.”
Writer and filmmaker Carlos D. Lechuga presented in Madrid his most recent book, Perro cubano (Cuban Dog), a work preceded by winning the 2026 Franz Kafka Essay/Testimony Prize
Living in the United States for many years, Gálvez is a recognized figure within Cuban exile poetry. In addition to his creative work, he has carried out intense activity as a cultural promoter, editor, and organizer of literary projects that have helped maintain ties among Cuban writers scattered across different countries. Efluvios brings together reflection, personal experience, and a mature perspective on the existential dilemmas that run through much of contemporary Cuban literature.
Also in May, writer and filmmaker Carlos D. Lechuga presented in Madrid his latest book, Perro cubano [Cuban dog], a work that comes after receiving the 2026 Franz Kafka Essay/Testimony Prize. Defined by jury member Ernesto Menéndez Conde as a “non-book,” the volume moves between personal memory, social observation, and political reflection.
Lechuga, internationally known for films such as Melaza and Santa y Andrés, transfers many of the concerns that have marked his filmmaking into his writing. The result is a text charged with existential weight that explores the fractures of contemporary Cuban society from an intimate continue reading
and deeply subjective perspective. In a time of mass emigration and collective disillusionment, Perro cubano joins a current of works seeking to document, through individual experience, the emotional and social transformations taking place on the Island.
Morir de exilio: Lejos de Cuba (To Die in Exile: Far from Cuba), by Uva de Aragón, returns this year in an expanded edition published by Eriginal Books
The memory of exile also occupies center stage in Morir de exilio: Lejos de Cuba, by Uva de Aragón, which returns this year in an expanded edition published by Eriginal Books to mark the twentieth anniversary of its original publication. The work brings together nearly ninety articles and biographical sketches dedicated to Cuban figures who died outside their native country.
More than a collection of biographical profiles, the book functions as an extensive emotional map of the Cuban exile experience. Writers, artists, activists, academics, and public figures are portrayed in texts that reconstruct individual trajectories while documenting a collective history marked by separation, nostalgia, and the rebuilding of identities far from Cuba.
Another significant publication is the bilingual monograph devoted to Cuban-American painter Humberto Castro, written by art historian and critic Francine Birbragher. The volume examines in detail the three fundamental stages of the artist’s career: his formative years in 1980s Cuba, where he became one of the leading figures of the so-called Golden Generation of visual arts; his period in France during the 1990s; and his subsequent creative development in the United States.
Throughout May, Objetos perdidos (Lost Objects), the new novel by Karla Suárez published by Editorial Comba in Spain, continued its publishing journey
The study allows readers to explore a complex body of work that engages with mythology, memory, displacement, and the cultural tensions of contemporary life. Beyond its artistic value, the book offers a valuable perspective on the many ways in which the migratory experience has shaped Cuban visual production over the past decades.
Although officially released in April, Objetos perdidos, the new novel by Karla Suárez published by Editorial Comba in Spain, continued to gain attention throughout May. The story follows Giselle, a Cuban dancer who becomes stranded in Barcelona after losing her handbag and being forced to survive for several days in the area surrounding the Sagrada Familia.
The search for documents, memories, and objects laden with sentimental meaning becomes a much deeper exploration of identity, shattered dreams, emigration, and the need to rebuild oneself. With restrained and effective prose, Suárez once again addresses some of the themes that have defined her fiction: uprootedness, memory, and the fragility of personal projects. It is no coincidence that the novel has been enthusiastically received by critics, who have highlighted both the strength of its protagonist and the sensitivity with which it approaches the visible and invisible losses that accompany human displacement.
Through conversations held inside a taxi, Wig documents decisive events
Finally, May continued to consolidate the impact of Havana Taxi: Cuba y Los años de ilusión (Havana Taxi: Cuba and the Years of Illusion), by Norwegian anthropologist Ståle Wig. The result of several years of field research in Havana, the book reconstructs the everyday lives of three Cuban individuals during a decade marked by expectations of change and subsequent disappointment.
Through conversations he conducted inside a taxi, Wig documents decisive events such as the expansion of the internet, the diplomatic rapprochement between Cuba and the United States, the death of Fidel Castro, and the protests of July 11, 2021. The result is a work that combines anthropological rigor with a remarkable narrative ability to capture the tensions between hope and stagnation that have defined the recent Cuban experience.
Taken together, May’s publishing releases reflect a shared concern with preserving memory and understanding the human consequences of exile, migration, and social transformation. From poetry to academic research, and from novels to testimonial writing, the books published or presented during the month paint a portrait of a nation geographically dispersed, yet determined to tell its own story.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
The promotion of Dorisbel Martin Ojeda to brigadier general places a woman in the generalship of the Ministry of the Interior for the first time
Far from the crowds convened to celebrate him, Raul Castro’s reappearance takes place only under the protection of uniforms.
14ymedio, Havana, 7 June 2026 /The Cuban regime marked the 65th anniversary of the Ministry of the Interior on Saturday with a series of promotions and decorations for officials of the body, in ceremonies headed by Raul Castro and Miguel Diaz-Canel. The main ceremony, presented by the official press as a tribute to the “career trajectory” of the heads of the national security apparatus, also served to reaffirm the central role of that body in internal repression, political surveillance, and population control.
“Together with the Army General and on the occasion of the 65th anniversary of the glorious Ministry of the Interior, we took part in promotion and decoration ceremonies for officers and officials of outstanding career,” Diaz-Canel wrote on X. The ruler congratulated the decorated officials on their “noble and self-sacrificing work” – the standard formula by which the regime presents as public service the functions of State Security, the political police, counterintelligence, the prisons, and the National Revolutionary Police.
The name that stands out most on the day is that of Dorisbel Martin Ojeda, head of the institution in Sancti Spiritus, who was promoted to brigadier general. The province’s official press confirmed the rank in an unusual note dedicated to the presentation of a gift basket to the first baby born on 6 June. It mentioned that the event coincided with the anniversary of the institution, the 95th birthday of Raul Castro, and “the promotion of the head of the Ministry of the Interior in Sancti Spiritus, Dorisbel Martin Ojeda, to the rank of brigadier general.”
Pro-regime profiles celebrated Martin Ojeda as the first female general of the Ministry of the Interior.
Although the state media have not highlighted it as the central fact of the day, pro-regime profiles celebrated Martin Ojeda as the first female general of the Interior. What is verifiable to date is that her promotion places her in the generalship of a body historically dominated by men and by continue reading
cadres schooled in political repression. The Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba includes her in its database of repressors and identifies her as head or delegate of the body in Sancti Spiritus since 2016.
In Sancti Spiritus, Martin Ojeda has presided over ceremonies of State Security and Counterintelligence. In March 2024, the newspaper Escambray showed her conferring distinctions on “combatants” during a State Security ceremony. At that same event, three lieutenant colonels with “senior responsibilities in the Counterintelligence Body” were also decorated.
The province she heads is not outside the repressive map either. During 11 July 2021, protests took place in Sancti Spiritus and Trinidad. The official press at the time acknowledged five criminal proceedings against 11 people, while independent organisations documented convictions and subsequent harassment of demonstrators. Among the best-known cases are Luis Mario Niedas Hernandez, sentenced to three years in prison for taking part in the protests, and Alexander Fabregas Milanes, an opposition figure from Sancti Spiritus linked to 11J who was subsequently punished with new criminal charges.
Promotion ceremonies were replicated across several provinces, though without a complete national list of those promoted
Martin Ojeda’s reward therefore does not appear to reflect a province without discontent, but rather a leadership that has managed to keep it contained, dispersed, and with low media cost for the regime. Sancti Spiritus was not one of the national epicentres of 11J, but it did see protests, prisoners, and surveillance of opponents. In the logic of Cuban power, that combination – controlled conflict and territorial obedience – is rewarded.
After weeks away from the public scene and absent even from the open rallies organised in his honour for his 95th birthday, the Army General reappears on two consecutive days at closed, military-profile events: first at the Karl Marx Theatre, surrounded by the regime’s top leadership, and now at a promotion and decoration ceremony of the Ministry of the Interior. His return, far from the crowds convened to celebrate him, takes place only under the protection of uniforms, armed commanders, and security structures.
Promotion ceremonies were replicated across several provinces, though without a complete national list of those promoted. In Camaguey, the newspaper Adelante reported the promotion of Ismael Villalon Labanino to lieutenant colonel and of Yannier Rios Gomez to major. Villalon said the new rank reinforced his “honour” and his duty to remain faithful to the teachings of Fidel and Raul Castro, while Rios Gomez stated that the promotion was an incentive to take on new missions “always in keeping with revolutionary principles.”
The regime does not reward ordinary police work, but the political loyalty of a body that functions as the Communist Party’s first line of defence. / X / Miguel Diaz-Canel
In Las Tunas, those mentioned were Rolan Hernandez Perez, head of the Interior in the provincial capital municipality, promoted to lieutenant colonel, and Yanisleydis Alvarez Bello, coordination officer at the criminal investigation body, promoted to captain. Both told the local press that the recognition committed them to continue defending the homeland “under any circumstances” – a phrase which, in official vocabulary, typically encompasses the persecution of opponents, activists, and critical citizens.
In Granma, the official press gave figures but not a complete list: 27 officers promoted to lieutenant colonel and 43 to major. Speaking on behalf of those promoted and decorated was Lieutenant Colonel Mailen Martinez Olivera, though the report did not clarify whether she herself was among those promoted. In other provinces – including Santiago de Cuba, Holguin, Villa Clara, Ciego de Avila, Artemisa, and Isla de la Juventud – reports were limited to references to “officers,” “combatants,” and “outstanding cadres,” without disclosing their specific responsibilities.
The regime does not reward ordinary police work, but the political loyalty of a body that functions as the Communist Party’s first line of defence. Official notes repeat words such as “loyalty,” “missions,” “State Security,” “internal order,” and “revolutionary principles.” These are the keywords of a system that conflates public safety with ideological control.
Translated by GH.
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Air Canada, WestJet, Sunwing and Air Transat suspend flights and vacation packages as Washington’s deadline for severing business ties with the Cuban Government expires
A Boeing 737 MAX 8 belonging to Air Canada, one of the models used by the airline on its routes to Cuba. / Colin Brown Photography
14ymedio, Madrid, 6 June 2026 / Canadian airlines Air Canada, Air Transat and WestJet Airlines have indefinitely suspended their operations to Cuba, along with the vacation activities of Sunwing Vacations – currently integrated into WestJet Group -, citing ongoing political and economic uncertainty and a deepening supply crisis on the Island.
Air Canada spokesman Peter Fitzpatrick explained that the decision was a response to “ongoing conditions of political and economic uncertainty,” and added that affected customers will be able to opt for refunds, among other alternatives. Air Canada had already temporarily suspended its flights in February due to warnings about fuel supplies at Cuban airports, and had subsequently postponed its return to 1 November 2026.
For its part, Air Transat announced that the decision was taken owing to “the current geopolitical situation in Cuba,” obliging it to suspend operations “for an indefinite period.” The announcement adds that affected customers will be notified of other available flight options.
In the case of WestJet, the company described it as a “difficult decision” driven by the “current operating environment,” in reference to the suspension of its vacation programs to Cuba. “We understand that this news may be disappointing for customers and travel agents,” the company stated, emphasising the impact of the measure on local communities and the Cuban tourism continue reading
sector.
“We understand that this news may be disappointing for customers and travel agents”
The Sunwing Vacations travel group – integrated into WestJet Group – also announced the indefinite suspension of its operations in Cuba, affecting the Sunwing Vacations, WestJet Vacations and WestJet Vacations Québec brands. The company explained that the decision was taken following a review of its programme on the Island and current operating conditions, and confirmed that the suspension will remain in place “until further notice.” Travellers with existing bookings will be contacted regarding rebooking or full refunds.
The announcements coincide with the expiry of the deadline set by Washington for foreign companies with ties to sectors controlled by the Cuban Government to sever those ties, under threat of sanctions.
Canada has historically been the primary source of tourists to Cuba. However, the current crisis has accelerated the withdrawal of key operators. In February, Canadian airlines had scheduled more than 600 flights bound for Cuba, according to data from analytics firm Cirium cited by The Globe and Mail.
This June, approximately 20 international airlines continue to operate in Cuba, a figure significantly lower than in previous years
According to information released by the Cuban Airports and Airport Services Company (Ecasa), this June approximately 20 international airlines continue to operate in Cuba, a figure significantly lower than in previous years.
Among the routes with the greatest presence, American Airlines holds the largest market share, with several daily flights from Miami to Havana, as well as connections to Santa Clara, Camagüey, Holguín and Santiago de Cuba. Delta Air Lines and, on a more limited basis, Southwest Airlines also operate in the US market.
From Panama, Copa Airlines maintains daily flights to Havana, Santa Clara and Holguín. From Spain, Air Europa is the only Spanish airline with direct flights to the Island, while Air China operates the Beijing-Madrid-Havana route, which also allows boarding in Madrid as an intermediate point.
Other international airlines maintaining operations in Cuba include Aeromexico, Conviasa, Wingo, Caribbean Airlines, InterCaribbean Airways, Cayman Airways, TAAG Angola Airlines, Bahamasair, Rutaca, Aruba Airlines, Fly All Ways, Sky High and Neos, as well as various charter operations from the United States and the Caribbean – though with a significant reduction in flight frequencies.
So far in 2026, at least eleven airlines have suspended their operations in Cuba, among them Air Canada, WestJet, Sunwing, Air Transat, Iberia, LATAM Peru and Turkish Airlines, caused primarily by the fuel crisis, the collapse of tourism and pressure stemming from US sanctions.
Translated by GH.
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The company suspended trading of its shares after the inclusion of its Cuban partner in Minera La Victoria on the U.S. blacklist
The company had estimated that its two Cuban projects, Nueva Sabana and La Demajagua, could generate more than $1.763 billion over ten years. / Invasor
14ymedio, Havana, June 5, 2026 — Australian mining company Antilles Gold requested the Sydney Stock Exchange on Friday to suspend trading of its shares while it prepares an announcement regarding the impact of the sanctions recently imposed by the United States on Minera La Victoria, the joint venture it created in Cuba with the state-owned GeoMinera to develop the Nueva Sabana deposits in Ciego de Ávila and La Demajagua in the Isle of Youth.
The mining company has not yet detailed the extent of the blow. It merely requested a temporary suspension of its shares while preparing a statement for shareholders regarding the consequences of the sanctions. The trading halt will remain in effect until the report is released or, at the latest, until the opening of trading on June 10.
For William Pitt Wasmer, a Cuban-American businessman and heir to a family that owned mines confiscated by the Cuban government after 1959, the episode confirms the deterioration of a sector that Havana had hoped to present as a future source of foreign currency. “Now, in addition to the problems facing nickel and cobalt mining, gold mining has been added to the list,” he told 14ymedio.
Antilles Gold holds a stake in Minera La Victoria, a 50-50 joint venture with GeoMinera, the state mining company
Pitt believes the Antilles Gold case cannot be viewed in isolation and must be analyzed within the broader context that forced the departure of the Canadian company Sherritt International, which operated continue reading
nickel mines in Moa. “The other mining companies working in Cuba are facing very similar problems,” he said.
The sanction came at a particularly delicate moment for Antilles Gold. Just one day before the trading halt, the company reported that construction at Nueva Sabana was moving forward and that the Chinese company Xinhai Mining Technology & Equipment was advancing the manufacture of the mine’s concentrator. Antilles Gold itself described Nueva Sabana as “the first stage of its partnership with GeoMinera,” while La Demajagua remained scheduled as a second project for 2027–2028.
The structure of the venture illustrates the extent to which the project was designed to mitigate Cuban risk. Antilles Gold participates in Minera La Victoria, a 50-50 joint venture with GeoMinera, Cuba’s state mining company. The engineering, procurement, and construction contract for Nueva Sabana, awarded to Xinhai, was valued at $29.5 million and covered about 85% of the remaining development costs. Xinhai also offered a $17.1 million credit line, deferring part of its payments.
The Nueva Sabana project was intended to produce gold and copper. Antilles Gold presented it as a relatively small open-pit mine capable of entering production quickly. According to the company’s own estimates, adjusted for recent metal prices, the two Cuban projects, Nueva Sabana and La Demajagua, could generate more than 2.5 billion Australian dollars (US$1.763 billion) in cash surplus attributable to Antilles Gold between 2027 and 2037.
In addition to Gaesa’s extensive control over mining, the shutdown is also linked to “Cuba’s economic situation, with its complete lack of electrical resources and the fuel necessary to operate mining activities”
La Demajagua, located on the Isle of Youth, added another attraction: besides gold and silver, it contains antimony, a mineral considered strategic because of its industrial and military applications. Under Antilles Gold’s plans, the second project was expected to produce gold and arsenic concentrates as well as antimony concentrates or cathodes.
For a small company dependent on external financing, Chinese contractors, and international concentrate buyers, being associated with a Cuban entity placed on Washington’s blacklist may be enough to freeze access to banks, insurers, suppliers, and potential investors.
Pitt himself links the episode to Cuba’s structural crisis. In addition to Gaesa’s overwhelming control over mining, the setback is also due to “Cuba’s economic situation, with its complete lack of electrical resources and the fuel necessary to operate mining,” the expert said.
Pitt also connects the case to Sherritt, which, besides producing nickel and cobalt, participates in Energas, a key company for natural gas processing and electricity generation. “Apparently, only oil extraction continues, and even then we are already seeing Energas and Sherritt beginning to have problems delivering natural gas to the city,” he warned.
“It remains to be seen whether Antilles Gold will follow a path similar to Sherritt’s or whether, given that it does not have a major investment at stake, it will simply let events run their course without doing anything further,” Pitt concluded.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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At the Karl Marx auditorium, packed with uniformed military personnel, Miguel Díaz-Canel celebrated the general’s 95th birthday and the 65th anniversary of the Ministry of the Interior with a totalitarian slogan: “Raúl is Cuba, and Cuba is untouchable!”
Miguel Díaz-Canel—dressed in olive green—presented the nonagenarian general not only as a historic leader, but also as the spiritual founder of Cuba’s security apparatus. / Cubadebate
14ymedio, Havana, June 6, 2026 — Raúl Castro reappeared this Friday in Havana wearing a military uniform and surrounded by the Cuban power elite and its repressive forces, at an event the Government presented as a tribute to his 95th birthday and the 65th anniversary of the Ministry of the Interior. The ceremony, held at the Karl Marx Theater, marked the Army general’s first public appearance since U.S. authorities criminally charged him in May over the deaths of the four crew members of two Brothers to the Rescue aircraft shot down in international waters in 1996.
The former ruler did not speak. Seated in the front row, he sent a message that was read by Minister and Army Corps General Lázaro Alberto Álvarez Casas. In the text, Castro congratulated the institution’s “officers, combatants, civilian workers, and students,” describing it as “an indispensable bastion in the defense of the sovereignty and tranquility of the Cuban nation.” He also praised their “unwavering loyalty” and urged them, in the “current historic moment,” to continue working with “order, control, and responsibility.” The message concluded with a call to “continue defending with honor and commitment the work of the Revolution and the future of the country.”
Miguel Díaz-Canel—dressed in olive green—presented the nonagenarian general not only as a historic leader but as the spiritual founder of Cuba’s security apparatus at the age of 27. Díaz-Canel recalled that the State General Staff Secret Service Corps of the Frank País Second Eastern Front had been created to confront “anything that could affect, compromise, or endanger the security of our rebel forces.”
Díaz-Canel asserted that the United States is targeting Gaesa “because it knows of its effectiveness in the face of the permanent economic siege” and because “the contributions of its companies to the country’s socioeconomic development are significant.”
The scene appeared designed less to respond to Washington than to urgently appeal to the loyalty of internal forces. Díaz-Canel called Castro the “leader of the Cuban Revolution,” the “teacher, guide, and inspiration” of both the Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior, elevating the slogan of recent days into an all-encompassing formula: “Raúl is Cuba, and Cuba is untouchable!” The message sought not only to shield the aging general from external pressure but also to remind the military and security apparatus that, according to the official narrative, loyalty to Raúl is equivalent to defending the nation itself. continue reading
The reappearance came two days after the United States imposed new sanctions on Díaz-Canel, his wife Lis Cuesta, several members of the Castro family circle, and regime entities, including the Ministry of the Interior and the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. Washington had already intensified its offensive in May against Cuba’s economic and military apparatus, particularly against Gaesa, the military-controlled conglomerate.
In that context, Díaz-Canel devoted a substantial portion of his speech to defending Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A. “The attack on Gaesa is no coincidence; it is not just another media campaign,” he said. According to the ruler, the United States is targeting the business system “because it knows of its effectiveness in the face of the permanent economic siege” and because “the contributions of its companies to the country’s socioeconomic development are significant.” He also denied the existence of corruption or enrichment within the military elite, dismissing such accusations as “another great lie,” despite numerous indications regarding Gaesa’s opaque management of billions of dollars in funds.
What he did not mention, however, is that those “infiltrators” were Cubans residing in the United States and that the episode remains shrouded in considerable opacity
“The reaction of several companies leaving Cuba these days is the result of coercive measures by the U.S. government,” Díaz-Canel said. He did not name any hotel chain or company specifically, but framed those departures as part of a broader offensive that, according to him, seeks to cut off fuel, investment, credit, trade, food, medicine, and basic supplies.
The speech also revived a military tone. Before Raúl, Interior Ministry commanders, and Armed Forces chiefs, Díaz-Canel recalled the 32 Cubans “who fell in Venezuela on January 3.” According to his account, those men “went into combat” despite the “element of surprise” and the enemy’s “superiority in weapons and forces.” Their deaths, he said, left “a clear message of how millions of Cubans would act in defense of the homeland if it were attacked.”
He then referred to another episode presented by the Government as evidence of armed infiltration. Five Border Guard Troops members, he said, neutralized a group of ten men who intended to establish themselves in Cuban territory with “a considerable cache of military weapons.” “Five defeated ten!” he exclaimed, before highlighting that the commander of the vessel, though seriously wounded, “never abandoned his mission.” What he failed to mention, however, is that those “infiltrators” were Cubans living in the United States and that the incident remains surrounded by significant unanswered questions.
Díaz-Canel recalled the counteroperation known as Candela, which allegedly made it possible to “preserve Raúl’s life and publicly expose” Washington. / Cubadebate
The closing remarks took the ceremony to Guantánamo. Díaz-Canel invoked Operation Patty, an alleged 1961 CIA plot to assassinate Raúl Castro in Santiago de Cuba and stage an attack against the U.S. Naval Base at Guantánamo in order to justify military intervention. According to Díaz-Canel, the newly created Ministry of the Interior dismantled the operation through a counterplan called Candela, which “preserved Raúl’s life and publicly exposed” Washington.
The reference is directly linked to a recent event. On May 29, the commander of the U.S. Southern Command, General Francis Donovan, met at the perimeter of the Guantánamo Naval Base with General Roberto Legrá Sotolongo, chief of the General Staff and first deputy minister of the Revolutionary Armed Forces. According to reports, both sides discussed operational security matters and agreed to maintain communication channels.
Díaz-Canel thus linked past and present in a tense speech marked by nervous gestures. Operation Candela, the Guantánamo enclave, the 32 deaths in Venezuela, the intercepted boat, the sanctions, the departure of companies, and fuel shortages were all woven into a single narrative of a besieged nation.
“If the homeland is attacked, we will respond in legitimate self-defense,” he warned. “And if they attempt to enter, let there be no doubt: there will be determined and resolute combat!”
Translated by Regina Anavy
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Chief Judge John McConnell Jr. calls the Trump administration’s actions “illegal, arbitrary, and capricious.”
Immigration Court of San Antonio, Texas, USA. / EFE/Alejandra Arredondo
A federal judge in Rhode Island declared on Friday that the policies promoted by the Donald Trump administration, which six months ago suspended immigration processes and asylum applications for citizens of 39 countries, including Cuba, Venezuela and Haiti, were “illegal.”
In a scathing ruling of more than 100 pages, Justice John McConnell Jr. states that these measures, adopted by the U.S. Citizenship and Immigration Services (USCIS), left “countless immigrants residing in the United States in an indefinite legal limbo” and concludes that they were “contrary to law, arbitrary, and capricious.”
According to McConnell, USCIS assumed powers it does not possess. The national security reasons the agency cited for its decisions, the judge says, are pretexts intended to mask xenophobic sentiments, something the agency is prohibited from engaging in.
The measure blocked not only the processing of applications for asylum, permanent residency and US citizenship, but also work permits, which are essential to remain in the country legally.
The agency violated both the immigration laws it is responsible for administering and the administrative rules that govern its actions.
The judge maintains that the suspension imposed by USCIS was not in response to any misconduct on the part of those affected, but solely to the circumstance of their place of birth. He also determined that the agency violated both the continue reading
immigration laws it is responsible for administering and the administrative regulations governing its actions.
These policies were implemented after an Afghan national opened fire on members of the National Guard in Washington, D.C., in November 2025, killing one officer and wounding another. The ruling also includes statements by former Homeland Security Secretary Kristi Noem, endorsed by Trump, in which she proposed “an immigration ban on every damn country that has flooded our nation with murderers, leeches, and welfare addicts,” in addition to railing against so-called “foreign invaders.”
In addition to Cuba, Venezuela and Haiti, Antigua and Barbuda and Dominica were also included from the American continent, although most of the countries affected by these measures were African.
The court decision has been celebrated by Democracy Forward, one of the organizations that represented various immigrant and worker groups, including the Venezuelan Association of Massachusetts and the Service Employees International Union (SEIU).
“This ruling reaffirms a fundamental principle: the federal government cannot suspend legal immigration pathways or discriminate against people based on their country of origin,” said Skye Perryman, president of Democracy Forward.
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Nobody would bet that we have to wait the 62,000 millennia that someone once predicted, nor the two weeks (which have already passed) that the most optimistic predicted.
In the scenario of a social upheaval, where the people are the main actors, the temporal variable is expressed in the duration of those material realities that directly affect the duration of patience. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Reinaldo Escobar, Havana, June 4, 2026 / After it occured to me to describe what the scenarios and actors would be in a presumed transition in Cuba, those who read me keep asking how long it will take for everything to change or, at least, as the great culprit would say, for what needs to be changed to change.
Although time is a dimension that we appreciate in measurable units, days, months and years, no one would bet that we have to wait the 62,000 millennia that someone once predicted, nor the two weeks (already passed) that the most optimistic predicted.
So I’ll leave you with these “algorithms.”
In the scenario of a social explosion, where the people are the main actors, the temporal variable is expressed in the duration of those material realities that directly affect the duration of patience. The endurance of the people.
There is a time when even the best-stocked pantries in homes run dry, another when power outages cause food to spoil in market refrigerators, and another, slightly longer, when the lack of fuel cannot complete the mythical “supply chain: port, transport, domestic economy,” leaving the warehouses empty. After these events accumulate, families are left without food, and since there’s no electricity to pump water from the aqueducts, they can’t bathe, wash dishes, cook, or wash their clothes. Then discontent builds, a desperation that leads to continue reading
protest.
Time is bought with political capital, and its price is determined by the supply in that volatile market. Time is running out, and they have less and less political capital.
When time is introduced as a variable to predict how long it will be before those in power in Cuba decide to prioritize saving the country over the ideology of the only permitted party, one cannot forget that their specialty has been precisely buying time, and the 67 years that have passed prove it. But time is bought with political capital, and its price is determined by the supply available in that volatile market. Time is running out, and their political capital is dwindling.
It is often said that the patience of the people is like a time bomb. The situation could be compared to that scene in thrillers where, faced with a countdown clock, the person in charge of defusing the explosive device that leads to total collapse is faced with the dilemma of cutting the blue wire, to pave the way for reforms, or the red wire, to give the order to fight and unleash repression.
External pressure, exerted especially by the United States government with more cuts and military threats, has ripped out all the pages of the almanac that adorns the room where the dictatorship makes decisions, and an incessant ticking forces them to sit down to negotiate where there is only one option left: give in or commit suicide.
The variable of foreign intervention has its own timetable, which, although not unrelated to the patience of the Cuban people or the intransigence of the dictatorship, depends on internal factors.
Since the “Cuba issue” is an electoral theme for the United States government, as well as a point of inflection in its foreign policy, there has been much speculation that President Donald Trump would like to have this problem resolved before the midterm elections in November. The other, less precise timeframe relates to how much time the United States has left to end (in its favor) the conflict it is waging with Iran.
But Trump hasn’t had to wait to take other measures, such as cutting off the island’s fuel supply, giving a deadline to foreign companies who trade with the military in GAESA and, more recently, preventing Visa and Mastercard credit cards from working in Cuba. General Raúl Castro, officially dubbed in recent years “the leader at the head of the Revolution,” has been declared a fugitive from U.S. justice, and there is open talk of taking him by force.
To answer the question of how much longer, perhaps it is not necessary to synchronize the clocks of each stage, of each actor. The sun, for its part, will continue to rise in the East each dawn, indifferent to the will of humankind. There is less time left. That is the answer.
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Madrid maintains a “permanent dialogue” with Spanish companies in Cuba to “help and support them at this time”
The Meliá Cohiba is one of the few hotels in Cuba where you can still see enough guests. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Madrid, June 4, 2026 / There were quite a few people in the cafeteria and lobby of the Meliá Cohiba hotel, located a few meters from Havana’s Malecón in El Vedado, this Thursday. On an island that has grown accustomed to the absence of tourists, it was unusual to see a good number of people sitting drinking coffee or chatting in the armchairs at the entrance of the luxurious establishment.
“The pool gets pretty crowded on weekends,” a worker remarks. The prices are outrageous for the average Cuban: from $30 just to use the pool, to $200 for a six-person pass with drinks and food. In Cuban pesos, that’s 14,000 or 100,000, with an odd exchange rate of 480 CUP, quite different from the official rate of 527 per dollar.
The illusion is fleeting. The Hotel Sevilla, located in another prime downtown area of the capital, just steps from the Capitol Building, is completely empty. “Not a single foreigner: not in the lobby, not in the cafeteria, nowhere,” says a waiter. The crisis is even wiping out one of the hotels that in December still boasted of having almost everything. Here, a day at the pool is still affordable, at 8,000 pesos per person, which is why you can see—through the fence—a few Cubans hanging out. The cappuccino, at 450 pesos, is also cheaper than at the Cohiba, and you pay in cash, because there’s no Wi-Fi.
Offers for the Meliá Cohiba swimming pool. / 14ymedio
The two hotels, which represented stark contrasts on Wednesday when Cuba announced its partial withdrawal from the company managing them, will remain. For now. Spanish hotel chains have sought a middle ground in the face of US sanctions. The US Treasury Department will be able to impose fines starting tomorrow on foreign companies with ties to the military conglomerate Gaesa. The two largest players, continue reading
the Balearic Islands-based Meliá and Iberostar, have withdrawn from the properties where they had contracts with Gaviota, Gaesa’s hotel division—15 in the former case and six in the latter—and remain in the rest, owned by Cubanacán or Gran Caribe. This leaves Meliá with 19 hotels and Iberostar with six.
The Spanish Economy Minister, Carlos Cuerpo, was in the Caribbean on Wednesday for an official visit focused on strengthening business relations with Mexico. There, he addressed the issue hours after the Balearic government—of a different political persuasion—expressed a similar sentiment, and on Thursday the Council of Mallorca (the island’s governing body, controlled by the PP and Vox parties) did the same. Its Tourism Minister requested assistance from the central government. “In moments of uncertainty, it is important that companies know they have the support of the institutions, defending that they can carry out their activities with legal certainty, stability, and the maximum guarantees for their investments,” said Guillem Ginard.
Minister Cuerpo addressed the issue during an appearance in Mexico City: “We are closely monitoring the decisions of the US Administration regarding Cuba to minimize their impact on Spanish companies,” he said.
Cuerpo affirmed that the Spanish Government maintains a “permanent dialogue” with its companies to “help and support them at this time” and added that this backing is provided through the Economic and Commercial Office of Spain and the State Secretariat for Trade, which acts “as a bridge” including with the US authorities.
Spanish investments in Cuba are important, but it has fallen considerably in recent years. This June, the report from the cited Economic and Commercial Office in Havana recorded 70 investment transactions originating from Spain, in addition to 70 hotel management contracts. In total, since 1993, Spanish companies have invested €465 million in Cuba.
However, from 2018 to 2025, the drop is enormous. In these eight years, only 3.4 million euros were invested (0.7% of the total), the immense majority of which — 3 million euros — was invested in 2020, with a mere 442,230 euros in 2024 and only 9,990 euros in 2023. Furthermore, in five years of that period not a single euro was invested.
Of the total, the largest share corresponds to hotel services, at 34%, followed by tobacco, at 29%. Altadis, the Spanish tobacco company that merged with a French firm and is now part of the British group Imperial Tobacco, is the largest single investor, since it acquired 50% of Habanos SA in 2000 for $439 million. According to information published this Thursday in the newspaper El País, revenues for 2024 alone—$827 million—are double that investment.
The Sevilla hotel was a wasteland this Wednesday, coinciding with the announcement of Meliá’s partial withdrawal. / 14ymedio
With regards to Spanish exports to the island, they reached $870 million in 2024, although the data—from the latest published report—is quite outdated, especially considering the dramatic decline in recent months. For Spain, the island is not a major customer (ranking 51st globally and eighth in Latin America). “The exporting companies are mostly SMEs [Small and Medium size businesses]. More than 280 have a presence in the country through branches and more than 60 through investment projects,” the document states.
Added to this are the debts and non-payments, both with the State, and with hundreds of companies, who have even founded the Platform of Those Affected by the Non-Payments of the Cuban Government, whose amount they place at about 320 million euros.
Spanish hotel chains remain strongly linked to the regime through contracts with Cubanacán and Gran Caribe, and while there is speculation about whether there will be even more sanctions affecting these interests, analyses are multiplying that indicate the US is seeking a piece of the Cuban tourism pie.
Much further afield, from Jakarta, Indonesian hotel chain Archipelago International announced on Thursday its departure from Cuba, where it operated under the Aston chain.
The group’s communications director, Sari Purbaningrum, told the EFE news agency that “the global situation is uncertain for now” and his company is waiting “to see what happens” before deciding on a possible return to the island.
This Thursday, the main travel platforms no longer allowed booking rooms in any of the six hotels that the company operated on the Island, including Grand Aston Cayo Las Brujas, Aston Panorama Hotel or Aston Costa Verde Beach Resort.
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
Packed onto an electric tricycle through the streets of Havana, the passengers reminisce about better times.
In a city where every opportunity to get around shouldn’t be missed. / 14ymedio
14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, June 5, 2026 / After waiting for ages, I manage to catch an electric tricycle on Carlos III Street. There are already five passengers, so I’m the last to get on, and my leg doesn’t fit. The only option is to leave it dangling to get anywhere in a city where every opportunity to get around shouldn’t be missed. So I travel to Fraternity Park with my thigh, calf, and foot hanging off the vehicle. I feel lucky to finally reach my destination.
Across from me, a woman with a worried expression says she can’t take it anymore. “I moved to the Isle of Youth more than 20 years ago, when it seemed like things were finally going to take off,” she reminisces, though we’re all caught up in our own dramas. Me, for example, took my first shower in three days at two in the morning this Thursday. I no longer know if it’s day or night, and sleeping at least five hours straight seems like a painful pipe dream.
“I made a little money buying good fish on the Isle of Youth for 18 pesos a pound and selling it here in Havana for two CUCs [Cuban convertible pesos],” the talkative passenger explains. The mere mention of those chavitos sets off a wave of nostalgia in the entire vehicle. “We used to complain about that currency, but now we miss it,” remarks a man sitting next to me. The times of the dual currency system looms as a new period of nostalgia, much like the 1980s once did. A decade some remember as one of abundance, but which I recall as one of strict surveillance and absolutely Orwellian. continue reading
I no longer know if it’s day or night, and sleeping at least five hours continuously seems like a painful chimera.
“With the little money I made selling fish, I bought a house in Nueva Gerona, even though I’m from here, from Cerro,” the woman adds. “Now my little house is locked up there because there’s no way to leave the island; it’s like being in a double prison.” The tricycle advances. A Lada behind us accelerates, and the driver lets it pass, but not before shouting, “Are you in a hurry?” Haste is a bad advisor in a city at a standstill. Even looking at your watch is considered bad form in a country where time is worthless.
I get off in front of the Aldama Palace. The entire area is boarded up, and sections of the roof on the upper floor of the once-imposing building have collapsed. A toothless man offers me a handful of hibiscus flowers in exchange for some money to buy food for his “little granddaughter.” I take out an Antonio Maceo, as the 50-peso bill is known, and exchange it for the bouquet of fragile petals. There was a time when I used to walk around Havana eating these flowers. It was a mixture of hunger and experimentation. I know the best part. There’s a fleshy area just below the pistil that you can chew with gusto; it has a flavor reminiscent of almond, but much milder. If the authorities at the Ministry of Domestic Trade find out, they’ll ration the hibiscus flowers too.
I jump off the tricycle, my leg completely numb. I limp like an undignified old lady crossing Fraternity Park as frail as I am. I run a few errands nearby, but almost everywhere I go, I find closed doors and a power outage. “No country can function like this,” mutters an old man as he passes me. “No country, no services, no people,” I add, amidst a yawn that reminds me I’ve been up for nine hours after barely three hours of sleep.
Returning home. There’s a green minibus at the taxi stand for the route along Rancho Boyeros Avenue to Santiago de las Vegas. In the back, a refurbished area for passengers, there are two low benches facing each other, each meant to fit ten passengers. It iss not the time to be overweight. Anyone who gets on the vehicle with a few extra pounds is looked at suspiciously. Where that man displays a broader frame, that young woman must be squeezed against the next passenger. Size matters, and so do pounds.
When we are about to depart, a woman appears carrying a framed picture, one meter wide by one and a half meters high. It’s one of those cheap prints, mounted on flimsy wooden boards, with a photo of a quinceañera. She asks us to make room for her to put the image on board, which ends up dividing the bathyscaphe in half lengthwise. The airflow between the windows on either side is cut off, the passengers are separated by the flimsy structure, and the rickety vessel starts moving.
Así viajo, hasta el parque de la fraternidad, con el muslo, la pantorrilla y el pie colgado del vehículo. Me siento afortunada de llegar a mi destino. / 14ymedio
I look at the flowing blue dress of the quinceañera in the portrait. It’s accompanied by a smaller painting of her in a swimsuit, smiling in profile at the camera. There are still people celebrating birthdays, baptisms, and weddings amidst the disaster we’re living through, I tell myself. The woman asks for help covering the large painting with a sheet and explains, “They were asking for 8,000 pesos to Mazorra, and I can’t afford that.” Once aboard the bathyscaphe, like any other traveler, she paid 1,000 pesos and treated us all to a surreal scene.
I arrive at Boyeros and Tulipán. I get down carefully so as not to spoil the image of the quinceañera that everyone inside the car is protecting, as if to safeguard this innocence that the harshness of reality will shatter. I get out, pay the driver. I turn right. I reach into my purse and find the withered hibiscus. The Ministry of Transportation’s generator is already whirring, a sign that there’s no electricity at my house. I take a bite of the bunch of flowers and head towards my own hill, towards the steep mountain that awaits me.
COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.
EFE, Madrid, June 6, 2026 / Writing from the perspective of a foreigner lends literature a singular character, and migration transforms authors into figures who would never have existed had they remained in their home country. Several Latin American writers agreed on this idea during a conversation at the Madrid Book Fair on Friday.
