Proust’s Madeleines and Artemisa’s Cheese

Photos from a police raid on The Cheese King of Artemesia. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Generation Y, Havana, 31 August 2020 – We all have a mouthful that is the best we have ever eaten, a moment when all the taste buds explode with joy and leave an indelible mark on our memory. Mine was in Juchitán de Zaragoza, on the Isthmus of Tehuantepec, in Mexico. He was a small farmer who buried his arms in a white mass in a ramshackle barn, and I was a Cuban eager to try any dairy product.

With his hands he pulled out a piece of fresh cheese and offered it to me. The flies were hovering around, a couple of skinny dogs were eyeing me, and that white morsel was in front of my eyes and within reach of my nose. In a millisecond I took it and put it in my mouth. Since then, I have not felt anything so intense on my palate. Memory is also carved through taste (ask Marcel Proust) but a taste can trigger both memory and sadness.

Sadness, because in my country it would be impossible to repeat the image of that farmer proudly extending to me his piece of cheese. Sadness because a private producer would have to violate the law ten times every day on this island to achieve a product that impacts plates and memories. Sadness because a State has taken over the beef and dairy sector and left it with dry udders and empty mangers.

In other circumstances, the farmer from Artemisa, whom television presented a few days ago as a criminal, would be given a medal, promoted in his endeavor and had the formulas copied, by which — despite so many restrictions — he managed to make cheese in a country of starving cows and draconian laws. Just seeing the images of the police operation, my mouth began to salivate, as it did one day in a dark Mexican cowshed.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A History of the Chinese in Cuba

Havana’s Chinatown in 1958 (Archive)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Daína Chaviano, Havana, 17 August 2020 — If you have managed to get your hands on From Canton to Havana; A History of the Chinese in Cuba, by Alfredo Pong, you are one lucky reader. This is not one of those innocuous memoirs that are sometimes written about one particular family. This autobiographical work is a collection of unpublished accounts of Cuban society. Its author, the son of a Chinese father and Spanish mother, grew up in two different cultures and during two convulsive political eras that impacted a troubled and always surprising island to its soul.

While I was living in Cuba — I emigrated almost thirty years ago — I was completely unaware of this chapter of its history. Although I had several friends of Chinese descent, I never stopped to think about the ethnological significance of their presence in the Cuban population.

Many years would pass, after I settled in the United States, before I began to see the understated but noticeable prevalence of Asians in my country. It was a process that began to take shape as I was writing Man, Woman, Hunger, the third novel in the Hidden Havana series, in which the ghost of a Chinese mulatto appears. continue reading

This series was my effort to understand the spirit of the nation, distancing myself from the image marketed to the world’s tourists. The creative premise arises out of a question: What buried elements of our eccentricity have led us to socioeconomic chaos while at the same time giving us a foothold to our cultural and spiritual survival in the face of so much moral and material devastation?

To find my way on this complex journey, which I always suspected would not flow in one direction, I worked with different scenarios. With Havana as their starting point, they delve into various mythical/magical/folkloric dimensions associated with the principle ethnic groups that make up the Cuban people.

Beginning along the well-trodden Spanish and African paths, with their Celtic-Iberian and Yoruba elements, I came upon the Chinese path, whose importance I began to realize as I delved into the socio-economic foundations of the Cuban republic as it existed before 1959, the year the catastrophic change of direction in the island’s political alignment took place.

To my surprise, I did not find any novels that provided in-depth explorations of the Chinese community in Cuba. The number of ethnographic or statistical studies on the island’s Chinese population amounted to only ten. The bibliography I consulted provided immigration statistics and mentioned some culinary traditions, folkloric curiosities, a broad outline of their participation in the war of independence against Spain and other historical data. What was missing was the human context.

What was life like for these immigrants? How did they integrate into a society so different from their own? What did they eat at home? How did they relate to each other and with the rest of the population? What were their pastimes? What were their spiritual beliefs and practices? Did they adopt aspects of other religions like other ethnic groups in Cuba had done? What personal anecdotes could I use as a starting point to shape a fictional narrative based on real life?

I began making inquiries among my acquaintances in order to find direct descendants of Cuban-born Chinese who were living in Miami. This is how I found Alfredo Pong, an architect whom I had recently met but whose address I did not have. First he, and then his mother Matilde Eng, became the main living source material for my novel The Island of Eternal Love.

After long conversations with both of them, I became convinced that it would be a crime not to document everything about this fascinating world, lost in the macabre twists and turns of history. I mentioned this to Alfredo. I knew he was the person best suited to tell it. His father was born and raised in Canton. His mother was a blond Spanish woman, with green eyes, from Chantada, a town in Galicia.

Due to her family’s economic circumstances, his mother was sent to China as a child and adopted by a local family. She learned to speak Cantonese and forgot her native language, so much so that she had to relearn it when she returned to Cuba to get married. She never fully recovered her original language however. When I met her in Miami, she was 73-years-old and spoke Spanish with a syntax so convoluted that at times her son had to translate what she was telling me.

How this Spanish woman came to Cuba to marry a Cantonese immigrant is one of the stories told in this book. In the midst of the family drama, the author also provides an extraordinary account of the political climate of the time. He had a unique vantage point: some of his intimates and relatives had access to certain key players in the island’s political and social scenes.

Among the most valuable aspects of this book are the Chinese-Cuban recipes. Beginning in the mid-19th century, the influx of workers from Canton, and their subsequent intermingling with the island’s population, led to a unique culinary fusion. The Cantonese immigrants arriving from Canton — first as economic migrants fleeing famine and later as political expatriates fleeing the war — began their new lives in almost total isolation, a group for whom the food, habits and language of their hosts were completely alien.

Little by little, through the growth of family and business alliances, they began to prosper. Over the course of two generations, they managed to create a solid and highly regarded economic structure.

The scarcity of women in these immigration waves and the difficulties of arranging marriages, as was the custom in China, encouraged interracial marriages with white, mulatto and black women on the island. This gradually led to a cultural fusion of the traditions of both spouses.

Unlike what goes on in Cuban families, where women are always the cooks, in nuclear families where the husband is Cantonese, it is the men who are responsible for food preparation. Since they had grown accustomed to cooking for themselves, Chinese immigrants continued doing the same after starting their own families. This led to the creation of a diet that adapted Cantonese recipes to Cuban ingredients. From this was born a culinary fusion that existed nowhere else and that reached its zenith in the most famous Chinese restaurant of pre-revolutionary Havana: El Pacifico.

This spot became the reference point and mandatory mecca for the most emblematic examples of Chinese-Cuban cooking. But after the political changes that began in 1959, many of the original dishes disappeared. Due to food shortages, recipes were altered and original ingredients were replaced. Those who had grown up with the older versions were emigrating or dying off.

The book’s author, who as a child worked in the kitchen in this iconic restaurant, collects these recipes in his book. His memory and his skill as a cook have allowed him to preserve recipes for such well-known dishes as fried rice and wontons, whose Chinese-Cuban versions differ from those served in other countries.

Pong also takes us into the heart of Chinatown and its surrounding neighborhoods, with their famous laundries, their opium dens, their games of chance, such as the famous Cuban charada,* their fruit flavored ice creams and other traditions that still survive today, though often in adulterated forms, in the collective memory.

With Pong as tour guide, we travel the long, complex path of immigrants who were little more than slaves when they arrived on the island. This migration culminated in the creation of a social stratum in which almost every family created businesses that prospered until a catastrophe similar to the one that drove them from their native Canton forced them to emigrate once again.

Among the many revelations that appear in the book, one unusual example stands out: the hidden but ubiquitous presence of Chinese sorcery. It is common knowledge that ethnological studies on the spirituality and creeds of specific communities are usually written by outsiders (almost always academic researchers) who collect the information “at a distance,” without being followers of those belief systems or having shared the experiences described by their subjects. That is not the case here.

Through his memoirs, the author allows us to become participants in an enigmatic past based on his own experiences. These could be described as magical, paranormal or esoteric based the conventions by which these type of experiences are usually described. And yet some of his most implausible occurrences are within the realm of reality.

Unlike other similar belief systems, Chinese black magic is so secretive that few have ever heard of it. And those who are aware of it have never been able to uncover its mysteries, much less study them. However, its scope has been recognized by several researchers, notably the anthropologist Lydia Cabrera. In The Mountain, her seminal work on Afro-Cuban beliefs and rituals, she repeatedly discusses one distinctive feature: “Chinese magic is reputed to be both the most dangerous and most powerful of them all. And as Afro-Cubans say, only someone who is Chinese would be able to defeat it. The terrible truth is that no Chinese will undo a curse that a compatriot has placed on someone.”

After decades of patient persistence and tenacity, researchers such as Cabrera were able to uncover the secrets of Afro-Cuban religions by gaining the confidence of its priests and practitioners. The same could not be said of Chinese sorcery.

Cabrera mentions the case of of one of her sources, José de Calazán Herrera, a man who was already steeped in the world of Afro-Cuban witchcraft. Though he had trekked all over the island to learn more about Chinese sorcerers, he “could never uncover any of their secrets or learn anything from them.” His did reveal some discoveries: “that they eat a paste made from the eyes and brains of bats, which was believed to be excellent for preserving eyesight; that they a make a very potent poison from lettuce; that they use a ceremonial lamp in religious devotions that, when lit, shines brightly but does not burn; that they always keep a full container magic water behind a door that they throw behind the backs of people they want to harm; that they feed their dead very well.”

The italics that appear in the quote above are mine. I have added them because the assertion plays an important role in the last part of this account. The existence of a poison extracted from lettuce — impossible to detect, according to Pong — was a point of interest to Cuba’s Ministry of the Interior, especially to State Security, which imprisoned and threatened a Chinese sorceress with knowledge of its formula to prevent her from revealing it, an incident which sheds light on yet another of the shady tactics the government has been using for more than sixty years.

Incidentally, this episode could also explain certain rumors that for years have swirled through the island’s political history, stories about government ministers, officials and military leaders who fell victim to unexpected but convenient “natural” deaths shortly after being accused of treason and removed from power. Details like this shed light on a world that has, until now, remained hidden but is worthy of further in-depth investigation.

But from whatever perspective someone may want to approach this book —ethnographic, gastronomic, esoteric or simply human — it will undoubtedly lead to a experience that will enrich his or her vision of the Chinese presence in Cuba.

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The book, From Canton to Havana; A History of the Chinese in Cuba (De Cantón a La Habana. Una historia de chinos en Cuba), by Alfredo Pong Eng, is published in Spain by Aduana Vieja.

* Translator’s note: A Cuban lottery that translates common words into numbers. Players select their numbers to play by looking up meaningful words on the chart. Words are often chosen based on their personal significance to individual players.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

To Many Cubans the Cheese King of Artemisa Is a Hero, Not a Criminal

Photos from a police raid on The Cheese King of Artemesia. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, August 31, 2020 ‚ The Cheese King, a cattle rancher from Artemisa province who was arrested and charged with illicit economic activity, has found solidarity on social networks after a Saturday news broadcast on Cuban Television in which a police raid on his factory was reported.

The raid took place on the Santa Ana farm, a property belonging to the Ciro Redondo Cooperative, in the town of Caimito. The factory’s main customers were three Italian restaurants in Playa, a town on the outskirts of Havana.

“Whose cows are they anyway? Who feeds them? These guys are useless. They take away his cows and close his cheese business when they should instead be encouraging him to produce cheese, to produce milk. You have to stop this now,” comments Juan Armand Cureaux.

The farmer, who owns forty-two cows, is alleged to have delivered only 70 liters of milk a day to the state instead of the 152 liters he was required to turn over. continue reading

For decades, the state has held a monopoly on the sale of dairy, beef and other cattle-based products. Cattle owners are not allowed to sell cheese, milk, butter or meat from their animals. They are also not allowed to slaughter animals without prior government authorization. An official inspector must first certify there is a need to slaughter an animal and then ensure that all its body parts are delivered to state-owned entities.

“Cubans are waiting on production results while the government is shutting down production [when it should be encouraging it.] That’s why we don’t have anything, why no one wants to produce. These people invest in and grow their businesses and you [officials] come, stick your noses into it and take everything away. Support them and keep some of the results for the benefit of the people,” says Alejandro Reyes.

Restrictions on Cuban cattle raising have led to a complicated framework of tricks to gain control of meat from the animal and any other products derived from it. One of these involves tying an animal to railroad tracks so that it is killed by an oncoming train, leaving the owner free to make use of the carcass. Another involves declaring newborn female calves to be male, thus avoiding having to report and hand over to the state any milk or offspring they later produce.

In the raid agents seized 316 liters of milk, 353 pounds of cheese, 140 liters of chlorine, two weights, jugs, molds, industrial steel tanks, a nylon sealing machine and other implements.

“I would give this man the biggest abandoned cheese factory in Cuba. I would create new jobs and there would be no shortage of cheese. These people only want to keep Cubans from getting ahead,” says Lachi Maye Aguilar, to which Manuel Mons adds, “If that man had been able to legalize his business, he would be the biggest cheese producer in Cuba. But, no, you have to shut everything down and limit people!”

Another outraged user, Reinier Rivera, writes, “They [the state] can’t even provide people with that much milk. They’re shameless! Why don’t they arrest the company directors and the government leaders who steal. Those are things that do affect the country’s economy and the people. They should shame them on television the way they do with private business owners.”

Last month, after announcing new economic measures to address the pandemic and opening new hard currency stores, the regime launched a campaign against small producers and private business owners, whom it blames for hoarding and scarcity.

Most private businesses that offer dairy-based products often turn to the underground market. Artemisa province is the main supplier of dairy products to Havana’s black market, which provides the glass of milk that many families have for breakfast as well as the cheese used in privately owned pizzerias.

The raid in Artemisa took place a few weeks after the government announced that that it was preparing to authorize the formation of small and medium-sized private companies, SMEs, which supposedly will be able to import and export though state intermediaries, thus contributing to the development of the private sector economy.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Cuban Opposition Cautiously Welcomes the Creation of the People’s Party

Otaola insists that he “values, respects and admires” the work of the different opposition groups and that his initiative does not seek to divide. (AP courtesy el Nuevo Herald)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Luz Escobar and Mario J. Pentón, Havana/Miami | 27 August 2020 — Thousands of followers of Alex Otaola have enthusiastically received the creation of the People’s Party, announced on Tuesday by the Cuban presenter living in Miami. This initiative wants to be an “alternative” to the monopoly exercised by the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC), the only one authorized on the island.

On the other hand, opposition groups within the island and in exile have been more cautious about the new proposal.

“The other opposition groups are not political parties, they are movements. None have presented themselves as a political party. There have been no elections or voting,” Otaola told el Nuevo Herald. “We have a plan for governance. We want to stand up to the Cuban Communist Party (PCC). People will be able to register, vote, participate. The other initiatives call for actions, I don’t think this is a reason for problems or divisions, it is something that comes together.”

“We want it to have its own leaders, that the people can decide, so that we can present ourselves to the world as the organized opposition that is proposing a path, a change,” he said. continue reading

Otaola assured that he “values, respects and admires” the work of the different opposition groups and that his initiative does not seek to divide, but rather “to join forces in a common idea, in what brings us together.”

As he explained to this newspaper, his “detractors” have begun to attack his initiative, “without analyzing it.”

The influencer said he has not received any response from exile and diaspora leaders to his proposal, but that “it is still early for that.”

Otaola stressed that his intention is not “to become a political leader, or to be the president of a party,” nor does he completely rule out being elected as a representative of the People’s Party.

Members of the People’s Party may be those “born in Cuba, or descendants of Cubans up to the third generation, regardless of their place of residence.” As explained by the new party, the organization will allow double membership during the first four years, “with the exception of those affiliated with the Communist Party.”

The website of the new party initially presented a list of “founders” that served as a reference to the creators of this project, but the list was later deleted.

Regime opponent Martha Beatriz Roque, a former political prisoner of the Black Spring Group of 75, told 14ymedio that the list included “the names of the people who they say are the founders” but later said “were the inspirers.”

“The fact that you inspire the party should be an acknowledgment, but in this case all the names are intermixed and people have called me and I did not know of the existence of the party although my name was there,” she said.

“I think that was not ethical enough to start with, it was not as beautiful as possible,” said the leader of the Network of Community Journalists and Communicators. “I am not a member of any party nor do I plan to be.”

Otaola said it was “a mistake” that was made when creating the list. “They are inspiring, ideologues on whom we rely to create this party. We do not want them to believe that we are disrespectful, but rather pay tribute to the best ideas within the opposition,” he said.

From Miami, Eliécer Ávila, leader of the Somos+ [We are More] Political Movement, said he was “very happy” that a “new political option” has been born for Cubans. “If we bring together some Cubans to fight for freedom, José Daniel Ferrer does the same with UNPACU and Otaola does the same with the People’s Party, there will be more of is in the fight against tyranny. From Somos+ you can expect all kinds of collaboration,”  he expressed.

For the regime opponent and academic Manuel Cuesta Morúa, “any attempt to unite Cubans wherever they are” is valid and positive “to try to promote change as a whole.”

“What I would like to emphasize is that, speaking of epicenters, all efforts from abroad must take into account that the epicenter of change is Cuba and these efforts should be aimed at supporting initiatives that can be promoted or encouraged within Cuba, to try to achieve democratic change,” he told this newspaper by telephone.

Lawyer Eloy Viera, for his part, explained to el Nuevo Herald that another “electoralist” party, as is, in his opinion, the one proposed by Otaola, “does not make a difference.”

“My biggest concern with what Otaola proposes is that it is not a party that seeks the union of Cubans, but rather to take for granted a group of issues that are still being discussed today and that directly affect Cubans who have to actively participate in a change in Cuba: those from within,” said Viera.

He also pointed out that the program they propose “aims to solve a problem at a stroke that does not admit a single legal solution, since the discussions around the matter are very disparate.”

Viera stressed that the program omits “the way to return sovereignty to the people.”

“They intend to offer a program of governance, which goes as far as considering the number of ministries, but it is unable to offer an institutional system that really says how the people are going to enjoy that sovereignty,” he said.

“In practice, even in the liberal system where you live [United States], popular sovereignty is only achieved through institutions,” he said.

However, he pointed out that as an “option that enriches the necessary diversity that must exist in Cuba” the project seems “respectable.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The ‘Coleros’ Are Winning the Propaganda Battle Against the Communist Regime

Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel appearing on an earlier Roundtable TV program — with its updated set — on Cuban State television (Twitter)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Eliás Amor Bravo, Economist, August 26, 2020 — Are the coleros (people who stand in line for others) so bad? Is the repression against them justified?

The unending lines that stretch for blocks in the early hours of dawn are a habitual phenomenon in the geography of Cuban commerce, above all for buying basic goods for the daily diet, like oil or chicken, and household cleaning products like detergent.

Many people detest these lines and can’t even get what they want after long hours of waiting. This happens not only to those who are last in line but also because the merchandise is limited and rarely responds to the needs of the population. Others simply can’t be in line, either because they’re at work or have family members who need attention, or simply because they have some disability that prevents them from standing in line.

In all these cases, which are many, the solution for avoiding the lines comes from anonymous citizens who provide them with a service in exchange for a remuneration. It’s normal. The cost of opportunity is fundamental for an economy to function. continue reading

The colero, which is the derogatory term used by the Government against these citizens, sells a place at the front of the line, which assures the buyer that he can get what he wants. But in order to formalize this transaction, the colero has to claim the space by spending the night outdoors in the line and sacrifice hours of his leisure time with his family. Nothing is free.

Seeing that these people have created an informal “market” and are satisfying the needs of citizens, the Regime decided to create “groups to confront coleros and resellers” throughout the whole island, accusing them in official propaganda of being guilty of creating the lines. The idea was that these intervention groups would reduce the participation of people in lines; especially because of Covid-19, since there’s a need to keep a safe distance.

Beginning August 1, the Regime created these groups for preventing and confronting the coleros, resellers and hoarders with the goal of “organizing the lines and eliminating the lists with names and identity card numbers and turns granted to some people for several days”. What’s curious is that these groups include bosses, officials and members of mass organizations, which shows the inability of the police and army to prevent crowds in the present situation of crisis. But there are also doubts about whether these people shouldn’t be at work instead of denouncing and repressing their fellow citizens. In spite of the repressive climate, the protests have been extended throughout the whole country.

However, as expected, these groups haven’t given the Regime the results it wanted, and the lines, each time longer and more disorganized, continue, and the informal commerce increases in a spectacular way. The repression doesn’t help solve problems that have to do, above all, with the scarcity of basic goods. The situation with imports got worse last year because of the Government’s lack of hard currency and the low general productivity of the economic system, especially in agriculture. In addition, the arrival of Covid-19 aggravated these structural factors even more.

Instead of trying to solve the main problems, the Regime goes back to its old ways: repression, denouncement and prison. What it’s always done in these cases. Thinking that the State Security police or the anti-colero groups will be the solution to the problem is stupid, since the problem’s origin is in the general shortages suffered by the country.

In addition, the Regime has failed in other ways with its actions against the coleros. It’s not a matter of isolated cases, and many people have discovered how profitable this activity is, as much for satisfying the needs of others as for earning a profit, the big enemy of the Cuban Communist Regime. Those who have been arrested return to the activity as soon as they can, as do those whom the Regime tries to “reorient” through the mass organizations.

The people who engage in this activity, selling a place in line as a way of life, agree that in spite of the risk of being arrested and prosecuted, they get paid better with this informal work than any employee in the budgeted sector, which is dominated by low salaries, precarious work, poor working conditions and a lack of opportunity for professional and social development.

The Government’s repression has been directed not only against the coleros but also against resellers and those they call “hard currency traffickers”, who offer dollars in exchange for Cuban pesos or Cuban convertible pesos so people can open an account in the banks, get debit cards and shop in the hard currency stores. Other citizens have been prosecuted for alleged crimes of “speculation and hoarding”, for having bought merchandise with the purpose of reselling it.

Some sources on the Island note that behind the shortages also exists “a scheme of misappropriation by corrupt leaders, who never have stood in line exposing their health or that of their family”. Luckily, many citizens have understood that the shortage of goods in the economy is the cause of the huge lines and not the acts of the coleros, hoarders and resellers, and they blame the Regime for not taking responsibility for its own inefficiency. Cubans in the diaspora rarely have to stand in line to buy in stores in Madrid, Hialeah or México. This evil is endemic in the economic system of the Island.

This concept has spread like wildfire in Cuba, and the Regime’s official propaganda hasn’t been successful in its campaign of harassment and denunciation of the coleros and resellers. Now there’s no Fidel Castro to reign in these actions with his traditional uproar, and president Díaz-Canel offers a different kind of authoritarian leadership. Rather, the opposite has been produced, now that the attacks of the official editorials, and on the episodes of the Roundtable program on Cuban TV, and in Party meetings, haven’t managed to exempt the Government leadership and divert attention from the reality, which is none other than the Government’s inability to satisfy the basic needs of the population. And this is good news. There are dangerous curves ahead.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Paraguayan Meat is For Sale in Cuban Stores in Dollars

Between January and July of this year, Cuba bought 47.8 tons of meat from the Paraguayan companies Vima World Ltda. and the Importadora, Exportadora y Comercializadora MTG Ltda. (Government of Paraguay)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 27 August 2020 — “We do not cut or filet, you take everything or nothing,” says an employee of the meat products stall in the hard currency store on Boyeros Street, in Havana. Despite the high price, the loin, sirloin and neck are very successful in freely convertible currency establishments, where customers buy pieces of meat imported from Paraguay using magnetic cards loaded with foreign currency.

“It makes no sense for me to take all that, so I came with a friend to share it half each,” said a buyer who paid 30 dollars for a loin weighing less than two kilograms, the equivalent of the monthly salary of a professional on the Island.

Between January and July of this year, Cuban imports of beef from that small South American country increased substantially to supply the new stores that sell in foreign currency, reports the Paraguayan media Ultima Hora. continue reading

The Island bought 47.8 tons of meat in that period from the companies Vima World Ltda. and the Importadora, Exportadora y Comercializadora MTG Ltda, both with foreign capital and associated with the Cuban Chamber of Commerce.

According to the Paraguayan Foreign Ministry, quoted by that media, the sale of meat in the middle of the pandemic “reaffirms the superior quality of the product, whose acceptance among the population is high precisely due to the excellence of the national meat production in its diverse levels.”

Between January and July 2020, Cuba invested $287,591 in this imported product, at a price of $6,017 per ton, higher than the amount paid by the island last year, the Paraguayan authorities said.

The same thing happened with some other countries that supply meat. In the first half of 2019, Cuba became the third biggest customer in Chile, behind China and Canada. In 2016, it became the 15th biggest market for the export of Colombian beef.

The supply of beef has suffered ups and downs in the foreign exchange markets and in many cases “to buy it you have to wake up in front of the store to be among the first to buy,” warns the custodian of the La Puntilla shopping center, in the Havana municipality of Playa. “Every day we take out a quantity but it is in high demand because it is clean and high quality meat, in addition to the fact that in this area there are many private restaurants that buy here.”

Without being sacred, as in India, the cow in Cuba is a highly controlled animal and the sale of its meat has been an exclusive monopoly of the State for decades. Domestic meat is barely found in official markets, and in informal networks it is very hidden due to the high penalties associated with the illegal slaughter of animals, the sale of beef and reception.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Quarantine Arrives in Santa Marta, a Community Near Varadero

Two Cubans with facemasks on a bicycle, one of the island’s means of transportation (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 28 August 2020 — The limitation in the entry and exit of people, the increase in medical control and the reorganization of work, are some of the measures experienced by about 15,000 inhabitants of the town of Santa Marta, a community very close to the Varadero spa , in Matanzas.

As of this Thursday, when the restrictive quarantine began in that area, the Government has tried to ensure that the population remains in their homes as long as possible by delivering “packages of basic necessities,” says a report in the official press.

A nurse from Santa Marta with Covid-19 infected 23 people with the epidemic to date, 15 of them in Cárdenas. continue reading

The Matanzas authorities said that the outbreak occurred when sanitary and security measures were violated in workplaces where workers with symptoms were allowed to enter, so it is not ruled out to quarantine manzanas with already confirmed cases of Covid-19, without this implying involving a whole neighborhood.

Up to 1,000 PCR tests will also begin in the next few hours to cover the popular council of Humberto Álvarez and selected areas in the city of Cárdenas.

To the isolation decreed in Santa Marta are added the quarantines of the Naranjal neighborhood, in the city of Matanzas, and that of Triunvirato, in Limonar. The province had 58 days without reporting a new case of Covid-19, between June and the first days of August. In the province this Friday there were 31 active cases, 24 of them residents of Cárdenas.

The community of Santa Marta, located at the entrance to Varadero, constitutes a area that supports the tourist activity of the famous spa. Many residents of the area work in the state hotel industry or rent their houses for tourism purposes.

This August 28, it was also reported in the official media that the start of the school year at the University of Matanzas was suspended until further notice because 706 students and 110 workers from that school reside in Cárdenas.

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Cuban Government Decrees a Curfew in Havana to Contain the Pandemic

It is the first time since the pandemic began that Havana has suffered such restrictive measures. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 28 August 2020 — As of September 1st Havana will suffer the most restrictive measures so far to contain the rise in infections of Covid-19.

As announced this Thursday by Reinaldo García Zapata, governor of Havana, on the Roundtable program, people and vehicles will be prohibited from to move from 7 pm to 5 am; all private transport will be restricted during the day; and visits with citizens of other provinces, even for work reasons, will be forbidden for 15 days.

“Only residents and cargo transportation will be able to enter the capital,” said García Zapata. In addition, state centers that “are not engaged in continuous production or prioritized will remain closed or with the minimum number of workers possible, so remote work will be prioritized,” said the official. continue reading

Havanans will only be able to shop in businesses in the municipality where they reside and the hours of all stores will be reduced, to Monday through Saturday from 9 am to 4 pm and Sundays from 9 am to 1 pm. “The distribution of products in vulnerable areas or blind spots will be strengthened,” said García Zapata.

At the same time, the movement of street vendors between municipalities will be limited, “with the objective that there is no movement and they only sell in their municipality of residence”, in addition to applying fines with “high amounts for the incorrect use of the facemask, the use of cultural and sports areas and the performance of exercises, games or being on the public roads.”

The fines for a workplace that does not comply with the measures will be 3,000 pesos and for natural persons, 2,000.

The prime minister, Manuel Marrero Cruz, justified the restrictions saying that “they intend to increase the rigor, and have a balance between being fair and at the same time strong enough to contain the situation,” and, the Cuban News Agency emphasizes, they will be aimed at “promoting teleworking, controlling mobility, and increasing disciplinary measures against those who violate the provisions.”

The prime minister assured that several contagion events reported in other provinces “involved a Havanan,” in his words, “which does not mean that citizens of the city should be rejected, as it cannot be generalized, and not all of them are undisciplined or violate what is established.”

Two weeks after entering the first phase of the de-escalation in early July, the Cuban capital began to see an alarming rise in coronavirus infections. The death toll now reaches 92, the new confirmed daily numbers continue to rise and the sum of seriously ill and critically ill patients rises to 21. The total number of positives as of August 26 is 3,806.

The situation pushed Havana back to the previous phase and the authorities again imposed restrictive measures, although never as rigorous as those announced on Thursday. The return to classes, which will take place on September 1 in the rest of the provinces, has been delayed.

The official press also reported that from April to date the popular courts in Havana sentenced 60% of those punished for illegal economic activities to prison terms; while 70% of those tried for propagation of epidemics, contempt, disobedience and resistance ended up in prison.

The Cuban government began on Monday the first clinical trials of its own vaccine, which it has called Sovereign and on which it is focusing its hopes and propaganda.

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Cubans Prohibited From Lining Up at Stores at Night

Last weekend, at dawn, in front of the Maisí store on Infanta Street, dozens of people were waiting to achieve the first positions. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Luz Escobar, Havana, 28 August 2020 — Long before the pandemic began, even before the “economic situation” was announced last September, the verbs mark (your place in line), wake up early and wait have been the most conjugated in Cuba. The lines that have accompanied our lives for decades have increased in size and gained prominence in the streets of this Island.

“I managed to get chicken on Tuesday in El Danubio because I stood in line from five. If I had arrived at the time the store opens, I wouldn’t have gotten even mayonnaise,” a woman lamented this Thursday before a young military man, wearing an orange vest, who was trying to evict several people who a little earlier set up the line to access the store near Calle 26, in El Vedado.

We are not coleros (people paid to stand in line for others), we are the heads of the family fighting to guarantee daily food. There aren’t any coleros here, those are organized from the day before and here, not even if you stand in front of the store when it closes, doyou manage to be the first,” the woman claimed before the silent military man and assured him that she had marked her place when the sun had not yet risen. continue reading

In some state stores employees have been hanging signs warning that it is forbidden to “line up before six in the morning.” (Facebook)

Now with the new restrictive measures that will come into effect next Tuesday in Havana, being in the street between seven at night and five in the morning will be prohibited. The hundreds or thousands of people who left left home before the “rooster’s crow” to try to guarantee something to eat, will have to wait for the curfew to end.

It is not a new obstacle. On August 2, the authorities in Havana began the offensive that was called “Operation to fight against coleros“, which includes the prohibition of standing in line near the store at night and at dawn. However, the lines continued to proliferate everywhere.

Last weekend, at dawn, in front of the Maisí store on Infanta Street, dozens of people were waiting to achieve the first places in line. A few meters away, in the popular Parque Trillo, the panorama was repeated amidst the shadows and doubts about the products that customers would find when the nearest store opened.

But these hours of darkness and anguish could change in a few days, because the authorities have threatened hefty fines for those who violate the curfew that will take effect on September 1st and continue for 15 days. The threat is unlikely to wipe out the crowds to buy food, but they will have to arrange themselves differently.

In some state stores, employees have been hanging posters warning that it is forbidden to “stand in line before six in the morning”, “line up for more than one person” or draw up “a list” with names and Identity Card numbers to guarantee your position in line. What will happen when all these restrictions take effect?

The hours of darkness and anguish could change because the authorities have threatened fines to those who violate the curfew. (14ymedio)

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A Troubled River, a Win for Fishermen in Cienfuegos

This area of the Cienfuegos bay is heavily polluted by industrial waste and the sewage ditches from the closest neighborhood. (Facebook / Cienfuegos Encanta / Yoel de la Paz and Mercedes Caro)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 25 August 2020 — The southern coast of Cuba has been one of the areas most affected by the winds from Tropical Storm Laura, but not all of the effects have been bad news. Eager to get hold of food amid the shortage crisis, hundreds of residents of the city of Cienfuegos approached the sea to fish in the waters churned by the storm.

Images of adults, children and entire families trying to catch the fish that the storm surges pushed close to shore have been widely shared on social media. In the photos, some are seen trying to fish by hand, while others carry gadgets such as buckets, fan housings, and in a few cases small nets.

“Here people often fish or try to find the odd shrimp or oyster. This despite the fact that it is prohibited. The bay is very polluted in this area by industrial waste and by the sewage ditches in the neighborhood, which flow onto the beach “says Magalys Sosa, a resident of the La Reina neighborhood, one of the poorest in the city and bordering the bay. continue reading

“We were afraid that the sea would rise. They always ask us to evacuate in case a hurricane comes because these houses are on land stolen from the sea,” he added.

The community where Sosa lives is known as “the new houses.” It is a settlement built for the victims of Hurricane Lili, which hit Cienfuegos in 1996.

For Eloy, another neighbor in the area, “the neighborhood got hot.”

“People began to shout that there were fish on the shore and everyone went out with what they could to collect them. There are even those who sold minutes with those fish. With the hunger that exists, everything is for sale here,” he says.

Fish is one of the scarcest products in the daily diet of Cubans and, with the exception of small fishing villages where many carry out their work clandestinely and sell part of what they obtain from the sea in the informal market, most families of the Island only eat shellfish, fish or crustaceans very sporadically.

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Monetary Unification: The Story Never Ends


14ymedio biggerEliás Amor Bravo, Economist, August 24, 2020 — Perhaps, possibly, together with salaries, housing and the daily worry about food, monetary unification has become one of the main problems for Cubans. There is proof of that. The article published in Granma with the title “Monetary unification is on the horizon in Cuba”, in which several specialists from the Central Bank of Cuba analyzed this question, has had up to now 71 comments (a record for the official Communist Party newspaper). And if they’re analyzed in detail, they are critical and show that many Cubans are feeling hopeless.

With good reason. The Government has spent almost 10 years on this matter, since it occurred to Raúl Castro, in 2011, that he would have to unify the two currencies that circulated on the Island, recognizing that this anomaly created a lot of problems for the economy. Since then, the issue has been like the Guadiana River in Spain, which appears and disappears along its journey but always is there without anyone knowing very well what the result will be, and what Cubans most fear is the consequence of monetary unification on their lives.

Let’s put the problem in perspective. What’s certain is that monetary unification and exchange rates aren’t matters that concern the Government. If they were, it wouldn’t have taken nine years turning over something that, almost always, for one reason or another, keeps getting postponed. Now the justification is obvious, if you take into account the direct impact of COVID-19 on the Cuban economy. continue reading

If the Government doesn’t care, it’s because it benefits from the dual currency. To begin with, it doesn’t have to submit the Cuban peso (CUP) to the international demand for currencies, so, being isolated from international global markets, its value, credibility and responsibility pass to a second plane.

The Cuban convertible peso (CUC) becomes an “intermediary” between the world currency and the nation’s, and thanks to this, the Government keeps a part of any transaction. Hard currencies are needed to stay on the business circuit, which is cut off from the economy, and only small tourism companies have begun to participate, although in a limited way.

The problem is that the CUC loses value as a monetary unit because the relationship between money and production is unbalanced, and its depreciation is perceptible. The Government has adopted several measures to promote the weakness of the CUC in relation to the CUP. However, what has happened is that both monies are sinking. A bad business.

The explanation is found in the Cuban preference for the dollar. Not only because it gives access to a greater number of goods and services but also because it’s a guarantee of stability in the medium and long term. Some have wanted to see a return to the most difficult years of the Special Period, with an eventual dollarization of the economy. Without going to this extreme, the strength of the dollar presents notable challenges to the process of monetary unification.

Why are the CUC and CUP losing buying power so quickly and the dollar now being exchanged at more than 1.25 in such a short time? The explanation is found in the economy. The Government collects CUC and CUP but lacks dollars. And people act in accord even more than is necessary by opening bank accounts to get the debit cards that allow them to buy goods and services, with a significant increase in buying power with respect to the rest of the population.

Some may believe that 1993 and 1994 are back, and they’re right. At that time, the Government stopped penalizing Cubans for having and using dollars; the shops collected hard currency; the export of services, especially tourism, was promoted; and, there was an opening to foreign investment and the authorization of remittances from abroad. In addition, the Government allowed the principal exporters to retain part of the hard currency that was coming in, and certain business transactions were done in dollars. Same lyrics, maybe different music, i.e. same argument, perhaps different implementation.

The problem then and also now is that the Government never adopted measures of discipline and economic control over salaries, subsidies and the other usual costs of the budget in order to cope with a deficit of two percentage points over GDP. This internal lack of control was perhaps the main obstacle to unification. In fact, the CUC rose precisely in an attempt to confront this internal and external lack of control. And thus, with the passage of time, a segment of “poverty” appeared in the Cuban economy, where salaries, security and social assistance, services, food products and many other activities were carried out in Cuban pesos, while another sector of the population enjoyed the advantage of having access to “strong” money and hard currency.

So that the Government has little interest in solving problems that are increasing, like the coexistence of the dual currency and exchange rate, which creates distortion in economic activity with one kind of exchange rate in the entrepreneurial sector (1 CUP=1 CUC=1 dollar), which doesn’t reflect reality and creates an obstacle for exports at the same time it stimulates imports. Problems arise with accounting, pricing, the use of currencies and their deposit, both formally and informally. The tsunami increases every time.

Karina Cruz Simón, a consultant at the Central Bank of Cuba, has explicitly reflected on the origin of the problem. In her opinion, the “stability” of the national money (CUP) is accomplished by ensuring that the printing of money corresponds with the evolution of the real or productive economy. A good choice, which makes us ask when this necessary equilibrium was produced in the Cuban economy.

We need only look at two points of data. With the economy growing at the end of last year by 0.5%, the participation of the money in circulation in the GDP approached 30%. It’s not strange that the spectre of structural inflation appeared from time to time and remains latent in the economy. The authorities solve this by undersupplying the shops. The inflation differential of the Cuban currencies compared to that of hard currencies (the dollar or euro, for example) helps explain the growing deterioration in the buying power of these currencies and, above all, in their credibility.

The bank consultant pointed out that “a favorable scenario for the Cuban peso to comply with its functions and manage to preserve macroeconomic equilibrium implies a type of change that approaches the offer and demand of hard currency, the existence of clear regulations for the printing of money, so that there is just the amount of money needed, and discipline between the Government’s income and expenses (control of the public debt).”

She adds that “it is important that there be coordination among the organizations charged with conducting macroeconomic policies, such as transitioning from an administrative direction to using financial instruments, so that prices can offer signs for a better performance for consumers, producers and the general planning of the economy”.

I’ll say it again: The lyrics are well written, the problem is the music. Or, in this case, the argument is very good, the problem is the implementation.

How can a monetary exchange like the offer and demand for hard currency be accomplished when the two Cuban currencies aren’t present in international markets, nor do they have that goal?

How can you establish clear regulations for the printing of money if the demand for money in the economy, especially coming from the State, doesn’t stop increasing?

What must be done to discipline the State in its management of income and public expenses, especially with a serious situation like the one posed by COVID-19?

The icing on the cake comes with that requirement of “coordination among the organizations charged” to achieve a “stable offer and quality of goods and services that can be acquired in the national money” and “the need to create conditions that stimulate people and businesses to save and obtain credit in the national money”. The question is, how is this supposed to happen? By Machado Ventura’s* “harangues”?

The conclusion is that the Central Bank of Cuba, dominated by the Communist Government and without the autonomy that monetary policy demands, cannot achieve monetary unification from the technical point of view, so this process will end up being the result of a policy decision some day when it’s least expected.

*Machado Ventura, Second Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, “harangued” the farmers in June 2020, calling on them to increase food production by cultivating all the land.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Trials of Cuba’s ‘Sovereign’ Vaccine Mix Science and Political Propaganda

The study that began this Monday at the National Toxicology Center should end on January 11, 2021. (Ismael Francisco / Cubadebate)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 25 August 2020 — Twenty volunteers, aged between 19 and 59, participated this Monday in the first clinical trial of the Cuban vaccine against covid-19, which was announced last week.

The pages of the official press show them dressed in a white pullover that highlights, in capital letters, half in red, half in blue, the name of the compound, Soberana (Sovereign).

The scientists leading this trial, which was conducted at the National Toxicology Center, hope that the administration of the vaccine will be safe, “with no more than 5% of individuals with serious adverse affects.”

In addition, they assure that they will be responsible “for ensuring good clinical practices”, guaranteeing security and reliability in the data that, as they explain, must be “traceable” and “reproducible”. continue reading

“The aim is for the study to be transparent and auditable by the competent authorities,” said Dr. Carlos Alberto González Delgado, head of the center’s clinical trials unit.

The Cuban Public Registry of Clinical Trials highlighted that the study “has the purpose of evaluating the safety, reactogenicity and immunogenicity” in a two-dose scheme. Participants will be 676 people between 19 and 80 years of age, without clinically significant abnormalities, leaving prior evidence of their consent. At each stage, two groups will be created, one between 19 and 59 years old and another between 60 and 80.

The study must end on January 11, 2021 and the commitment is that the results will be available from February 1, although they will not be published until February 15, according to this same source on its website.

In response to the user @CubanoEnCuba1, who stated on Twitter that Sovereign “is the Russian vaccine,” the research director of the Finlay Institute, Dagmar García Rivera replied: “You are in error. The Russian vaccine is based on an adenovirus vector, the Cuban one. It is a protein subunit. They are two different vaccine technologies. #Soberana is Cuban.”

Beatriz Paredes Moreno, specialist in the direction of clinical research and impact evaluation of the Finlay Vaccine Institute, assures that in this first phase of the study, “at all times” there will be presence “of an active control” and the volunteers will all be evaluated in the same center where the test is carried out.

According to the experts, the method to be used, “double blind”, translates into “minimizing the subjectivity of the researchers, following a rigorous scheme: neither the subject, nor the researchers, nor the clinical laboratory know what they are evaluating”.

“Once the first week elapses and the result of the safety of the candidate vaccine is seen, we will issue a report to the regulatory agency, the Center for State Control of Medicines, Equipment and Medical Devices, which is in charge of certifying the second group of subjects, between the ages of 60 and 80,” explained Paredes Moreno.

An independent committee, made up of professionals from other institutions outside the center promoting the trial, such as the Pedro Kourí Institute of Tropical Medicine or the Ministry of Public Health, will monitor the development of the study. These entities are not independent from the Government.

According to the characteristics of the trial, of the first 20 volunteers, eight receive a low dose, eight a higher dose and four do not receive the vaccine. Volunteers are informed of how the process is progressing at all times and whenever they decide they can withdraw.

From the first day that this vaccine was announced under the name Sovereign, the Government did not miss the opportunity to fuel the fire of its political propaganda. Thus, Miguel Díaz-Canel has been engaged since May, when he spoke to the scientific community, urging to achieve “our vaccine to have sovereignty.”

The announcement coincides with outbreaks of Covid-19 in some areas of the country, especially in Havana and its closest provinces, and days after the president of Russia, Vladimir Putin, announced that his country had ready the first effective vaccine against Covid-19. In addition, it was reported the possibility of coordinating to produce it in Cuba in November of this year.

The Center for Molecular Immunology in Havana developed vaccines for meningitis B and hepatitis B. The Cuban health authorities also registered a therapeutic vaccine against lung cancer on the island and later in Peru.

Currently, there are dozens of scientific groups working around the world in search of a vaccine against Covid-19. Of the 18 experimental vaccines whose results are being tested in humans, three are the most advanced: the Chinese Sinovac Biotech, the so-called ChAdOx1 nCoV-19, from the University of Oxford, and the one developed by the American company Moderna.

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Pandemic in Cuba and People with Disabilities: Forgotten or Protected?

According to data published by the Cuban Ministry of Health, 7% of the population in the country has some type of disability; most are women. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 20 August 2020 — Under the sun, with her cane, Xiomara waited this Tuesday outside the Coppelia ice cream parlor in Havana to get the ten scoops of ice cream that each customer is allowed to buy, but neither her disabled person’s card nor the requests to the employee allowed her to enter without lining up. “We are only letting five physically disabled people pass a day,” the guard warned.

With a disability caused by the polio she suffered as a child, Xiomara now hears contradictory official arrangements in the lines to buy food and in the middle of a city marked by the rebound in Covid-19 cases.

According to data published by the Cuban Ministry of Health, 7% of the population in the country has some type of disability; the majority are women, the first cause being intellectual. To this is added that the nation has one of the oldest populations in Latin America, with 77 years of life expectancy. continue reading

This is the case with Xiomara, who at 75 years of age and in the face of the island’s own difficulties and these increased more strongly by the pandemic, her day-to-day life is an ordeal: “In one place they tell me one thing and, in another, another,” laments the woman. “There are stores in which they have not let me even join the line and others in which they have allowed me to enter without waiting,” she told 14ymedio.

With the arrival of the coronavirus, the authorities decreed a series of measures to control the lines, which include the presence of police and the distance between one customer and another, but also restrictions for the elderly, pregnant women and people with disabilities in the lines. “I live alone and the supposed social worker who had to be in charge of shopping for me lasted a week,” laments Xiomara.

In the neighborhood where she lives, near Belascoaín street in Centro Habana, several neighbors have offered to help her acquire basic products without leaving her home, but the strict controls to prevent coleros (people who stand in line for others) and hoarders from taking over large volumes of merchandise for resale on the black market frustrates the gesture of cooperation.

The Minister of Labor and Social Security, Marta Elena Feitó Cabrera, insisted that this type of people should be visited by the social worker who serves the community, and insisted that within vulnerable groups, the elderly who live alone and the disabled are prioritized. “There are to be visits to find out what problems the family nucleus presents and how the situation could be channeled or resolved by the social worker,” said Feito Cabrera, according to a report in Cubadebate.

Juan Goberna, an activist with the Inclusive Culture Network, complains that since the pandemic broke out, there has been no coherent policy to protect people with disabilities. “A policeman says there is an order that prohibits them from remaining in the lines and an administrator appears who organizes a separate line to insert them in the line.”

“We are only letting five physically disabled people pass a day,” warns one of the guards at of the Coppelia ice cream parlor. (14ymedio)

“In this matter there has been a lot of confusion. Even when some caregiver who is in charge of a blind person buys the products from the person under his care, then he cannot get in line again to acquire merchandise for himself because he can be branded as colero,” Goberna told this newspaper.

Xiomara is not surprised by these conflicting accounts. “At my age, and with a disability since I was a child, I have seen everything.” In the 90s she had a table where she sold different merchandise ranging from sunglasses to match boxes. Her disability gave her the legal “privilege” of being able to trade in products that were not allowed to other people.

“I looked for a supplier who was actually the owner of the business, I just had to be the face and show my disability card when the police arrived.” In those years, Xiomara received many offers to have “a table” in the portals of Galiano street, in the Fe del Valle park on the nearby corner with San Rafael, and even in the handicraft market for tourists near the Cathedral. “But now everything is disadvantaged.”

Complaints about the situation of people with disabilities and the lines during the pandemic have even reached the pages of the official press. Last June, the Juventud Rebelde newspaper published a letter from a reader who denounced the suspension of the priority for the disabled that was previously granted in the lines.

Alexis Pérez Bayans, a member of the Cuban Association of the Physically-Motor Handicapped (Aclifim), said that in the stores in the city of Cienfuegos people with disabilities are no longer allowed to buy without having to wait in long lines. “If there are provisions that protect me as a disabled person, why are they not met? Who changed them?” he questioned in his letter.

The Aclifim headquarters in Havana also has no answer to Pérez Bayans’ questions. “We have nothing established but that each case is different,” says an official of the entity by telephone. “The person with a disability has to go to see his area chief or someone from the district where he lives and explain his situation,” he details.

“They are the ones who can give him authorization to be on the street and to line up without problems, or in a different case a social worker guides him to help him with errands and other emergencies,” says the Aclifim official who declined offer his name. “But we do not have any established directions, it is a decision of the authorities.”

At the end of the day on Tuesday, Xiomara managed to get the long-awaited scoops of ice cream in Coppelia. “I found a neighbor in the line and he put me in front of him. What I did not achieve as a person with a disability, I did through friendship,” she acknowledges.

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Cubans Risk Crossing the US Border Illegally

After the elimination of the wet foot/dry foot policy, the process of entry of Cubans through the border received a severe blow. (Border Guard, USA)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Lorey Saman, Mexico, 24 August 2020 — Thousands of Cubans remain on the northern border of Mexico, waiting for an immigration process to enter the United States that is becoming more distant every day.

Between the executive orders of President Donald Trump and his administration to change the asylum rules, as well as the difficult health conditions experienced from Covid-19, both in the United States and in Mexico, despair among migrants is growing ever higher.

After the elimination of the wet foot/dry foot policy, the process of entry of Cubans through the border received a severe blow, to the point that hearing of some trying to cross illegally into North American soil has already become common. continue reading

Recently, Mexican media reported that a group of 36 immigrants, including Cubans, were found by the Border Patrol in a safe house in El Paso, Texas.

According to the investigations, these people may have entered the United States through the Monte de Cristo Rey in Sunland Park, New Mexico, a town located in the Anapra area of Ciudad Juárez.

It is precisely in Ciudad Juárez, hundreds of Cubans wait to appear before an asylum court, sleeping in shelters, cheap hotels and rented rooms, as a result of the Migrant Protection Protocol (MPP).

The MPP, also known as the “Stay in Mexico” program, forces most asylum seekers to wait for their immigration process in Mexican territory. Since this policy began in December 2018, the United States has returned more than 50,000 people to Mexican border cities.

Official figures released by the Customs and Border Protection Office (CBP), highlight that, in the first semester of fiscal year 2019, at least 119 Cuban citizens were detained in the Del Rio sector, which represented a 1,600% increase compared to the fiscal year 2018 when officers detained only seven.

Also a few months ago, as a result of the spread of Covid-19 and the immigration measures of the current US administration, a group of Cubans stranded on the northern border of Mexico made a call on social networks directed at North American politicians to review the MPP.

Added to this situation of migrants from the island living on the northern border of Mexico is the latest news of boats that have left Cuba, such as a boat that departed with eight people, including two children, on August 15 from Caibarién bound for Florida.

The search was suspended on August 24. The rescue teams worked for four days using two planes and four boats, without finding the rafters. “We searcged 27,813 square nautical miles, approximately the dimensions of South Carolina,” said the official note from the United States Coast Guard.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

US Coast Guard Searches for a Missing Boat with Cubans

Covid-19 may have influenced the drop in the numbers of rafters who tried to reach the United States (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 22 August 2020 — The United States Coast Guard is looking for eight Cubans, including two children, who were traveling in a boat that left Caibarién, located on the north coast of Villa Clara province, just as Storm Laura, which could become in hurricane, approached the Caribbean.

The migrants left on August 15 and sought to reach the southern coast of Florida.

Authorities issued an alert in a statement asking anyone with information on the whereabouts of the Cubans to call 305-415-6800.

Last July, a group of 31 Cuban rafters reached the coasts of Key West, Florida, according to local media. continue reading

Cubans were received for decades as refugees in South Florida. The policy known as “wet foot/dry foot” was applied to them, which allowed Cuban citizens who arrived in the United States without a visa to obtain residency in an expeditious manner, and which then-President Barack Obama ended in January 2017.

Before the end of this policy, the Coast Guard counted the entry of 1,845 rafters.

The Cuban Adjustment Law, still in force, which makes it possible to regularize the immigration status of Cubans after a year of permanence in the United States, has among its requirements that the applicant has been legally admitted to a border port. Those who arrive illegally by sea cannot benefit from this rule.

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