Cuban Customs Corrects Itself and Will Allow More Powerful Generators to be Imported

Electric generators need fuel, which is also currently scarce on the Island. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 September 2022 — Despair over the lack of electricity has provoked the first amendment to the package of measures “to save the Cuban economy” that, in reality, simply made the import of some non-commercial items to Cuba more flexible. The provisions of the General Customs of the Republic went into effect on August 15, allowing up to two electric generators with a maximum power of up to 15,000 watts to be brought to the island, upon payment of the 30% tax.

But the document provided for market prices very different from the real ones, so the Government has issued a new rule that rectifies the previous one, according to which units of up to 900 watts for 200 dollars, from 900 to 1,500 watts for 500 dollars and greater than 1,500 watts for 950 dollars were allowed.

“When assessing the effects on the residential sector that still persist, as a result of the energy deficit caused by the breakdowns in the national electro-energy system, it’s necessary to authorize, on a temporary basis, the import of generators with a power greater than 900 watts, whose reference value in Customs exceeds the maximum value of two hundred (200) US dollars allowed to be imported by air, sea, post and non-commercial couriers,” says the new resolution, published this Monday in the Official Gazette.

The situation requires the government “to authorize, exceptionally, the non-commercial import, above the established value for air, sea, postal and courier shipments, of generators with a power greater than 900 watts, which are presented to the office of the General Customs of the Republic until December 31, 2022.”

In addition, a 30% fee will be applied for the payment of customs tax on the excess of the load to be taxed. continue reading

Currently, there are few offers under 500 dollars for generators that exceed 900 watts, neither in the markets of the United States nor in those of Panama, some of the most popular destinations for Cuban ’mules’ and travelers who go abroad to look for electronic or technological products that are absent on the Island.

The measure reflects the urgency of the Government to try to tackle the blackouts and power outages that are bringing so much discomfort and protest to the population. However, the “patch” has limitations.

The largest consumers of this type of device, with such high power, will not be so much households as small businesses that need to stay afloat in the midst of the growing crisis, but the shortage of fuel portends difficulties in supplying the equipment. There are many services that currently keep the sale of gasoline in containers limited, although it’s also not difficult to find workers who break the norm and provide the liquid in exchange for compensation, as long as it’s available. In addition, its storage is considered potentially dangerous and can cause fires if done incorrectly.

Furthermore, the high cost of the generators reduces the possibilities of buying and importing them. Even so, those who manage to do so will see their homes light up in front of those who lack any ability to do the same for themselves.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Official Cuban Press Chokes on the Voters’ Rejection of the Constitution in Chile

Supporters of the “Rejection” option celebrate the result of the constitutional plebiscite, in Santiago de Chile. (EFE/Elvis González)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Izquierdo, Havana, 5 September 2022 — The rejection by Chileans of the draft Constitution endorsed by President Gabriel Boric hasn’t taken the Cuban pro-government media by surprise, but it still provokes resentment and bitterness.

This Sunday, the proposal was defeated, with almost 62% of the votes, and Chile chose to maintain the current text, written in 1980, and reformed after the fall of Pinochet and the establishment of democracy.

Meanwhile, in Cuba, several reports, articles and opinion pieces, programmed from the offices of the Central Committee of the Communist Party, spared no reproach or nefarious adjective against those who revalidated the “Constitution of the dictatorship.”

An analysis by journalist Oliver Zamora, broadcast on Noticiero Nacional de Televisión, described the approval of the project as “the most important political event in Chile” since the end of the government of Augusto Pinochet. Enthusiastic about the continental turn to the left, no matter if it’s grotesque or outdated, the reporter doesn’t hide his dismay at defeat.

Chileans were supposed to vote to “delete the legacies of the dictatorship,” and achieve the “real, not apparent, change” that only socialism can offer. Zamora points out that Chile rejected the possibility of a “stronger state,” which would guarantee rights and not allow itself to be “conquered” by neoliberalism.

They threw away, in the opinion of the journalist, a “superior” Constitution because of the media campaign of their enemies, which is a sign that Chile is a “polarized society, trapped in the past.” continue reading

Once the result was known, another of the voices of officialdom, the journalist Talía González, insulted the text of the current Constitution, “written during the military dictatorship.” “The Chileans,” she lamented, “denied their support for a text written by leftist and progressive forces,” to which President Boric had given his “total support.”

Both the State newspaper Granma and Cubadebate took advantage of euphemisms so as not to admit the defeat of the preliminary draft. Metaphors, circumlocutions and extensive paragraphs were intended to cover up the “Rejection option.”

“The option of maintaining a Constitution inherited from the time of Augusto Pinochet is announced as the winner,” admitted the national organ of the Communist Party. “Several experts agree that this result is the consequence of a wide campaign of disinformation regarding the new Constitution; and of an incentive, with a lot of money, to reject the text or deliver invalid votes,” it simplified.

“The most likely thing,” the editors said with disdain, is that Chileans will “wake up without the possibility of having a Constitution” with guarantees in health, education, the environment and pensions.

For Juventud Rebelde, the opportunity was missed to crystallize “the popular claims of the decades under the laws left by the dictator Augusto Pinochet.” Its previous articles warned, with alarm, that all polls pointed to the “possibility of the triumph of Rejection.”

But the “newspaper of Cuban youth” reassured its readers: “There are totally different forecasts and mathematical prediction studies” based on readings from social networks, which “have predicted that the triumph will be of Approval.”

However, there is something that all the official Cuban media agree on. Despite not understanding the mechanisms inherent in democracy and that it seems inconceivable that the government of a country doesn’t have absolute authority over the approval of the laws it intends to propose, as happens on the Island, each comment about Chile ends up predicting Boric’s triumph by any means.

It doesn’t matter if it is the direct one, which has just failed; or the more subtle and slow one, calling a plebiscite again. “Boric needs it,” say the Cuban newspapers, in order to consolidate the socialist reform in a complex country like Chile, which will not easily give up freedom to choose its future.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The U.S. Embassy in Cuba Announces an Increase in Control in the Florida Straits

One of the boats in which Cuban rafters were traveling this August. (Twitter/@USBPChiefMIP)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 5 September 2022 — The U.S. embassy in Cuba warned on Sunday of the increase in surveillance in the Straits of Florida in the face of the unstoppable flow of people trying to reach the United States by that route.

“The Joint Task Force of Homeland Security increased its operational position to deal with a recent increase in irregular maritime migration. Agencies are increasing patrols and law enforcement by land, air and sea, day and night,” the institution said on Twitter.

“People who try to enter the country illegally by sea will be intercepted and must wait to be repatriated to their country of origin, or to the country from which they left, in accordance with the laws, policies and obligations of the international treaties of the United States,” it added in a second message.

The warnings were issued a day after the Border Patrol detained 42 Cuban migrants off the coast of Florida. Walter N. Slossar, chief agent of the corps in the Miami sector, explained that 21 rafters made landfall in the Dry Tortugas, and another 21 arrived in Islamorada.

That same Saturday, the Coast Guard had suspended the search for a Cuban who disappeared in Islamorada after overturning a boat. With him were 20 people who were rescued and will be repatriated to Cuba, and four others who managed to make landfall. continue reading

Operations of this type do not cease, in any case. On Friday, September 2, the Coast Guard repatriated another 37 people from the Island, and in the third week of August the Border Patrol intercepted 96 Cuban rafters.

In total, from October 1, 2021 until last Friday, 5,113 Cubans have been intercepted. The figure is close to that of 2016, when the last major migration crisis occurred. In that period, 5,396 arrived in the United States, a number that could be exceeded in by the end of September, which will mark the end of this fiscal year.

In the last five years, the number of Cubans intercepted at sea by the U.S. authorities had decreased progressively, especially during the pandemic. In 2017, 1,468 arrived, in 2018, there were 259; in 2019, 313; in 2020, 49 and in 2021, 838.

The intention to increase surveillance in the area was communicated this Friday by the Southeast National Security Working Group in a document stating that the objective is to prevent the loss of life at sea.

“The Miami Sector of the U.S. Border Patrol is committed to working together with our federal, state and local law enforcement partners in an entire government-wide effort to prepare for and address any potential increase in irregular maritime migration or threats to border security in Florida,” Slosar said.

In addition, Brendan C. McPherson, director of the department and commander of the Seventh District of the Coast Guard, stressed that “illegal maritime travel in the Caribbean is always dangerous and often deadly.”

“The smugglers exploit vulnerable migrants for profit while putting their lives at risk on board overburdened boats that are unfit to sail. These dangerous trips should not be attempted. Safe, legal and orderly migration saves lives,” he added.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Gorbachev, the Man Who Detested Violence

Mikhail Gorbachev

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Carlos Alberto Montaner, Miami, 3 September 2022 — Mikhail Gorbachev has died at 91 years old. Not that bad. The life expectancy of Russians in 2019, just before the pandemic, was eight years less than the average of people in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). If you decide to be from Korea, a member country of the institution, I advise you to be born in the furiously capitalist south, and not in the gloriously socialist north. On average, you will live 12 more years (80.5 vs. 68.8) and will be three centimeters taller (168.6 vs. 165.6). But I want to write about Gorbachev, “Gorby” for his friends, which he didn’t have too many of in Russia.

I visited Moscow three or four times during Gorbachev’s last period in the government and Boris Yeltsin’s first tenure. At that time, I was traveling as vice president of the Internacional Liberal — in the sense that term has in Europe — and as president of the Unión Liberal Cubana. I didn’t meet Gorbachev, although I had friends who did establish a certain friendship with him. Instead, I met Aleksander Yakovlev, his anti-totalitarian conscience and the person who most influenced him. So I can assure that the changes that took place in that tortured region of the planet were due to Yakovlev’s advice.

Yakovlev was a hero of the USSR. He lost a leg during World War II at the Battle of Leningrad, the largest siege in history (900 days). He was barely 20 years old. He was born in 1923 to semi-illiterate, albeit communist, parents in the small town of Korolyovo. He joined the Communist Party at 21 and rose to become the Central Committee’s head of National Propaganda. He knew every last detail of Marxism and began to suspect the Party. It led to the creation of parasitic structures that only served to sustain the leadership, and to give life to ridiculous attitudes such as chauvinism and nationalism. He published an article in 1972 in Literatunaya Gazeta denouncing these attitudes. Brezhnev, who ruled at the time, felt alluded to, and he got rid of Yakovlev sending him as ambassador to Canada. There he would not “harm” the “true” communists, the ones akin to Brezhnev.

Except that in 1983 Gorbachev visited Yakovlev and was dazzled. He was in Canada. He was a lawyer who was simultaneously an agricultural technician. He was the theorist he needed, Gorbachev thought, but he didn’t tell him at the time. There were several days of endless conversations allowed by Aeroflot’s everlasting failures. He articulated like nobody else the defense of glasnost, transparency, because all the economic reforms had already been tried: the New Economic Policy (NEP) in the era of Lenin until 1924, and Stalin until 1929, with few real results, except the initial ones. The virgin lands had been brought into production in the decade under Khrushchev’s rule, more than 300,000 square kilometers (1954-1964). The terror of public discussion and the consequences of popular debate had to be suppressed. In Canada things worked differently. It was a huge and frozen territory, similar to the USSR. Really, glasnost made the difference!

They were two idealistic communists. Both wanted to reform the system without destroying it. Yuri Kariakin, a philosopher and thinker, husband of economist Irina Zorina, an expert in Cuba’s issues, had told me that there was a type of communist, resistant to violence, among whom were Mikhail Gorbachev and, indeed, Aleksander Yakovlev. They wanted to convince their opponents, not defeat them. The history of Russia was full of men and women drenched in blood who had created the myth of the inability of Russians to be obedient to anything other than the threat of punishment. continue reading

Was Kariakin’s story true? I believe it. It’s a matter of time. I have already said that Gorbachev has died without the esteem of the majority of Russians. He is loved abroad. At the same time, Russian society is not willing to go back to collectivism and the one-party system without being tortured.

I read that Vladimir Putin will not attend Gorbachev’s funeral. He is a KGB man beyond redemption. He prefers to convey an image of a fierce man, an image of everything that Gorbachev and Yakovlev hated.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cubans Wait All Night at the Currency Exchange to Buy Dollars, Which Now Cost 150 pesos in the Informal Market

Like an anthill, the people of Santa Clara hunkered down during the early hours at the junction of Cuba and Tristá streets. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez and Juan Izquierdo, Havana, September 5, 2022 — The night begins to cool off over Santa Clara and, after having a bite to eat, the coleros [people standing in line for others, for pay] cross Vidal Park on their way to the currency exchange (Cadeca). The custom is new but the method is as common as poverty and underdevelopment on the island: hold on all night to guarantee one of the first places in line.

The booty: the hundred dollars “per head” that the Government promises to sell to anyone who has a place. Like an anthill, the people of Santa Clara hunkered down during the early hours of Friday at the junction of Cuba and Tristá streets.

It’s a central corner and a crucial one for the movement of the city, interrupted, however, by a long zinc fence, which slows down traffic. The inhabitants of the city are accustomed to going around the obstacle, which “protects” them from the ruins of the old Florida hotel, to reach the Cadeca and the branch of the Bank of Credit and Commerce.

“A tremendous show broke out that night,” one of its readers in Santa Clara tells 14ymedio. “More than a hundred people waiting, and everything is a disaster. A guy started shouting that it was a shame and that he couldn’t take it anymore.”

At ten at night, the man says, the atmosphere was already “heated.” From afar, in the park, the police didn’t lose any time in harassing the coleros. “It’s normal that they patrol that area and, from time to time, intercept a drunkard or an unsuspecting university student and ’invite’ them to enter the guasabita,” he adds.

The guasabita is the name that the people of Santa Clara give to a small gray bus where the officers improvise their “interrogations.” “People leave there on a stretcher,” says the man, “that’s why the coleros also avoid it.” continue reading

But not even a hypothetical beating or an unforeseen arrest stop those who have to exchange their dollars. In the Cadeca, the mechanisms of a gear that no one fully understands and that works based on traps, tricks and bribes, begin to rotate.

The fundamental rule: maintain your ground and be aware of the movements of others. The euphemism par excellence, “taking care of the line,” is the ace up the sleeve of those who appear and disappear, exchange places with someone, or duplicate their place under all kinds of pretexts.

The “dollar line” is confusing and exhausting, with the additional danger of knowing that everyone who goes in or out carries money in their pockets, which tempts the city’s bandits and assailants.

“I’ve even been afraid of standing in line,” admits the man, who says he feels the same neurosis in the Cadeca as in a line for chicken, coffee or cigarettes. The overnight sale of foreign exchange has become another business in the informal market.

“But make no mistake,” he adds, “this is a small business; it isn’t the ‘mafia’ of Santa Clara. This is the same thing that happens when people ‘struggle’ with their ration books for meat or some tobacco. The idea is to spend the time that others can’t or don’t want to spend. That’s why they [the coleros] take a percentage.”

At the moment of greatest agony, when there is no longer any desire to shout or protest, the sun rises. Cadeca workers, very calmly, open the door and start calling the first numbers. But there is no guarantee that there will be enough dollars to cover the demand.

“Everyone knows that you can spend the night here and that it’s a choice,” the man concludes, “but that’s what it is. This is the only country where you can live from standing in line for someone.”

Those who read the daily reports of the official press won’t be able to detect any abnormalities. With subtlety, the Government is recalibrating the balance of exchange: every day it sells the most expensive dollar, but demands to buy it at the lowest possible price.

Meanwhile, exchange rates have skyrocketed on the informal market. The dollar reached 150 pesos on Saturday, according to the monitoring of the digital media El Toque. Those who experienced the instability of the currencies during the Special Period soon recognized that this was the figure at which the dollar came to be valued during the previous crisis.

At exchange rates of 149 and 148 pesos, respectively, the euro and the Freely Convertible Currency (MLC) almost reached the threshold of the US currency. With these figures, phrases such as “recovering the purchasing power of the salary in Cuban pesos” or “single type of exchange,” formulated by Minister Alejandro Gil Fernández, are already terrible jokes of economic humor.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

From Cuba’s Daily Drama of Blackouts to Unimplemented Innovations, No One Understands It

Customers in a Havana electronics store, in line to buy fans, to cool the night air and repel mosquitos. But the fans are useless when there is no electricity.

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, 5 September 2022 — La Guiteras has been incorporated into Cuba’s national electricity system after overcoming the failures that caused its shutdown, news that in any other country in the world would be inconsequential. But in Cuba, in this agonizing summer of 2022, in which the alumbrones [a word coined to mean periods when the lights are on] have become a daily event in the difficult coexistence on the Island, it’s great news when a thermoelectric power plant produces electricity.

And as the communist regime enjoys the propaganda and the legendary narrative of the events that happen in the country, the article published in the State newspaper Granma is not wasted and says something like “after about four days of uninterrupted work, in which more than 200 maintenance actions were carried out, the largest unitary bloc in the country went online after ten o’clock on Saturday night, and on Sunday morning it exceeded 200 MW.” That doesn’t fool anyone and isn’t a heroic deed. This is a brief description of the usual operation in these cases, by the way, not exclusive to La Guiteras, since the rest of the plants are the same, or worse.

Granma added that “the operators solved the localized breakdown in the boiler and the vacuum damage in the condenser-turbine, and eliminated the causes that led to high water consumption, the origin of the problem that forced the plant to stop.” This is one more example of the work of informational monitoring by the regime so that Cubans understand the official version of the origin of the blackouts and attribute them to short-term or specific causes, which are resolved in this way, when the national electricity system is really a victim of the prevailing economic model, and its destiny is linked to it. That is, in order to enjoy quality electricity again and continuously, it is necessary to implement structural changes that the regime doesn’t even want to talk about. continue reading

And as the Guiteras problem will promptly return, Granma says that “to achieve greater reliability, it will be necessary, as soon as possible, to carry out the proper cleaning of the boiler and eliminate all the defects that limit its efficiency.” (so, what have they done?) and adds in this regard that “the washing of the boiler requires a shutdown of approximately ten days to increase the load to 280 MW and prolong its permanence in the system, without unforeseen exits.” Thus, a shutdown of Guiteras and a return to the blackouts are foreseen.

Several Police Officers Asked for $7,500 From Coyotes Who Were Hiding Cubans Are Arrested in Mexico

The moment when the handcuffs are placed on a municipal policeman in Oaxaca who was accused by the inhabitants of threats and extortion. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 2 September 2022 — At least four municipal police officers from the Mexican state of Oaxaca were arrested for trying to extort money from coyotes, demanding 150,000 pesos (7,500 dollars) so as not to betray 25 migrants from Cuba, Guatemala and El Salvador who were crowded into a large house in the municipality of Pueblo Nuevo.

An argument between the officers and the coyotes alerted the neighbors, who realized that the civilians were not from the area. “They were arguing over a payment that wasn’t made,” a witness who identified himself as Felipe López told 14ymedio. “One of the cops threatened to take out his gun if they didn’t pay.”

According to the source, in the morning a patrol car was parked in front of the house where the migrants were hiding, which had been covered with sheeting the month before. “There was movement at night; they arrived in a van, but we had never seen the people who took them out,” López said. continue reading

“While these guys were arguing outside, we could hear some children crying inside, so we thought they were kidnappers,” the witness said. “With the support of drivers and neighbors, we surrounded the police and the coyotes, until the state security officers arrived. How could we imagine that they were migrants? The coyotes had put down cardboard on the floor for them to sleep.”

According to data from the Ministry of Public Security of Oaxaca, an investigation on the detained uniformed officers was opened for the alleged crime of extortion, but it will be the police unit that will define the punishment.

Oaxaca is a point of reference for Cubans. The Government of Mexico has detected several networks of coyotes in that region that charge between $4,500 and $10,000 for migrants going to the United States. In addition, the so-called central region is one of the main routes that traffickers exploit to transport the Island’s nationals in vans and cargo trucks.

The detained foreigners, including five children, were handed over to the National Institute of Migration of the state of Oaxaca. Their migratory status will be defined in the coming days.

In Ciudad del Carmen, on the Yucatan peninsula this Thursday, the National Guard arrested a group of 16 Cubans and Nicaraguans who were being transferred to the state of Tabasco in a van. A state security source confirmed to 14ymedio that these people would be expelled to their country of origin.

According to official figures, Mexico has repatriated 1,657 Cubans to the Island this year. This Friday, a group of 28 people arrived at José Martí International Airport in Havana.

Meanwhile, from the United States, the Coast Guard repatriated 95 rafters on board the ship William Trump on Thursday, bringing the total to 5,086 Cubans returned since October last year.

These repatriations have not stopped the arrival of rafters from the Island. This Friday, the Coast Guard announced that a boat with at least 25 Cubans was shipwrecked in front of the Florida keys.

“Partners and crews of good Samaritans responded to the shipwreck of a boat and people in the water near Islamorada as a result of an adventure of illegal immigrants,” the Coast Guard said on its social networks. “Twenty migrants were placed in custody, four allegedly landed, and the search for one, reported missing, continues.”

The rescued rafters, the government agency said, are on board a cutter and will be repatriated to Cuba.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Liquid Ground Chicken in Havana for Only 65 Pesos

The ground meat — what else to call it? — had an almost liquid consistency, a color like vomit and a nauseating odor. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodriguez and Juan Izquierdo, Havana, 2 September 2022 — The street is Carlos III, in Havana. The place: a hovel that is part corner store, part market stall. It could be in any town on the island. A line has formed in front. Havana’s midday sun reverberates through the listless crowd waiting to get in.

With the thriftiness of someone who has the whole day ahead of him, the vendor puts on an apron and grabs a wooden palette to use as a counter. He is a tall, sweaty man for whom washing his hands before handling the food serves as a pointless formality.

“Let’s go,” he says quietly to the first customer, who opens the mouth of his bag, as wrung out and hungry as he. The store is a hodgepodge, which is to say that its shelves display plastic pots, kitchen utensils that will not last more than a week, thick strainers and dull knives. There are also some canned goods and products sold in bulk, like the one for which people are now waiting in line.

Most know what’s to come but no one has a real sense of it until they see it, smell it and feel its texture: some kind of ground meat — what else to call it? — with an almost liquid consistency, a color like vomit and an odor as nauseating as the rest of the street, for 65 pesos a pound. continue reading

One distracted customer makes the mistake of paying for it beforehand. He cannot hide his disgust, which turns his stomach and almost causes him to utter an expletive. “What’s wrong?” asks the vendor as he gently stirs the mixture in the muddy bucket before scooping out a portion of watery ground chicken with his hand.

Nothing,” says the boy as he approaches the makeshift counter in resignation. “Toss it here.”

“They mix it with water to stretch it,” explains an elderly man who is also in line. That’s how they make a little more.”  “I remember they sold slop like this during the Special Period,” says another. “And they passed it off as goose paste. The goose is a bird related to the guanajo. Ask your grandparents,” he adds, laughing at his own humor.

Next to the bucket of ground chicken is a can advertised as tomato paste. “No one buys it anymore because people know what goes into it,” says one woman. “Haven’t you seen the online videos? They use guava, banana, some kind of peel, but tomato it’s not.”

After the stench of ground chicken, the air outside has the sweet aroma of syrup and the odor that permeates Cuban soup kitchens. Local residents recognize it as a syrup made in a factory on the same block. It is sold not only at the ground chicken stall but also by a string of elderly people and beggars along Carlos III.

Well-sealed in a backpack, it is now up to Cuban mothers and fathers, armed with their arsenal of tricks, to figure out the most convenient method for cooking it.

Oblivious to all this, however, is the ever-optimistic party newspaper, Granma.  As though describing a consumer’s paradise, the Thursday edition allays its readers’ fears. It promises, perhaps in time, “deliveries of rice, beans, sugar, salt and cooking oil” as well as eggs, coffee and a packets of cigarettes of one sort or another.

“Milk is guaranteed” — the paper’s favorite word — “for children, pregnant women and those suffering from chronic childhood diseases, and is encouraged in some areas in liquid form.”

For those who enjoy a nice bath after preparing a banquet from rationed ingredients, a nice “soap made from nuclei, the bimonthly toothpaste and detergent” are promised.

Granma does not ignore, however, peoples’ greatest concern. That is the current shortage of flour, the key ingredient of bread, which they are guaranteed  — that word again — as part of a basket of basic foodstuffs. Of course, officials are not responsible for the “changes in hours of operation due to power blackouts or the transport of the raw material.”

The Cuban who arrives home with the “merchandise” dispatched by the tall, sweaty vendor and reads this piece by the official mouthpiece of the Communist Party will, inevitably, have to laugh. If he had known that everything — breakfast, lunch and dinner — was guaranteed, he would not have wasted 65 pesos on the disgusting ground chicken he bought on Carlos III.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

More ‘Business Opportunities’ in Cuba for Kempinski Luxury Hotels

Kempinski already has two establishments in the Cuban capital: the Gran Hotel Manzana, inaugurated in 2017, and the Gran Hotel Bristol, in 2020. (Twitter/Manuel Marrero Cruz)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 2 September 2022 — The Cuban Prime Minister, Manuel Marrero Cruz, foresees more “business opportunities” on the Island with the luxury hotel group Kempinski. In a meeting held on Thursday in Havana with Bernold Schroeder, president of the Board of Directors of the company, Marrero negotiated the expansion of the group in Cuba.

Qualified by Marrero as a “high standard” German company, Kempinski already has two establishments in the Cuban capital: the Gran Hotel Manzana, inaugurated in 2017 with five-stars plus, and the Gran Hotel Bristol, which opened its doors in 2020.

Despite the optimistic tone of the meeting, a recent 14ymedio tour of the hotel cartography of Havana revealed that the Manzana hotel was under repair, with excavators and without customers, while the Bristol, after a brief opening, was closed to the public.

Bernold Schroeder, the manager who met Marrero, has been part of Kempinski since 2017 and has been running the company since 2020. According to the company’s official website, Schroeder boosted the growth of the group in Asia and Europe, which earned him the promotion to his continue reading

present position, and has been responsible, to a large extent, for the rapprochement with Cuba.

In 2019, the Gran Manzana Kempinski  hotel was included by Donald Trump in the List of Restricted Cuban Entities, an inventory of companies that could be sued by the U.S. justice system for profiting from properties expropriated after the 1959 Revolution, although several companies registered in the European Union have legal protections against this mechanism.

All these companies were managed or directed by Gaesa, the administration group of the Armed Forces, then led by the recently deceased General Luis Alberto Rodríguez-López Calleja.

In the midst of the resounding crisis that Cuba is going through, the Cuban government’s link with a high-caliber hotel company such as Kempinski arouses several controversies. For example, why is government management concentrating on unnecessary projects, when there is a moderate number of tourists entering Cuba, in addition to the hotels being excessively expensive.

Marrero, who served from 2004 to 2019 as Minister of Tourism and was part of the administrative apparatus of Gaesa, personally manages the deal with large companies, while the owner of that portfolio, Juan Carlos García Granda, occupies a secondary place in these businesses.

Reproducing topics and tropical clichés, Kempinski announces Havana as a “city stopped in time, slow,” where people “take their time.” The Cuban government has not offered additional information about the projects that the German company intends to carry out or where they will be located.

The Kempinski group was founded in 1897 and today manages 79 five-star establishments in about thirty countries. On the island, in addition to the Manzana and Bristol hotels, with 246 and 162 luxury rooms, respectively, the company opened the Cayo Guillermo Resort Kempinski, located in the north of the province of Ciego de Ávila, in 2019.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Giving Birth In Cuba: How An Authoritarian System Enables Obstetric Violence

Claudia Expósito. (Partos Rotos)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Partos Rotos – a Collaboration of Independent Cuban Journalists, Havana, 30 June 2022 — On August 12, 2015, at two in the afternoon, Paloma López called the ambulance that would take her to Ramón González Coro, an OB-GYN hospital in Havana. Early that morning, she decided to start her labor at home, as she had heard about women being ill-treated at the hospital.

When she arrived, she was six centimeters dilated but her water had not broken. “They took me to the gurney to monitor me, they lifted me and took me to a strange room. Then, without any warning, (the doctor) took out a pointy object, and bam! She stuck it in me, and it hurt. I screamed, ‘what is that!’, and it was to break my water.”

The obstetrician threw all her weight on Paloma’s stomach and used her forearm to press on the uterus to push the baby down. Paloma was startled and struck away the doctor’s hand. As she was leaning on her with her feet practically up in the air, the doctor fell to the floor.

“Look at this bitch, she doesn’t want to be helped! She’s going to kill the baby,” Paloma recalls the doctor shouting.

“Doctor, don’t say that! You have to ask me for permission.”

“No, you don’t have a clue.”

The physician tried to apply the maneuver several more times. Paloma reacted in the same way and continued to push her off. Moments later, while trying to overcome the pain, she finally allowed the obstetrician to climb onto her stomach. “They pulled me. I felt the tearing of my baby girl, how they pulled her out,” she says. “Now I know that it was premature, that it wasn’t an organic birth. And I got a huge tear from the baby down there.” continue reading

A problem in Cuba and around the globe

Over the last two years, an increasing number of Cuban mothers have shared their childbirth experiences on social media platforms and independent news outlets. Their stories have unleashed an obstetric #MeToo on the island.

Some mothers report feeling verbally or psychologically mistreated. Others said they were denied information about what was happening to them or were never asked for consent to perform harsh interventions. Many described their childbirth as a traumatic event in which they were treated as if they had no autonomy and felt that their well-being was irrelevant.

For some, the problem was that they suffered excessive medicalization or aggressive practices. One of these practices is known as the Kristeller maneuver, which involves applying manual pressure on the ribs and has been questioned by the WHO since 1996. Another common procedure is called an episiotomy. It is performed by making an incision in the perineum, a tissue located between the vagina and the anus, to facilitate childbirth. This is often performed without consent and/or when it is not required.

Other patients said they felt neglected or ignored.

Their testimonies have helped shed a light on a problem that happens in most countries, but which had remained especially invisible and naturalized in Cuba: obstetric violence.

This study, Partos Rotos (Broken Births), shows this is a systemic problem in the country. Over 400 women from all provinces participated in the study. They filled out over 500 questionnaires that asked them about their births. Most of the births described were performed either by C-section or vaginal delivery and took place in the last two decades.

Rainys María Rodríguez. (Partos Rotos)

The research is not based on a representative sample and its results have no statistical validity. However, it is a broad enough sample to provide an overview of how obstetric violence is prevalent in the country.

The interviewees describe a health system in which their requests for pain management are ignored (86%) and aggressive procedures – that are no longer systematically performed in other countries – are still common practice in Cuba. Manual dilatation or tourniquet was performed in almost 50% of the deliveries, and the Kristeller maneuver was also applied in a similar percentage. On the other hand, episiotomies were carried out in three out of four cases.

Respondents also noted that lack of consent and ill-treatment were common. Nearly half of the women voiced that medical personnel acted without seeking their consent, which violates patients’ human rights, according to the United Nations (UN) Special Rapporteur on Violence Against Women.

In addition, 41% of the mothers interviewed reported suffering verbal or psychological violence, and that medical staff ignored their requests or even accused them of putting their babies’ lives at risk.

Cuba is not the only country where these and other violent medical practices against women are still common. This is a global phenomenon that originates in sexism and a patriarchal culture that permeates health systems.

According to Eva Margarita García, a doctor in Anthropology and author of the first thesis on obstetric violence in Europe, obstetric violence is the result of gender violence and medical malpractice. She defines it as the violence that health personnel exercises on women’s bodies and their reproductive life through dehumanized treatment, medicalization abuse, and pathologizing of their physiological processes.

García believes this violence is mediated by a gender bias that infantilizes women and serves as an excuse to treat them in a degrading manner. However, this is such a socially normalized practice that it is often difficult to identify it as a problem.

In Cuba, however, certain factors make this a particularly acute problem. For instance, according to health professionals interviewed for this research, the Cuban health system is a top-down organization in which physicians have little room for reform.

They are under strong pressure to maintain certain statistical indicators, especially regarding infant mortality, and have little incentive to improve the quality of care or consider the mothers’ well-being. Moreover, in a country that is regarded as a medical powerhouse and is under authoritarian rule, the scope for recognizing and addressing the problem is narrower than in other countries.

Sexist stereotypes

In carrying out this report, we interviewed eight medical specialists, four women, and four men, who are actively participating or have previously participated in the Maternal and Infant Care Program (Programa de Atención Materno Infantil, PAMI), a program that centralizes women’s reproductive health in Cuba. All eight specialists chose to remain anonymous for fear of reprisals, such as losing their jobs or being expelled from the Ministry of Public Health (Ministerio de Salud Pública, MINSAP).

Interviews with these physicians suggest that, in Cuba, gender stereotypes that influence how women are treated during childbirth are still very much prevalent in the health care system. For example, a general practitioner with decades of experience in the country’s central region justified several practices of obstetric violence, “especially in women with delayed labor or in women who are namby-pamby or stubborn.”

There is also an inclination to see women in labor as ignorant and/or expect them to be subordinate. Informing, asking for consent, allowing them to have companions, or simply walking around during labor is seen as an obstacle for the professionals to carry out their job. As the interviewed specialists stated, these are not common practices. “Priority is given to the baby, caring for the newborn, and that the mother does not bleed, forgetting the psychosocial being,” a gynecology and obstetrics resident in Holguín explained.

Some obstetricians also believe that childbirth is always painful, so alleviating suffering is therefore not a priority. In addition, patients who request C-sections are seen as seeking “comfort” and are “forced” into vaginal delivery.

The expectation that women obey medical indications without protesting is also common among health personnel. This notion is so deeply rooted that the women themselves have begun to tell each other that it is better to “collaborate” or “behave well” – expressions that were regularly mentioned in the questionnaires – to avoid worse forms of abuse.

Sandra Heidl, a psychologist and feminist activist who gave birth in Cuba when she was 19, believes that “the product, the fetus, is the most important thing” to the Cuban public health system, and women take a backseat as the recipient of the product. Women take or are unaware of this violence because they want the best for their unborn child, and they have been told that physicians must decide for the babies’ sake,” Heidl explains.

This subordination of the patient to the physician is a feature of what is known as the Hegemonic Medical Model (HMM). Daylis García Jordá, the author of one of the few studies on obstetric violence in Cuba, considers that the HMM tends to see the patient as ignorant or the bearer of wrong ideas, while knowledge resides only within the physician. García Jordá explains that, despite the recent criticism against this model, it continues to be in full force. As a result, it gives way to a childbirth experience in which the physician matters and the patient does not.

In fact, health systems in many countries are designed to meet the physicians’ needs, according to Dr. Matthias Sachsee, a German specialist in health care quality with experience in Mexico, and Thaís Brandao, a Brazilian researcher in sexual and reproductive health.

Yusimí Rodríguez. (Partos Rotos)

Cuban medical professionals acknowledged that certain violent practices are performed due to the physicians’ convenience, such as the indiscriminate use of episiotomy. “It’s the easy way for the specialists to perform the delivery, to do it quickly because they just want to get it over with,” said a Gynecology and Obstetrics in Holguin.

Other common practices such as prohibiting pregnant women from walking or having company, performing enemas, or denying them pain medication are also related to the needs of the system or the physician’s preferences, without consideration for women’s needs and suffering.

For all these reasons, researcher Brandao says obstetric violence has “institutional roots” and its main cause is the system’s unwillingness to address the problem. In her opinion, obstetric violence does not stem from a lack of resources. “You can promote healthy, non-violent births even without any resources, because (as a government or system) you understand that this is what’s important,” states Brandao.

A unique birth

Since 1975, almost 100% of births in Cuba take place in public hospitals. Unlike pregnant women in other countries, Cuban women have no say in where or how they give birth. They must give birth in the only existing system controlled by the Minsap. Thus, Minsap’s rules, priorities, and shortcomings broadly shape the experience of giving birth on the island.

That institution has shown that its main objective is to keep certain indicators low, especially infant mortality: the number of children who die during or shortly after childbirth. This is the rate that the authorities proudly present every year to showcase the success of their childbirth care system. “It is the best-kept statistic in the ministry,” assured one of the interviewed physicians.

“In Cuba, the system is structured in a way that responds more to numerical parameters and works in response to the professionals’ needs or those of Public Health as an entity when bringing a new life into this world, and not of the women and their families,” specifies academic García Jordá in her study.

The interviewed professionals agreed that the Minsap pressures them to deliver excellent statistics and comply with strict protocols, which discourages them from introducing changes or acting according to their medical judgment. It is also common for them to have to meet quotas, for example, on the maximum number of C-sections they can perform.

Many physicians condemn the pressure they are subjected to. Some feel the inflexibility of the protocols makes them mere executors of policies designed by bureaucrats who don’t know the reality in which they work.

“It is unacceptable that a program involving human management is based on meeting indexes and parameters. Physicians cannot be thinking about numbers, figures, or emulations while caring for a patient’s life. So, you work under a lot of pressure”, states a retired obstetrician who worked in the field for over 20 years.

A recently graduated physician agrees. “For me, (OB-GYN) is one of the specialties where you have to be most careful because heads are cut off at any moment for any reason.”

From the authorities’ perspective, the system works because they achieve the statistics they aim for. Fewer mothers and newborns die in Cuba than in most countries in the region, which allows the government to boast about its system. The infant mortality rate is very similar to the rates presented in countries such as the United States. In addition, maternal mortality, although much higher than in the countries in the Northern Hemisphere, is among the lowest in Latin America.

However, there no statistics are collected on obstetric violence or the absence of humanized childbirth. Despite the abundance of Minsap protocols, the professionals interviewed agreed that the principles of humanized childbirth, which some countries are now starting to apply, are little known in Cuba.

“If you refer to the international bibliography, you learn about it, but the practical course does not mention it. It’s not a topic that’s even discussed,” says a gynecology and obstetrics resident from Holguín.

In 2018, the World Health Organization (WHO) established a series of recommendations for labor. The first element it recognizes is that childbirth cannot be subject to strict protocols, such as those applied in Cuba. Instead, care should focus on the woman’s state and her baby’s, “their wishes and preferences, and respect for their dignity and autonomy.”

WHO recommends encouraging pregnant women to move around and give birth in an upright position. It also suggests allowing them to be accompanied, eating or drinking during labor, not separating babies from mothers right after birth, not applying techniques that artificially speed up natural processes, limiting vaginal touches to once every four hours, and performing episiotomies only if strictly necessary.

These recommendations not only respect women’s rights but also yield positive results from a medical standpoint. Multiple studies have shown that the more comfortable and accompanied pregnant women feel, the greater the probability that their vaginal delivery will be successful and, in turn, aggressive techniques will be required to a lesser extent.

However, questionnaires and interviews with professionals in Cuba show that these recommendations are blatantly disregarded in the country.

Not caring nor humane

Many women described giving birth in an environment that lacked empathy, warmth, or humane treatment. Others directly reported being mistreated, coerced, and verbally abused. Minsap professionals deprived them of the experience they wanted to have when their children came into the world. This contributed to the birth becoming a source of trauma.

Many interviewees stated that they experienced psychological sequelae after their birth. In 30% of deliveries, women were afraid of getting pregnant again or reported having repetitive images of particular moments when giving birth. In one of every four deliveries, women experienced mood swings, difficulty sleeping, or fear of confronting the health care system.

In addition, in 14% of childbirths, women stated they suffered from postpartum depression.

“You will rarely see (these sequelae) reflected as a diagnosis in the medical records,” explains one of the professionals. “These patients are seldom referred to mental health services for treatment, which ends up affecting the physical health and quality of life of the patients and their families,” they added.

The verbal or psychological violence, the lack of empathy, or the feeling of neglect described by the women in the questionnaires have deep causes related to the misogynistic culture and the Hegemonic Medical Model. The verticality of the Cuban health system only aggravates this context, according to the consulted physicians.

Several professionals admitted that they end up passing on the pressures and shortcomings they experience to the women they are treating. This issue can be expected to intensify as the country’s medical services have deteriorated due to a lack of personnel and resources.

Currently, medical personnel in Cuba earn between 190 and 320 USD per month, at the official exchange rate. To survive, some of them accept gifts or cash from patients and usually reserve the best care and the few materials available for their treatments.

“Obstetrics and gynecology are among the specialties that most rely on this informal exchange. If you don’t have your doctor and you ‘don’t go through the gutter’, as they say, you’re screwed,” a recently graduated doctor said from her own experience becoming a mother.

Despite the profusion of healthcare professionals in the country, interviewees described increasingly intense work schedules and shifts due to staff shortages. After shifts of three or four consecutive days on call, it is common for PAMI staff to have to work in health centers or make home visits.

At the same time, the demands to meet statistical targets show no signs of slowing down. “We have to produce results at the same level as countries that have services with all the proper conditions,” in the words of a specialist quoted in Lareisy Borges Damas’ thesis. Borges Damas is a doctor in nursing who has researched models of humanized childbirth.

Several professionals claimed to have lost motivation working with this framework, which negatively affects the quality of the care they provide.

As a gynecology and obstetrics resident from Holguín said, “Nobody wants to work here, so they let this violence happen as long as it doesn’t affect the statistics. There can be ill-treatment as long as the pregnant woman and the baby do not die. That’s more or less how it works.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

August Sees the Highest Number of Protests in Cuba since 11 July 2021

Demonstration in Nuevitas, a town in Camaguey province, on August 18. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 2 September 2022 — There were a total of 361 demonstrations in the country, according to the latest report by the Cuban Conflict Observatory (OCC), which was released on Thursday. This is the second highest number of protests recorded by the US-based organization, which began tracking them in September 2020.

The main reason Cubans took to the streets in August was to protest blackouts. The report notes that were as many as 79 protests of different kinds, 41 of which were cacerolazos.*

According to the OCC most protests fell into one of two categories: those for political and civil rights, and those for economic and social rights. It explains that it had to apply “selective criteria” when classifying cacerolazos, which began over a social grievance — a shutdown of the electrical power supply —  but broadened over the course of the month to include political demands.

There were 219 protests over political rights and 142 over economic rights.

The report states, “The number of cacerolazos increased 145%, from 20 in June to 49 this month.” Artemesia province saw the greatest number, with eight such protests, followed by Cienfuegos with seven, then Holguin and Camaguey with six each.

The most notable of these occurred in Nuevitas on August 18 and 19, when hundreds of people took to the streets to demand not only that electrical power be restored but also to call for freedom. continue reading

The report states that protests directly criticizing the government for mismanagement grew from 85 in July to 172 in August. Although it states that many of the protests demanded the Diaz-Canel government be replaced, they also demanded the socialist system be replaced.

It mentions an increase in violent actions by unknown perpetrators as described by anonymous reports on social media. These include arson attacks at state recreation centers and stones thrown at display window of state-owned hard-currency stores.

To deal with this, the organization claims the government “apparently wanted to try an active measure by claiming there had been a firebomb attack on a state building. The fabrication of disinformation on the alleged operation was extremely crude and national public opinion immediately dismissed the news as a police stunt.”

The OCC says the number of demonstrations having to do with economic rights may also have been growing. These involve not only those related to power blackouts but also to “the collapse of the healthcare system in response to the growing dengue epidemic, shortages of food and medicine, inflation and garbage collection.”

In this monthly report, the OCC states, “Cuban protests now take a wide variety of forms: collective prayers in public places, graffiti, civic campaigns with flyers and posters, provocative religious services, and hackings of official websites and the computers of hotels associated with the military-business group GAESA

The OCC report also highlights the Matanzas Supertanker Base. Referring to it as a “disaster,” it decries “the lack of foresight on the part of the leadership and the inefficiency of the system of governance to provide internal stability, which exacerbates the crisis of legitimacy and the credibility of the government.”

The OCC argues, “Though expressions of discontent or dissent with respect to current policies are widespread, what is undeniable is that never since 1959 have they been of such size, permeating the most diverse layers of society with the exception of a tiny oligarchy, which benefits from them.” It concludes, “If the intransigence of the powerful elites persists,” this trend will be unsustainable “in the short or medium term.”

*Translator’s note: A form of popular protest which consists of a people making noise by banging pots, pans, and other cooking utensils to call attention to their grievance.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Due to Lack of Resources, Only 23 Sugar Mills Will Process Cane in Cuba in the Next Harvest

The planned harvest is half the goal of the last campaign and lower than that achieved. (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 2 September 2022 — The Cuban authorities have set themselves the goal for the next harvest at even fewer tons than were achieved in the previous one, which was the worst in the history of the Island. It’s true they have called it small, but it’s difficult to understand why they call it “efficient” since in no case does it even cover domestic demand.

Julio Andrés García Pérez, the General Manager of Azcuba, a group of companies in charge of sugar production, announced that 455,198 tons of sugar must be produced for the ’family basket’, tourism, medicines, industrial production and exports. It’s too little sugar for so much demand, if we take into account that domestic consumption requires around a half million tons, and, last year, 411,000 tons were committed to foreign sales.

The plan wasn’t achieved last year, since 911,000 tons had been projected and barely 473,720 were obtained. This year, therefore, officials adjusted their forecasts according to the poor production recorded in 2022, and even a little less. The figure is more realistic, although it remains to be seen if it is reached, in the midst of the current economic and financial debacle, lack of fuel, blackouts and a planting that has already started badly.

The campaign will begin in mid-November, which on this occasion will involve 23 sugar mills. In the past there were 36, but only three fulfilled their production plans, according to the authorities, who already warned that for this year the number of sugar mills would be reduced to 26. In the end, the number is even more modest.

In the meeting held yesterday between the leadership of Azcuba and the Party leadership, García Pérez explained that “it’s a matter of planning the harvest so it’s objective, flexible and, although small, with good practices, concentrating resources in fewer sugar mills to achieve greater efficiency.” continue reading

Deputy Prime Minister Jorge Luis Tapia Fonseca, who emphasized “discipline,” recalled that this year “there will be no more subsidies for losses in the sector” and fiercely placed the responsibility on the workers, whom he asked to be aware of how much they will achieve each day, because “if the mill doesn’t mill, the economic results won’t be good.”

“Indicators of efficiency are the main weapons of this harvest, which will be the beginning of the recovery of sugarcane in the country,” said Tapia Fonseca, to the astonishment even of the readers of the official media, Cubadebate.

“One of the most serious problems we have is triumphalism, which then dissolves into sad realities,” says a commentator in the article, entitled “Cuba is getting ready for a small, but more efficient harvest.” And another spits out, “That title is repeated every year.”

Meanwhile, a reader who has reviewed the accounts of the previous campaign says regretfully: “That means that the sugar production in the next harvest (455,198 tons) will be lower than in the last (480,000 tons in round numbers, the lowest production in more than a hundred years). We keep moving forward like the crab. We are already announcing that we will break the record we had ’achieved’ in the last harvest. And when I woke up, the directives were still there.”

The warning has also caught the attention of the Spanish-based Cuban economist Elías Amor. “Knowing that the economic situation is very serious, they no longer try to hide the disaster but broadcast it before it happens, so that people can prepare. It’s a change of strategy that, in the case of sugar or blackouts, is now set,” he says. The expert describes the adjective “efficient” as “a macabre joke” for the coming harvest.

Elías Amor has dedicated numerous analyses to the resounding fall of the sugar industry, which has gone through times of glory. In 1959, Cuba had 156 operational factories that produced 5.6 million tons of sugar. During the years of the Soviet subsidy, although without reaching the mythical 10 million announced by Fidel Castro, record figures were reached that exceeded eight million tons in the best harvests, between 1970 and 1989.

The root causes of the debacle in recent years are, for the authorities, the lack of fuel, breakage in machinery and transport and industrial failures, in addition to the humidity of the fields and COVID-19. According to the economist’s analysis, the greatest burdens are the absence of financing (due to the lack of access to financial markets), the impossibility of attending to domestic consumption and the little technology available to obtain sugar production byproducts* – “which is where the profitable sugar lines are.”

These causes explain the failure of one of the industries that contributed the most money to Cuba in history, well ahead of tobacco, but there will also be consequences. The lack of sugar for export will prevent the much-needed acquisition of foreign currency, and its absence for the domestic market will force the State to spend amounts of money that it doesn’t have. Meanwhile, the street finds a new reason for discontent.

*Translator’s note: The four main byproducts of the sugarcane industry are cane tops, bagasse, filter muds and molasses.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Biden Extends the Embargo Against Cuba and Díaz-Canel Calls it a ‘Crime’

U.S. President Joe Biden. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio/EFE, Havana, 3 September 2022 — The president of Cuba, Miguel Díaz-Canel, criticized the U.S. president, Joe Biden, on Saturday for renewing the Law of Trade with the Enemy, a statute of 1917 that underpins the economic embargo on the island.

“Biden didn’t dare to take away the ’pretext’ from us and signed for the continuity of the blockade,” the Cuban president wrote on Twitter, referring to the memorandum that extends that policy until September 14, 2023.

Díaz-Canel added that “the crime has lasted too long, but the Cuban Revolution will survive it.”

In the same vein, the Cuban Foreign Minister, Bruno Rodríguez, said that “Biden becomes the 12th president of the United States to ratify the framework that supports the policy of abuse against Cuba and its people.”

The policy, the Minister of Foreign Affairs added, “is rejected by almost all member countries of the international community.”

Then president John F. Kennedy resorted to the statute in 1962 to impose the economic embargo on Havana, and since then it has been renewed, year after year, by the following presidents.

Cuba is currently the only country in the world sanctioned under that law that authorizes the president of the United States to impose and maintain economic restrictions on states considered hostile. continue reading

The embargo has been widely criticized internationally and rejected since 1992 by a large majority of countries in the UN General Assembly.

Systematically called “the blockade” by the Cuban authorities, the embargo is the reason used by the regime to justify the shortage of food, medicines and other multiple problems, even though there is a law that allows Cuba to buy basic goods from the United States, as long as it pays in advance, in cash.

Most of the chicken that Cuba imports come from the United States; in the last 20 years, the United States has exported 2.78 million tons of chicken to Cuba — 39.5%  of that in the last five years — for a cumulative value of 2,368 million dollars, according to data from the beginning of 2022. In addition, the Island also buys other products from the US, such as soy, fruits, coffee, ketchup, fresh vegetables and pet food.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Spinning with the Failure of Foreign Investment in Cuba

Mariel Special Development Zone – ZEDM

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, 4 September 2022 — Cuban communists have failed dramatically with foreign investment. They were wrong to believe that an interventionist law and not guaranteeing property rights were going to serve to promote investment. They were wrong about the Mariel Special Development Zone, which has not been special, nor anything close. They were wrong about the devices for hiring labor, the design of joint ventures or the absence of funding. They were wrong in everything; hence, the failure.

And now, the State newspaper Granma published an article entitled “Lend a hand” to national industry and economy with foreign investment. Wouldn’t this be like going for the jugular? Nor would putting the national infrastructure that is still state-owned at the service of foreign investment make it possible to patch over a pothole that has its explanation in the desire to apply the communist model to foreign capital, an erroneous pretense that doesn’t have a leg to stand on.

The foreign investor wants freedom to decide what to do with his money. The hands of the state, the farther away, the better. This is something that the Cuban communist regime cannot understand, and that’s how it goes.

Contrary to what is stated in Granma, analysts emphasize that the framework of foreign investment in Cuba continues without undergoing the necessary changes to achieve its increase, and the recent decisions of the regime have passed without pain or glory, because they don’t go to the heart of the problem. But with these decisions, the communist state intends to solve critical problems that throw the Cuban economy into a situation of extreme weakness, such as with food or electricity, and in these matters, foreign capital seems to have little interest. continue reading

The regime intends for foreign capital to enter to operate in wholesale distribution, but this stumbles over the legal framework in Cuba. On one hand, there is no guarantee because this activity is subject to control by the regime, and on the other, why dedicate itself to distribution when the problem is that there are not sufficient products or goods?

The two vectors point to a scenario in which no matter how hard the authorities try, they won’t find a foreign distributor to provide the technology and experience that will achieve radical changes in the gray commercial landscape of the communist economy. You don’t build a house from the roof down; you need a solid foundation. As much as Minister Gil tries at the National Hotel to convince representatives of embassies, national and foreign businessmen and officials from agencies of the State, he knows that this initiative won’t go very far; and in any case, if it happens, the government will have a partner subject to communist decisions who, sooner or later, will abandon the business.

Likewise, Gil claimed the new scenario according to which, currently, both the private and state sectors have a demand for resources to produce, backed up by imports, which means a space for the participation of foreign capital in wholesale trade. But in this, he also didn’t tell the truth, since while the state sector agrees to dollar-to-peso exchanges at the rate of 1×24, others, the non-state, must get used to the semi-official rate of 1×130, or resort to the informal market rate of 1×150, and rising.

Gil said that the country has an infrastructure that is above production levels, and this is false, according to the results of 2021, but by disagreeing with it, he refused to accept the technological obsolescence of numerous sectors and companies in sugar, electricity, manufacturing, transport, etc. The minister is wrong to say these things, and the foreign investor is attentive to all this when making decisions.

It’s not surprising that other Caribbean countries, such as the Dominican Republic, benefit from this black hole of the Castro regime, which aims to trap unsuspecting investors so that they place their capital in warehouses or factories whose cost of reactivation is much higher than putting it into operation from the beginning. If you think not, look at the estimate of 255 million dollars to update the electricity sector.

Haste has never been a good adviser in economic policy decisions. In reality, attracting foreign capital to Cuba simply requires another model, another economic structure, another legal framework, and that doesn’t happen overnight. Going around in a vicious circle doesn’t lead anywhere.

Therefore, when the minister declares that he is willing “to make national infrastructure available to foreign investment,” he should clarify how he intends to do it, in terms of what model, with what instruments and within what deadlines, because that being said, in open terms, he will not be able to attract anyone; on the contrary, he will scare off foreign capital. The lost foreign exchange income in the country, which is more than 3 billion in a very short period, will never come within the current framework of foreign investments.

The minister abandons the idea of international investors deploying their structures to produce and generate employment in Cuba, seeing that this is impossible, and therefore, he now wants to make it easier for foreigners to bring products into the country, taking advantage of their experience, their financial facilities, their technology and for this, to take advantage of the communist state infrastructures. They aren’t going to be successful, not in the wholesale trade and much less in the retail trade. There are many countries to attend to first, with promising markets. Cuba lags behind in this international competition, and for Cubans things are getting worse and worse.

As always happens in these business forums, such as the one held at the National Hotel, ministers participate in the road show to present business opportunities to foreigners who then, when studied in detail, end in nothing. The five proposals offered by the director of foreign trade of Havana, Luis Carlos Góngora, surprised the attendees. First, the possibility of wholesale and retail production and marketing of consumer and intermediate goods in the capital, which are in high demand, associated with the activity of breadmaking and pastry, artisanal and industrial productions of candies and other jams, and the processing and preservation of food.

He stressed that there is a market for this, due to the growing number of micro, small and medium-sized companies that are engaged in these activities, in addition to the fact that these products and raw materials are for widespread domestic use, in family food, which also justifies a retail market. And among the products to be marketed, he mentioned sugar, salt and flour, in addition to specific mixtures, gluten-free flour, packaging, fats, oils, yeasts and dyes, among other raw materials.

The business director of the Ministry of Industries, Tomás Oviedo, proposed several areas for foreign investment; for example, the marketing of tires and rubber articles, as well as inputs and equipment related to these productions. The proposal would be in the form of a wholesale marketing company, and the opportunity lies in the high unmet demand, with potential customers such as the ministry itself, MITRANS [the Minstry of Transport], the construction sector or any other branch of the economy that owns automotive transport.

From the chemical industry, there was talk of the creation of a wholesale entity that markets flat glass and items of this material, supplies and equipment for the respective factories, which would  meet the demands of that market, acquire new technologies for the development of this industry and recover and make the most of the capacities already installed.

In the field of agriculture, it was proposed to develop a chain of wholesale and retail stores, no less than five, to offer a variety of products and commodities with national reach, supported by wholesale warehouses. This proposal would be supported by a high demand in the sector for raw materials, tools and accessories, among other things, and as another potential it added the existence of underutilized logistics capabilities, with a network of establishments that are out of stock.

The question that appears in all this list of opportunities is the same: Why haven’t the Cubans done this themselves, and why do you have to resort to foreign capital? Or more importantly, why doesn’t the state do it with its state companies?

On the other hand, it abounded in several conditions and guarantees of operation, such as the “Single Window,” created to accompany investors and facilitate the entire process.

Castroite leaders have thrown in the towel, aware that the communist model can’t go on, except to highlight interventionist nonsense such as the portfolio of opportunities or the one-stop-shop. They speak of a more favorable environment for foreign investment, but they don’t realize that the current times, due to a serious global economic crisis caused by Cuba’s partner, Putin, will bring with it a collapse of markets and financing. It’s unfortunate that Cuban leaders are going to look for investments just when it can become more complicated. Always swimming against the current.

Not even letting businesses operate in foreign currency, which means taking them away from the reality of a weak and increasingly fragmented domestic market, will manage to interest any foreign investor. No one trusts these types of decisions that, at any time when the conditions of the economy change, can be reversed, and then it’s over. This lack of guarantees is what worries many investors.

The eternal bureaucracy is also frightening investors, so, when the flexibility in the requirements for proposals was announced, the reduction in the content of the documentation that is required today for approval, some rejoiced, but sadness returned when it was seen that the required paperwork remained the same and that the multiplicity of partners again casts shadows of doubt.

Finally, no one told Minister Gil and his colleagues that in order to attract foreign capital for business opportunities in the sectors of the economy, something must be done first, and that it’s very important.

And that is to pay off the debts. No attendee said anything about this issue. It’s an annoying matter for those who haven’t paid the Paris Club and other creditors for two years. And so, with that data about non-payment, they want to attract investments? Good luck with that.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: Fidel Castro’s Tantrum with Gorbachev

During Gorbachev’s trip to Cuba in 1989, he and Castro could not hide, despite high levels of diplomacy, the abyss that separated their ideas. (EP)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Frank Calzón, Miami, 3 September 2022 — Mikhail Gorbachev, the Soviet leader who wanted to salvage communism with his reforms and openings known as glasnost and perestroika, could not convince Fidel of the pragmatism of these reforms during his visit to Cuba in 1989. Fidel did not like the interest generated by the Russian — younger than he — among Havanans, nor did he like his ideas of renewal.

Now, the state-run press in Cuba has limited itself to succinctly informing about his death, which has been the subject of hundreds of articles and commentaries in the most important press outlets around the world.

In an article this week in the Washington Post, Nathan Sharansky, a human rights activist and former political prisoner in the USSR, wrote that Gorbachev, “expressed regret that the U.S.S.R. had fallen apart, but also emphasized his personal achievements, including the promotion of political and religious freedom, the introduction of democracy and a market economy, and, of course, the end of the Cold War.”

In his book titled Perestroika, published in 1987, Gorbachev — who would become the leader of the Soviet Union the following year — wrote that “the world is not what it used to be, and its new problems cannot be solved by the inherited concepts of centuries past.” Gorbechev did not want continuity. continue reading

Those ideas and his willingness to cooperate with the United States were anathema to Fidel Castro, who always wanted to be the leader of a grand anti-American coalition. The immediate result was that Havana banned the distribution of Russian publications, such as Sputnik and Novedades de Moscú [News from Moscow], and began to repatriate the Cubans who lived in Russia to avoid contagion with the dangerous reformist virus.

Among those who were later disgraced for favoring the reforms were General Arnaldo Ochoa, a national hero decorated by Fidel Castro himself and later executed on the dictator’s orders following a sham trial for drug trafficking.

Regarding Ochoa’s case, the Los Angeles Times stated at the time that “it is possible that Arnaldo Ochoa will be spared from a firing squad by his old friend and leader Fidel Castro, but . . . Castro has decided that his Island’s future lies in . . . Stalinist Communism including purges and show trials for those unfortunate apparatchiks who stray from the party line.”

After the Soviet Union disappeared, Irina Zorina, an intellectual, and a group of Russian dissidents founded the Russian Committee for Human Rights in Cuba and the Russian Embassy in Geneva responded to a call from Carlos Franqui and Freedom House, sponsoring a session to hear the grievances of former Cuban political prisoners who were visiting the United Nations Commission on Human Rights in the Swiss city.

The session was also attended by diplomats, journalists and representatives of human rights organizations. Cuba’s State newspaper Granma ran an editorial commentary illustrated with rats, vodka bottles and American flags, alleging they wanted to convert the Russian diplomatic mission into a tavern.

Sharansky’s Washington Post article comments that during Gorbachev’s, “first trips to the West. . .Gorbachev discovered that the Soviet Union had paid a heavy diplomatic and economic price for its treatment of dissidents. As a result. . .he began to release political prisoners and long-time refuseniks (Jews fighting for their right to emigrate to Israel.) ”

Shanasky also wrote in his book, The Case for Democracy, that “three things are necessary for people to achieve freedom: people on the inside willing to suffer to achieve it; people on the outside to help them; and for democracies to condition their political, economic, and cultural relationships on the regime’s implementation of specific reforms, beginning with the release of political prisoners.”

Translated by: Silvia Suárez

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.