There are no free elections without free people, free citizens, free men and free women / Oswaldo Paya

We are on the eve of new elections in Cuba. And I am reminded that the first law issued in Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista insurrection before the elections scheduled in 1958, was a death penalty law. It was designed to punish with death those who took part in the elections. It also punished those who voted because the elections were corrupt. The Christian Liberation Movement (MCL) and the opposition do not kill people, nor sabotage, nor exclude, everyone knows it. Our motto is Freedom and Life. We do not want power for ourselves; we want peace and civil rights for all, because where there are no rights there is no justice.

We seek only power for the people, popular sovereignty, as did Martin Luther King, remember? Power to the people! …

We denounce institutionalized corruption. The one that has the power declares us enemies and does not compete with the opposition but the sentences, stigmatized and annihilates it.

In 1954 there was a campaign in Cuba that promoted amnesty, the promoters were those who claimed there is no such thing as free elections while there are political prisoners. The current regime does not recognize or respect the right of individuals, Cubans, and the opposition to defend political differences. The difference between government and opposition in Cuba is much different from any that exists in a democracy. The contradiction between the opposition and the government in Cuba is based precisely on the lack of democracy respect towards the political rights of citizens, it is more than a contradiction, it is an antagonism between the people and the totalitarian system. We do not antagonize the people that govern and those identify themselves for some reason with the government, we do not call other “worms” or treat anyone with hatred, but we do claim that neither they nor we, nor anyone in Cuba is free under this system.

Will they claim that the Communist Party and other areas of the government are not preparing the candidates and ensuring they only they are represented by the delegates in each district? Tell that to the protagonists of these pre-election conspiracies.

In 1992, when Aldana (before Robaina, Lage and Perez Roque) said that the opposition could compete in the elections, I said I would. What did they do? The police came to my house and took me to the local Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) in Zaragoza and Carmen on the neighborhood of Cerro, there was a circus prepared with a tribunal chaired by one of the Communist party local leaders, the same one who had assaulted and looted my house on July 11, 1991 and who died in the United States (he received his visa to meet with their children in the US, something that the Cuban government has denied my family for years, but that’s a different topic…). State Security participated in this circus. There were many uniformed officers, and a lady told me that if I was a Christian and did not want see blood run I should not to disturb the assemblies by submitting my application for candidacy. That was intimidation against citizens so that they would know what it meant to support me. The message reached everyone; nevertheless, the day of the assembly they placed agents in the neighborhood, many of whom were visibly armed, they said they were waiting for Paya to show up.

On July 6, 2006 they prepared a similar operation, during which they wrote on a wall a few feet from my house: “In a besieged plaza, dissenting is treason” Who did they want to intimidate, me? As a human being I have felt fear, but ir does no dominate me. I am still a dissident although I have never been part of the oppressive regime, but I identify myself with that term proudly because my family has always defended democracy. Dissent is a right and the Cuban government categorizes it as treason, as does Chavez back in Venezuela. This is a permanent violation of civil liberties. There are no free elections in such an environment, and with such laws.

If there is no legal recognition of the right to exist, participate in politics, dissent and work without persecution there are no elections, no pluralism. We denounce that the people cannot decide, we do not make laws like the ones they made before 1958. The people are not free and it does not make any sense for them to participate in elections that are only a contradiction to democracy. I think it’s a way to delay and divert the real change that Cuba wants and needs. The lack of freedom of association, expression and free elections are the barriers to political participation from the people. If Cubans do politics, they become victims of political exclusion and other injustices.

The peaceful, logical and fair solution that can lead to changes and genuine dialogue is to recognize those rights. Enough with reactionary justifications that say the people are not ready do not want change, do you think fifty-four years without freedom and rights are not enough? Others say that people do not want rights, what an insult! Others may say that many Cubans want this government. I don’t think so, but in any case no Cuban can decide what they want in this environment, with these laws and with this system Cubans cannot chose who they want to govern them, which system to have. We demand rights for all, without hatred or offense, with justice; everyone knows that not even the People’s National Assembly can decide freely, they also receive orders. This will change only when they are elected by the people, only then they will obey the people.

That is our demand, we keep calling all Cubans, no matter how they think or what background they come from, to be part of the solution and changes, this can only be done by the people. Why say no to our rights? Why the elitism? Philosophies and theologies? What oppresses us is fear, intolerance and the determination of a group to remain in absolute power. Abandon the simulation! Take the path of the people which is the path of democracy.

On behalf of the Christian Liberation Movement.

Oswaldo J. Paya Sardinas

July 20, 2012

Note: Only two days later, on July 22 the National Coordinator of our Movement, Oswaldo Paya, tragically died with our brother Harold Cepero in suspicious circumstances not yet clarified. We issue this message, due to its relevance to current events in Cuba and in memorium to them. Through this article we show that his example and legacy remain alive in each of us, and it continues to lead the Cuban people across the way of the people and the conquest of their rights, a people and path so greatly loved by Harold and Oswaldo.

Board of coordinators of the Christian Liberation Movement.

October 17, 2012

Ofelia Acevedo Maura                                                                               Narviel Hernández Moya

Juan Felipe Medina                                                                                     Eduardo Cardet Concepción

Ernesto Martini Fonseca                                                                         Andrés Adolis Chacón Aroche

A Declaration from Virginia / Jorge Luis Garcia Perez Antunez

Points of the declaration from Virginia.

The signatories below, members of a countless number of organizations which make up the Central Opposition Coalition, an entity affiliated with the Orlando Zapata Tamayo National Front of Civic Resistance, have gathered this Wednesday, 3rd of October 2012, in the already historic and war-hardened neighborhood of Virginia, in Santa Clara, where we will write down in a public declaration of principles the following aspects and commitments.

1- Today those who sign and seal this declaration support the initiative named “Civic Demand for Another Cuba”.

– At the same time, all and each of those present ratify the viable character of the program “Towards a National Stoppage” as a continuity and colophon to the campaign of No Cooperation in its first and second stages. As promoters of the same, we make clear that with the campaign “Towards a National Stoppage” we initially make a call to take consciousness on the side of the Cuban population of the necessity to create conditions that permit, with the participation of all Cubans, a gradual stoppage of economic, political and social structures and mainly the repressive ones of the Castro Communism.

3- Those making this declaration today in the Neighborhood of Virginia see with consent and patriotic prid ethe birth and positive development of Homes of the Prisoner in Cuba, genuine expression of the maturity of the unanimity of a nation that they try to divide based on absurd categorizations.

4- At times when the forces of domestic resistance suffer like never before from the repressive onslaught of the tyranny, we request solidarity from the international community. From our hard reality we pray so that the people of Venezuela rescue again the destiny of this brother nation and with it the futureand stability of our hemisphere.

5- The Central Opposition Coalitionand the National Front of Civic Resistance Orlando Zapata Tamayo, ratifies its executive structure in Cuba, as well as to ratify the Assembly of Cuban Resistance as our representative outside Cuba.

Signatures:

Rolando García Casa de Vals, Yanisbel Valido Pérez, Arturo Conde Zamora, Yris Tamara Pérez Aguilera, Alcides Rivera Rodríguez, Carlos Michael Morales Rodríguez, Alexei Sotolongo Díaz, Rolando Ferrer Espinosa, Leticia Ramos Herrería who was arrested trying to get there, Alberto Reyes Morales, Miuchel Oliva López, Xiomara Martín Jiménez, Mayra Conyedo García, Onelia Alfonso Hernández, Idania Yanez Contreras, Aramilda Contreras Rodríguez, Damaris Moyas Portieles, Jorge Luis García Pérez Antunez, Santa González Pedroso, arrested trying to arrive, Julio Columbie Batista, arrested trying to arrive, Irael Pérez Díaz, arrested trying to arrive, our brothers Ricardo Pupo Sierra and his brave troop in Cienfuegos who are detained in their own houses and because of safety reasons a high number of brothers who in this moments are either arrested, are being arrested or simply detained in their own houses.

Among the present organizations are found Resistance Movement, Rosa Parks Women Movement, Nationalist Party of Cuba, The Home of the Prisoner, among others, all the organizations ratify their unconditional permanence, eternal and faithful to the Coalition of Central Opposition and we recognize our leader Idania Yánez Contreras as figure who most gathers us together with most important, serious, genuine leadership of the opposition in the center of the country.

Long Live the Coalition of Central Opposition.

Long Live Domestic Resistance.

Long Live Free Cuba.

Translated by: Anony GY

October 4 2012

Socialist Legality / Lilianne Ruiz

Lourdes Esquivel, Lady in White, was also detained in the jails of the Santiago Station of Vegas last October 14.  When she left her house, 20 men — at least those whom she could count — threw themselves on her and told her:  “There is no mass; jail.”  She was conducted to the aforementioned Police Station and locked up with a woman with HIV, to whom one of the jailors said: “Do you want me to give you a knife?”

Thursday night we visited the home of Lourdes and her husband Jose Diaz Silva, who is president of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic, and is also a former political prisoner.

Earlier, last October 2nd, Jose Diaz Silva was detained near his house (located at 5th street Number 18406/184 and final. Apartment Complex Porvenir, Boyeros, La Habana)  At the time of his detention, he was in the company of Lourdes Esquivel, his wife, and they took him in a patrol car number 870 to the Station of Santiago de Las Vegas.  The cause, on this occasion, was his having occupied some several printed pages with the Citizen Demand For Another Cuba, which he has promoted since the Civil Society inside the Island, and which have been signed by a good number of Cubans, in order to urge the government (which we cannot elect via free elections) to ratify the Covenant of Political and Civil Rights, and the United Nations’ Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, signed by the Cuban Government February 28, 2008, in New York City without having ever been implemented, apparently because of not being forced to do so until ratified by a second signature which is what the Citizen Demand is asking for.

Silva was transported to the Santiago Station of Las Vegas, in the first place; but then he was transferred to another Station about which they gave no information to Lourdes until the moment in which he was freed.  Meanwhile, she did not stop seeking that information about his whereabouts, going to all the Police Stations in Havana, accompanied by one of her children.

In the interim, on October 3, the police returned to the house.  Lourdes’ younger son and his wife were alone, because Lourdes was searching, without finding an answer from the authorities, where her husband had been taken when they removed him from the Santiago Station of Las Vegas.

The police threatened to break down the door, they were accompanied by State Security, commanded by agent “Joan.”  The made a search and “appropriated” a series of the family’s articles and goods, whose list I reproduce here below, and that, starting now I will  begin to call by its name, given that the action carried out by the police and State Security is clearly and plainly a theft, stealing, justified by the political and social position of the police and State Security in Cuba.

The list of articles stolen by the police and State security is as follows:

1.  A laptop.

2.  An Amazon Kindle, electronic book, which forms part of the collection of the Independent Library that functions in the home.

3.  Two cameras,  one completely new.

4.  Cards of the said cameras.

5.  Flash drives.

6.  Mp4.

7.  A broken printer.

8.  Hundreds of photos, among them family photos.

9.  300 C.U.C. (convertible money)

10.  Playing cards, printed on the back with a promotion of Cambio and another with promotion for the release and memory of the 75 of the Black Spring of 2003, Cuba’s darkest spring.

11.  T-shirts used to promote Cambio, another one of Bacardi.

12.  Promotion caps for the Library and some 50 Cambio bracelets.

13.  Three thousand seven hundred cards with information about the members of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic.

14.  Two hundred accounts books bought in the Book Fair . . . of the Cabana.

15.  Hundreds of books:  literature, essays, religious, political, science fiction, youth.  Records and other documents belonging to the Library.

16.  1 Cuban flag.

17.  1 flag of the Movement.

18.  1 flag of the Resistance.

19.  Poster of the Library.

20.  The Poster of the Library that was placed on the Doorway and the stickers placed on the door.

21.  Passport and documents that were issued to the family members since 2007.

22.  A 64 GB iPod.

The closing of the story, as much as its middle and its beginning, serves to denounce the justice system between the citizens and the State in this dictatorship model, and to put in evidence the human and intellectual quality of those State Security agents that have been “improved,” by the ideological political chapter of the Cuban education system, and very especially in the formation of the political police which is the upper echelon of that moral ladder.

Agent “Joan” (persistent bully also of Sara Marta Fonseca, because she is in charge of repression of the Boyeros municipality) threatened Silva that:  “They’re not going to let the Opposition Movement for a New Republic rise.”  Every time Silva has a compendium of his members “they going to throw it out.”  And “Now that Silva has a full record, ’they’ could close it, sending him to prison and giving him 20 years.”

October 5 at 5 in the afternoon Silva was freed and before learning of the sacking of his house in his absence, agent “Joan” imposed a fine of 200 pesos for the crime of “Hoarding Books.”

I am not pulling your leg; in Socialism that is possible and the crime of the Tribunal’s “Moral Conviction” for which Silva was sentence fo 6 years in jail in 1994.  (And although this is material for another post, also on that occasion they evicted his wife from the house where she had lived for 7 years with her three children and made her live in a wooden room attached to the house that they had expropriated and in which today another family lives.  In spite the facts that all the lawyers and housing inspectors recognize that the property is still that of the Silva Esquivel family, the socialist legality permits these injustices that do not exist in an independent Tribunal that protects the citizen from the “omnipotent” State).

The members of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic have been visited and threatened equally by the “State Security.”

Which of the articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have not been violated in Cuba in these 53 years?

 Translated by: Boston College Cuban-American Student Association

October 23 2012

Concerts and Disconcertions / Miriam Celaya

From Estado de Sats website

Last Friday evening, October 19th, a new concert in support for Demanda Ciudadana por Otra Cuba (Citizen Demand for Another Cuba) was held in the usual venue for the Estado de SATS Project in Havana. This time, the young rappers of Ruta 11 and Estudiantes sin Semillas (Seedless Students) were in charge of the performance, which took place in that usual lively and peaceful place.

In addition to the enthusiasm and sincerity of these young amateurs and audience and their overall responsiveness, there were two distinctive notes: 1) The all too usual arrests of several people who had planned on attending, intercepted on the street, some of them first taken to a criminal investigation center in the municipality of Playa, and later confined to the dungeons of the stations at Santiago de Las Vegas (Boyeros Municipality) and Infanta and Manglar (Cerro) overnight; and 2) The panic that was unleashed by the mobilization of operative’s vehicles in the streets near the venue of the concert, where musicians and audience loudly chanted the chorus of the show’s final song: “Freedom , freedom, freedom! … “. Obviously, the wolf pack [the authorities] was afraid we would pour into the streets with such a dangerous clamor, so they rushed to cover the exits to block us. There are no words as subversive to the servile slave’s mind as that of FREEDOM.

Each concert, as well as the growing consensus the Demanda Ciudadana wins over across different social sectors, causes confusion among repression forces, and that evidently frightens the dictatorship. Is the system so fragile that it gets afraid in the face of what an esteemed Cuban intellectual termed “the vast minority”? Do the aging leaders feel so weak that they send out their bigwigs to try to boycott the budding spirit of freedom? It’s all in vain. That other Cuba is already underway.

October 22 2012

To Get Real Elections / Eliecer Avila

Ever since I was little, I’ve paid attention to politics. I enjoyed, for example, the attention generated around the world by the election campaigns in the United States. I remember my elementary school teacher who was always waiting for who would be elected and told us things like, “If so-and-so wins, we’ll have to see. But if the other one wins, he’ll let us have it.”

I didn’t understand what that meant, but surely he was referring to starting a war against us or something of that sort. On one occasion, though I wasn’t even in the sixth grade yet, I asked my father when there would be elections here. By then he was in the army and also in the Communist Party. I remember he told me, “Soon, you’ll see that when you’re grown up you’ll be able to vote.”

I immediately fired off the second compulsory question: “And will Fidel always win?” To this he responded with a tirade that lasted over an hour which I didn’t understand, not then and not later. Honestly, I waited anxiously for the day, the one when I would be able to exercise my vote. What I could never imagine then is that things here would be very different, and now I understand why Cubans pay more attention to the elections in some other country than they do to their own.

But I won’t try to explain here the joke about elections in Cuba. A great deal has already been written about this, and whoever isn’t aware of the inability of the people to change their current political landscape with an real election system is too lazy to think. I prefer to focus on the figure and the strange administration of the president.

Notice that I say the president, not Raul. Because it isn’t the person who interests me, the person I don’t know. I’m sure I’m not the only one who asks what the president of this country does, what his commitment is to Puerto Padre or to El Yarey de Vazquez, my country birthplace. What does he do every day that we don’t see on television or anywhere else? What is his opinion on the issues we Cub discuss about the present and future of the country? When does the president talk to people? How does he listen to their problems?

If anyone has seem him out these days I apologize, but I have never been that lucky, nor do I know anyone who has. This gentleman doesn’t behave like a president and even worse, we admitted it once, nor do we behave like a people.

A people vibrates, protests, demands, compels, grants and takes away powers and faculties, rewards and penalizes those who help or hinder their development and well-being. We do none of this. On the contrary, we allow an evident and painful degree of isolation in our “public figures.”

These gentlemen run the country from the impunity of anonymity. Sometime’s I’m convinced that the president of this country does not like being president, does not enjoy like the previous one did, is not a leader of anything nor does he have ideas of his own to implement, much less a new vision of the future to share with his people. At best he is an “official,” perhaps respected among his inner circle, but he is never president, and would not be in any country with real elections. On the rare occasions when we can see him he’s constantly reading a prepared paper, I cannot imagine what he would do in a debate in front of the people with a serious and prepared opponent.

These days they are going around everywhere inviting people to participate in the “elections.” I already told you that as long as I can’t vote for president I won’t vote, I won’t be part of something so counterrevolutionary as helping to maintain the same thing infinitely.

Even when the day comes when I can vote for the president and for the top leaders of all the powers, I will not be complacent, I will not confide in anyone, nor vote for a puppet of the capital or of other things, I will not vote for an eternal Communist-schmoozer-leftist-unproductive-applicant. In short, I will not vote for many people, but I will vote, I know there are Cuban men and women who know how to earn my vote, and I will give it gladly, because I’m still waiting for the day to exercise my right, although I am also convinced that this day will not come on its own two feet, we are going to have to carry it on our shoulders, with intelligence and determination.

From DiariodeCuba.com

19 October 2012

Mystery Graffiti Artist / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

He was an old graffiti artist, in the best tradition of Kilroy — and also “he was here” — one of thosehardly seen anymore. But over the years he was introduced to the syndrome of centralization. He took to accumulating spray paints of all colors. He cornered and amassed them in a storeroom pending the big day. Nevertheless, after some years he began to use a single color. Many thought that it was not a strange symptom, but a strategy of artistic survival. Others said that it was to save the other colors, but no one knew for sure. The case is that he painted everything green; not to allude to theological virtue or to sustain himself in the illusion of a chimera, but in the uniform of everlasting hope. Nevertheless, as much as he liked green, it exhausted him. But he loved his space and home country so muchthat he began to groom the wind with his graffiti, phrases and drawings, like a colored shield against alienation “from outside.”

After some years I saw him and sadly realized how he had neglected his personal appearance. Under his fingernails, the undefined blackish color of abandon,lost and confused in scratching the beard on his face. He barely stopped to talk with me. He looked around uneasily, excused himself because he was in a hurry and told me had a lot of work to do, because he was tocover with oceans and jars — without using green — all the walls of the city. He drew near to give me a kiss goodbye and whispered in my ear that he was going to make his own multicolor aurora borealis so that the satellites will not spy on him.

October 21 2012

Disagreement / Regina Coyula

In the Friday edition of the Granma newspaper, editorial letters are printed. Despite the filter through which they are submitted, (my friend Fernando has submitted letters since the editorial section started, but his letters have never been published, probably for not having the “correct” focus: the way Fidel taught us…, in accordance with the actualization model…,to comply with the rules…) nevertheless, there are still some interesting letters that get published.

Today it is a letter that alludes to two letters from last week. One is about the responsibility of bosses, and the other is about disagreeing with the boss. In today’s letter, the sender H. León Báez asks himself when the right to disagree with the boss’s opinion was lost. Very good for León Báez for bringing attention to a forgotten right. I invite readers to remember when between your peers, or on your own, you tested the boundaries with your boss. Right away I remember famous cases such as Borrego, who was the Minister of the Sugar Industry during the seventies, and more recently Doctor Terry, Vice Minister of Public Health, and Marcos Portal, Minister of General Industry.

In another part of his letter, León Báez refers to the popular practice of anonymous criticism, and agrees that this practice is free of reprisal, which tacitly acknowledges that disagreement is commonly met with punishment.

The day that Cubans are able to express our ideas without fear, our country will turn into the Babel of opinions. Until then we will continue with agreement and silence.

October 19 2012

Human Cats / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

This Sunday, September 30th, the newspaperTribuna de la Habana, the “official publication of the provincial party committee,” printed a small notice on the second page that got me thinking. I took a photo with my cell phone and, due to the poor quality of the image, have transcribed this senseless article as follows:

Mass Sterilization of Stray Cats

The Veterinary Institute convenes for the mass sterilization campaign to control stray cat populations, from October 19th-26th.

Appointments can be scheduled by calling 878-1546, or in person at the Veterinary Clinic itself, located on Salvador Allende Avenue (Carlos III Avenue). Twenty to twenty-five cats is [sic] treated every day from 9:00 AM until 12:00 noon.

Clara Luz

If the felines they are thinking of sterilizing are strays, why announce a campaign? Do they think the cats will cometo be operated onof their own accord in order to enjoy the surgical benefits of family planning?

The kitties without a doubt are grateful with the telephone number to call in an organized way and ask for appointments, but surely they rather leave those mental hygiene test to the humans — already accustomed to waiting in lines — while they scale to more elevated and traditional ways of lovely expression and preservation of the species. Perhaps — as the male chauvinist they are — they are thinking in leaving that “little matter” to the females of their kind, as they probably fear that since the article’s author was a woman, there is a gender problem and also there is some female bureaucrat pointing with a scalpel pointing this operation straight to their gonads.

What delusional person imagined that “pussycats” would go in animal or in person to the clinic on Carlos III to undergo this trauma. If we are in fact talking about stray cats, it is logical to assume that citizens would have to round them up, as a voluntary effort, to take them to be sterilized. Or is that the intention?

“Twenty to twenty-five cats is treated” or “are treated?”

In conclusion I have this final concern: I ask myself if they have taken into account the already visible diminished population of the “rabbits of the roofs” due to the scarcity of red meat since the beginning of the Special Period. What will become of rats whose numbers and activity have increased in the urban communities when the reproduction of cats is reduced? Since the battle against the rodents has thus far failed, perhaps the objective now is that humans, greater in numbers than cats, will be the ones expected to catch the rodents who transmit disease, as the only alternative to meat. This will then, for sure, reduce the rodent population.

October 3 2012

Night of This Night / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Night of this night

by Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Translated into English by María Elena Blanco

Reading Viktor Frankl in a corner of Havana is a frightening act. Those Viennese psychiatrists can mess us up even more –us, disinhabitants of a disappearing nation. Havana, keep us from exiting the hysterical spell of our depression. Catatonic Cuba.

It’s eight in the evening and it feels already like midnight. A deadly Wednesday. There’s a thundering silence. The air is dense and yellow, like volatile pus. The trees bend over under the weight of a sadness without any other cause than lack of love, cowardice and hate. I myself cannot escape that terminal-phase trio either. I shouldn’t be alive at this point of comic-strip history. Surviving has been my worst humiliation. I don’t love, I’m a coward, I hate them. Not you.

I read and I then speak the words out loud for nobody, sitting at the grocery store in ruins on the corner of 21st. and F, waiting for nothing and no one: “A prisoner in a concentration camp is savagely afraid of making a decision or taking any kind of initiative”.

The Austrian, of course, is talking about me. His logotherapy in this worldly hour is perfectly dysfunctional. Cuba does not fit into a concentration camp. Cuba is if anything an anti-gravitational field of pure dispersion, inverse magnetism, evanescent memory, a-biographical oblivion, a country without people in a state of total weightlessness. Help me, in the unfamiliar name of Viktor Frankl. Leave me with your own name, unrecognizable.

I wait, I send  messages on my mobile phone. Time collapses between one text and the next. How desolate, everything. I don’t remember who I was. I don’t even know whom I’m addressing. And yet I cannot stop thinking. Around me things happen, objects, muffled sounds. A theater of operations, a scene just prior to the nuclear bomb. A beautiful sight, this puppet fascism of our Cuban 21st century. I am trapped in one solitary image of the labyrinth, in a sort of subrogated salvation. I feared it from the very first flash, that homicidal summer. I should have disappeared, shouldn’t have insisted. I’m lost. I flee but am not able to escape. My guts are unforgiving. I’m shaking. It’s noticeable. My heart regains its furious pace, like a kicking horse under my ribs. The vision of you gives me vertigo. I am risen. I’m sorry, it is true. I fell in love.

I close “The man in search of meaning”. To hell with the world. Death to love. I’m off. To nowhere. Life is always nowhere to be found.

I enter, ghost-like, through the airy eaves of Edificio Arcos, gloomy ship from another, no less vicious era. This is all crashing down. The architecture, the tentative night, the desert city, deserted, the remains of my country, you. Everything falls by its own lack of weight. I used to think that no one was ever going to dazzle me in this sham of a city. I was wrong. I used to think that light lacked speed. That the elemental particles could not be so… elemental, inevitable. That the stars would not have one more laugh. Among other laughable metaphors, as always befits love when it is not love of Cuba, but of a terminal Cuba. I was so wrong.

On the stairs down there sits a broad untangling her hair. Long, miles long. Black. She is Indian. She spreads her legs wide and from a distance I see her underwear. Blue panties. Fierce, generous, airing themselves before plunging back in the faint light of her ramshackle room. The birth of the world between her aboriginal creek haunches, sioux sex. I immediately desire her –I think– maybe she’ll look up and make me an obscene sign. Behind the window grille, facing the void, some immemorial ladies –not a few of them in wheelchairs– fleetingly appear. Dirt, divine wonder, deception, death and more death. I think: I feel so old, we are a confraternity of corpses fallen from another time. A very tall thin guy drags his two plastic garbage bags up to the overloaded container, his fleshless arms open in cross like a scarecrow christ. I think I’d rather not have been born than to end up being him: maybe I’m already him and don’t know it. Under the lamppost, at the arcades’ bend, some fellows chat, shirtless. Blacks galore, a la carte, squared, cubed, cuba-esque. They give me a suspicious look. I’m a pale-face stranger, I could even have come here to tell on them. And they are right, my anxiety is that of a perverse spy. Of a monstrous, lonely child who rushes by, just in case, in case the flies, in case the worms, in case you… I crush Viktor Frankl into my backpack and finally move on.

I sweat. I stink. I’ve spent a whole day on Cuban streets. Perhaps it is a privilege that most exiles will never have. For me, it is a curse. What am I saying. I contradict myself. I walk through hanging inner backyards. I come out on a nameless sidewalk. I’m on 19th Street, one of the most beautiful in this well-swept-away neighborhood of El Vedado.

On the horizon, cables and midget skyscrapers. I play some classical music on my iPod. I sink to the bottom of my earphones. Cello strings grated, violently plucked –but the melody’s so tender. Beauty is guilty of all kinds of wild abuses. “No one used to live there without someone else dying”, quite the same in world-war Europe as in these Havanalager, where spiritual extermination is such that no psychiatrist will ever dare to analyze it and put his conclusions in writing.

Havana parades live in front of Orlando Luis and his eyes inevitably begin to crackle. I wink, I radiate brilliance. I am a grimace of gas, my anguish clotted in my throat, my cheeks, under my breastbone. I just remembered that I’m dead and only for that reason I’m immortal. I weep. I weep meekly, without tears. I beg your pardon. It is my democratic right. My quota of incivility. I now know that I will be a witness of these intolerable times until their very end. Come. I stayed. I breathe. Little by little the landscape is inversely reflected in my lungs. And I walk away, sterile energy among the taxicabs and buses on G street, free at last, illiterate, there where you never made it to. Where tomorrow my footprints will again meekly await you. I am domesticated, I couldn’t avoid it, “though the best amongst us will never return home”.

At the corner of G and 23rd. the Cuban Kameradenpolizei ask for my ID. My long hair and my lost look in the midst of paradise well deserve identification. A number. 71121011680. A mad cipher so that the revolutionary State or God’s conservatism know, on this night without a night, who I am.

Take me, I am an-other, I am yours. Please.

Translated by María Elena Blanco

October 18 2012

The Ballot Box, The Stretcher / Yoani Sanchez

boleta-anuladaTiles on the walls, a screen covered in green fabric and a metal table where they usually place syringes and cotton. This was the cubicle where I voted this morning to elect a delegate to the Municipal Assembly of People’s Power. Located inside a doctor’s office that was turned into a polling place this Sunday for the residents of the area. “Prescient” I thought of nothing but being alone with my ballot next to the large sink where they wash hospital implements. “Prescient” because my country is in a “coma” of indifference and apathy, and is going to need a profound revival – almost a defibrillation – for citizens to have real decision making power. Thirty-six years since its creation the current electoral system has not convinced us, not even once, that it represents the people against the power, rather we have become accustomed to the exact opposite.

So between the smell of formaldehyde and the hint of a stretcher, I annulled my ballot. After years of abstaining I decided to participate this time in an election that will change absolutely nothing. None of the delegates ratified at the polls could influence even the most pressing issues of our reality. Nor do we know how they think about our huge everyday problems, because the election law only allows them to submit their biography and their photo. So today in my neighborhood we were invited to choose between two faces, between two names, between two resumes… For this reason several neighbors and friends – knowing the futility of filling out a ballot – chose to abstain. But I wanted to satisfy my curiosity, to re-experience the senselessness of a paper that decides nothing, nothing changes, nothing moves forward.

First I wrote the letter “D.” Enormous, like a voiceless scream, I sketched that initial of a long-sought concept: “democracy.” And I did it in the midst of a clinical setting that fit metaphorically with my gesture of annulment, with the urgent intervention that the ranks of the People’s Power demand in this country. A deep surgery, an extensive extirpation of the meekness of the National Assembly, an electroshock of freedom to stop the parliamentarians from unanimously approving and applauding all the time. We will need to resurrect, to be reborn as a society, and to begin to behave like one

boleta-voto

22 October 2012

Travel and Emigration Reform? / Fernando Damaso

Photo: Rebeca

The recently announced and often proposed travel/emigration reform act finally appeared in the Official Gazette and, as you might guess, simply amounts to a reshuffling of the same restrictions along with some new ones. Its additional procedures are designed to “make changes so that everything stays the same” and to keep extracting hard currency from Cubans both inside and outside the country.

The “white card,” or exit permit, has been eliminated and its restrictions will now be applied to the passport, which will only be issued to those citizens who fulfill a long list of requirements or whom the state deems worthy. Its price will increase from 55 CUC to 100 CUC. It will extend to twenty-four months the time one can remain outside the country without being considered an emigrant. Cubans living in other countries and with other nationalities are still required to have a Cuban passport to visit Cuba, and it does not recognize dual citizenship, as is common in other democratic countries in the world. It also introduces a 150 CUC emigration processing fee for people living overseas and 100 CUC fee for those who decide to reside in Cuba.

As you might imagine, although there are still no guidelines or regulations regarding the practical application of the law, it is a bit like the saying, “You can flip the omelet over, but it’s the same on the other side.” Or to put it another way, “It’s the same dog but with a different collar.” It is now understandable why they needed so much time to craft this travel/emigration straitjacket.

Those who expected real change, and serious travel/emigration reform as a result, were left still wishing, and also, with the frustration of feeling tricked. It seems that the majority of Cubans still do not understand it is only possible to expect more of the same from the current authorities and never anything really new or different. Dogmatism, schematicism, and conservatism seem to be their guidelines and they never deviate from them: they have yielded powerful results for half a century, and they will not finally change now. The approved emigration reform constitutes a mockery of the wishes of the citizens, who every day demand real changes. May it serve as a lesson to so many naive ones!

October 20 2012

Two Fall Events / Rafael Leon Rodriguez

Taken from: lapupilainsomne.wordpress.com

Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías won the Venezuelan elections as was expected, but only by 10 percentage points; translated to voters figure is assumed he will have to govern with an opposition that showed support from the 45% of the electorate: six million one hundred and fifty thousand electors against approximately seven million four hundred thousand Chavistas. And the 20% of the citizens able to vote didn’t do so.

In the previous election in 2006 the opposition got the 37% of the votes. This means either these are the last elections won by Chávez or these were the last Venezuelan elections at all. Anyway the totalitarian formula is always win-win and the so called XXI Century Socialism won’t be the exception.

Two days before these elections, in Granma Province, the trial was held against the Spanish citizen Ángel Francisco Carromero Barrios, charged with murder while he was driving his vehicle on the public way. Carromero who was driving the car that crashed last July 22 when Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas and Harold Cepero lost their lives, remains under arrest until the sentence. Scarce or none information of the trial was known by the Cuban people, only reports from some who tried to get near and weren’t allowed, including Payá Sardiñas’ children. Others were detained to keep them away.

Both events, close in time, have something in common, a thread, which is the lack of information or disinformation with which the officials despise their citizens. Nobody knows the details of the trial against Carromero as no one knew the characteristic of the Venezuelan opposition’s proposal. In Cuba we only heard Chavez’s speeches in his political campaign. Not the ones of the opposition leader, Capriles. The conspirators of silence didn’t give details of the resolution adopted by the Council of the American Christian Democratic Organization (ODCA), on August 31st and September 1st in Chile, where an investigation of the deaths of Payá and Harold Cepero was asked of the competent organization the United Nations, with the support of the four Cuban organizations of the ODCA. Not by chance do totalitarian regimes understand freedom of the press as a contradiction of the democratic system, as for them the information is nothing more than a tool for control and repression.

Translated by: @Hachhe

October 16 2012

Corruption / Rafael Leon Rodriguez

Graphic downloaded from “consultajuridicaenlinea.blogspot.com”

In another of the many meetings of recent days, the XI International Criminal Sciences Meeting 2012, the General Controller of the Republic, Gladys Bejarano Portela, urged, from ethics and professionalism, the confrontation of economic crimes and illegalities.  Again the obligatory topic of corruption, focuses the interest of the participants on a legal event.

The fact is that, during so many years the sweeping of these systemic phenomena of Cuban socialism were swept under the rug, that now its effusion covers all spheres of society.  Now the General-President had called attention again, during the last extended Cabinet meeting, ending September, to work with rigor and discipline in order to eliminate the disorganization that drives the waste, theft and negligence.

He referred to delinquency in the collections and payments between enterprises and agencies and the increase in the string of defaults.  The fact is that there is no custom of respecting contracts or budgets or schedules, because for many years  they directed the country by command, by means of government directives.  And those rains brought this mud.

The Attorney General of the Cuban Republic spoke in the Meeting about the respectful vocation of the law and the legality of the revolution during its historical evolution.  This contrasts with the aphorism that the revolution is the source of law because it was the revolutionary power that upset even the country’s judicial symbols.

They appropriated from the designated buildings those which impart justice, like the building that today is occupied by the State Counsel and the Central Party Committee: the current Palace of the Revolution.  This building, which they inherited from the past regime, was intended for the Palace of Justice.  The headquarters of the Pines Island Tribunal in Nueva Gerona, for example, was converted to an ice cream shop in the second half of the 1960’s and so, through all the national territory, the semiotics of what is legal suffered inherently with respect to the law.

Enemies of the old law and obedient to the new, they headlined themselves the powerful debut.  But they have been the first violators of their own laws.  A recent example:  article 57 of the Constitution of the Cuban Republic expresses that correspondence is inviolable.  It can only be used, opened and examined in cases previewed by the law.  Matters irrelevant to the purpose of the examination will be kept secret.  The same principle will be observed with respect to cable, telegraph and telephone communications.

On a television program last month, they made public a telephone conversation of an opponent who was on hunger strike in her home in the capital. The arbitrary detention of dissidents; the deportations to their provinces of all who are where it does not suit the authorities; the known acts of repudiation against opponents and dissidents, organized by the same authorities that supposedly should prevent them, finally, the stigma that we are all guilty before the law, until we prove otherwise.

Also talked about at the event was the comprehensive analysis of the country’s Criminal Justice System that is being carried out, which will generate, according to the Attorney General, important modifications to the Penal code, the Law of Criminal Procedure and other legal norms.  By now, the Lady of Justice, with eyes blindfolded and scales in hand, gives a suspicious wink to  Cubans, observing everything, hiding behind the dark glasses of totalitarian power.

October 16 2012

New Law: Remake and Part I / Rafael Leon Rodriguez

From “Cubadebate.cu”

Yesterday, October 16, the Official Gazette of the Republic of Cuba finally published Decree/Law No. 302, which modifies the previous “Law on Immigration,” No. 1312, from September, 1976. A text of the law appeared in the same edition. As a good friend of mine would say, “More of the same with the same.” Nevertheless, the fact that it approaches the subject of emigration with the obvious intention of unlocking structures designed thirty-six years ago makes it somewhat different. What seems more important at this point is that Cuban authorities are introducing into the geopolitical and electoral landscape of Florida an expectation of how they will deal with the subject of Cubans in the diaspora. Not coincidentally, the official press — which, as we all know, is the only press — stated that these modifications are part of “irreversible” process of normalization of emigration from the homeland.

For the casual Cuban observer, what is most significant are the advantages, principally the elimination of the letter of invitation, a document necessary before any ordinary overseas trip can begin, and the despised exit permit, issued by the Ministry of the Interior. Like the documents one receives after completing a prison sentence, they confirmed, or confirm, that as citizens we are all hostages to the dictatorship. Now the passport will become the means of police control. We will see in ninety days, when the law is scheduled to take effect, and after the the election results in the United States are final, who can request and receive a passport in Cuba and who cannot.

The really timid measures applied to the emigration law are useless if they are not backed up by the guarantees provided by a national democratic state, as we all know. The modified article itself leads us to consider the obstacles that are still present, and how our rights as citizens continue to be violated, and not just in issues related to emigration. This unites us once again in continuing to work for the ratification of the United Nation’s Conventions on Civil, Political, Economic, Social and Cultural Rights as the real point of departure for recovering all our liberties as citizens.

October 18 2012

Restrictions Do Not Mean Solutions / Fernando Damaso

Archive photo

The rapidly evolving subject of the “pilfering of brains and talent” is once again the order of the day here after the announcement that certain absurd regulations governing travel overseas will be overturned starting January 1 of next year, leaving it quite clear that restrictive measures will still be applied to prevent this so-called pilfering.

In reality no one is stealing either brains or talent, which simply go where they are properly valued and where those with them can realize their full potential. In the Cuban republic’s fifty-six years such theft did not exist because talented professionals such as artists, athletes, or anyone with something original to contribute to society could be successful at home without having to emigrate. When they did travel, they did so to gain knowledge or skills and returned to apply them in Cuba, as history amply demonstrates.

This defection of brains and talent and a defection in general began after January 1, 1959 when the country was incapable of providing even minimal opportunities for those with brains and talent to develop or to live comfortably alongside their family members. And so began the flight of professionals, artists and athletes, looking for new and more promising horizons, which continues to this day.

I do not believe that new restrictions on certain sectors of the population will resolve the problem. They will infringe on the rights of citizens affected by them, creating differences between those who can travel and those who cannot. It has been clearly shown that restrictions are simply there to be violated. They make defection difficult, but they do not prevent it. The intelligent thing to do would be to provide better economic, political and social conditions so that no one has to emigrate, and people could realize their personal as well as professional goals in their own country. The decision to reside in one country or another belongs to the individual citizen and not to any government. If this were not the case, then people with brains and talent who decide to emigrate because their countries lack the conditions necessary for them to fully develop, allowing them to advance and contribute to human achievement, would lose out.

October 17 2012