With Their Requests to the Prosecutor’s Office To Resolve a Robbery, Some Freemasons Facilitate the Government’s Interference

A formal complaint to the Prosecutor’s Office and two ministries ask to review the case of the theft of $19,000 from the Llansó Masonic Foundation

In the center, José Ramón Viñas Alonso, who presides over the Llansó Asylum Trust and accused Mario Urquía Carreño after the theft of money / Supreme Council of Degree 33 for the Republic of Cuba

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Izquierdo, Havana, August 6, 2024 — The Mason master Hermes Fernández – one of those who participated in the protest of July 23 in the Gran Logia in Havana – addressed a formal complaint to the Cuban Prosecutor’s Office and the Ministries of the Interior and Justice for the little attention of the authorities to the fact that triggered the current crisis of Freemasonry on the Island: the theft of $19,000 from the office of Grand Master Mario Urquía Carreño.

The document, which has circulated among the Freemasons of the country and to which 14ymedio had access, presents a chronology of the crisis from last January, when the theft occurred, until the recent meeting of the members of the brotherhood with Caridad Diego, head of the Office of Religious Affairs of the Communist Party.

Fernández assumes that the text will contradict Diego, who – he says – reprimanded the Freemasons for protesting against Urquía Carreño: “Far from recognizing that (the authorities) have no right to interfere in matters between Freemasons, once again they make use of the irrationality and illegality of their acts by asking us not to demonstrate and that we let them work.”

“No Masonic legal solutions are offered in the ’complaint,’ but, once again, they seek the intervention of the Castro authorities”

For the writer and exiled Mason, Gustavo Pardo, Fernández’s claim sends a wrong message about the state of the brotherhood, since, while denouncing the interference of the regime, they turn to the regime to resolve the crisis. “No Masonic legal solutions are offered in the complaint,’ but, once again, they seek the intervention of the Castro authorities,” he argues. Turning to the State as a “great guru” to resolve their internal affairs is a strategic mistake, says Pardo.

The evidence of this submission is the very header of the letter: “Year 66 of the Revolution,” an unnecessary formula in a document issued by a Freemason, which seems aimed at ingratiating itself with its recipients. Fernández first appeals to the Constitution – whose articles he cites – to support his right to complain and the duty of the institutions to respond to it.

The center of his argument is that the money remains missing and that Urquía Carreño committed himself, not only to the Freemasons but also to the Police, to return it. It is the coffers of the Masonic National Foundation – the source of the funds – that has suffered the most, and that shortfall cannot go unanswered, explains Fernández.

The money remains missing and Urquía Carreño is committed, not only to the Freemasons but also to the Police, to return it

Urquía Carreño’s commitment is in writing, in a document that Fernández attaches to his request. This is the Act of Conciliatory Agreement, signed at the Picota police station on April 1 by the Grand Master and Captain Leidys Villaurrutia Díaz. This text gave an account of the conclusion of the investigators of the Ministry of the Interior after visiting the crime scene: the door of the Grand Master’s office had not been violated.

It did not consider, however, that there was sufficient evidence against Urquía Carreño, who pleaded “responsible” – but not guilty – for the theft, and as such promised to return the lost amount within three months. “This period has already expired, so it is also perjury,” Fernández emphasizes.

The Freemasons themselves carried out “unsuccessful searches” for the money, and Urquía Carreño was recalled for his “delay” in taking measures and admitting the occurrence of the theft. This delay, Fernández argues, was one of the reasons for the decision to “report the loss” to the Police, a fact that – at the Masonic level – meant opening the door of the brotherhood to the authorities.

The intervention of the Ministry of Justice to defend Urquía Carreño was an “anti-legal” act by the brotherhood

From there, scandals have followed, in particular about the authority of Urquía Carreño, several times expelled and rehabilitated in his position of Grand Master. Fernández believes that the Masonic legislation is “very extensive, nourished and strengthened,” so the intervention of the Ministry of Justice to defend Urquía Carreño was an “anti-judicial” act by the brotherhood.

With all this, Urquía Carreño put the spotlight on the Supreme Council of Degree 33 – the second most important Cuban Masonic body after the Grand Lodge – says Fernández, and intended to turn it into “an irregular Masonic power with an undeniable prestige.” Urquía Carreño’s behavior brought the attention of the international press, because they wanted that action “not to be misinterpreted.”

Convening a meeting with Diego, in which another senior official was present – Miriam García Mariño, from the Registry of Associations – was the “reaction” of the Government to the protest. Fernández concludes the document with the request that “an in-depth investigation and the corresponding tax verifications be carried out,” because, in his opinion, “there is no other way to resolve this matter” if it is not the Prosecutor’s Office.

The Cuban Freemasons have scheduled an extraordinary session for next September 21 at the Great Masonic National Temple. On the agenda, under the “motions outside the agenda” section, the situation of Urquía Carreño and his future inside the brotherhood can be discussed once again.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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