Messages from Miss Universe and Dolls of No Color / Dora Leonor Mesa

“There exists the phenomenon of whitening, and if you being black do not proclaim yourself to be so, you are in a demagogic position, of little ethic. In Cuban culture it is fundamental to achieve that people assume and be what they are. The defiance lies in forming a conscience, in which there will be no racial prejudice, stereotype and racism.”

Dr Esteban Morales, Cuban political scientist and essayist

“Cuban Color”, Trabajadores (Workers) periodical, December 14, 2009, p. 7. Printed Edition.

The question came up by coincidence, while we were showing the nursery children the book “Barbie Anfitriona” –Barbie Hostess– (Mattel Inc., Megaediciones, 2003). Naturally, each girl wanted to be a Barbie. On the page offering recipes for a surprise lunch for the birthday of the best friend, there is a pretty photo with the three Barbies. Then a discussion began between two little ones whereby the one with very dark skin argues with her friend over the right to be the light-skinned Barbie with red hair. An incident without importance were it not for the glaring fact that the girl insisted and even cried because she was not black, but “mulata” (mestiza).

The results of the survey are not conclusive but have much in common with the experiences of North American lawyer Thurgood Marshall (1908-1993), who together with the Legal Defense Fund of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP), put together a panel of experts covering the fields of history, the economy, the political sciences and psychology. Of particular significance was a study in which psychologists Kenneth and Mamie Clark tried to determine how segregation affected the self-esteem and mental well-being of Afro North Americans. Among other impressive determinations, it was found that children between three and seven years of age preferred white dolls over black ones, all other things being equal.

Out of curiosity we made a superficial visit to the best-stocked toy stores in the Cuban capital and the observations made demonstrated that there are for sale no black dolls, or mestizas, although the offerings improve in stores specializing in handicrafts, in terms of those dolls dedicated to religious rituals, generally crafted of cloth and dressed in traditional garb. However it is relatively easy to buy at various prices, white dolls, be they Barbie or not, with straight hair in different colors, dressed with modern and elegant clothes.

It is absurd to evaluate racial and identity problems as something foreign to Cuban childhood. It is like attempting to cover the sun with one finger. Dr. Morales has demonstrated publicly the cultural insufficiencies in Cuban grade-school books in reference to African themes. It is known that “studies of gender and the feminist vision gave way in investigations and social analyses to other dimensions of inequality, such as racial, territorial, economic and of class” (http://www.amecopress.net/ January 27, 2012).

The sociological studies carried out by governmental organizations like the Centro de Investigaciones Psicológicas y Sociales (CIPS: Center for Psychological and Social Research) among others, demonstrate that since the decade of the 90’s of the 20th century, when the Cuban government introduced the economic reforms that accompanied the circulation of a double currency, “the losers” are women, the black and mestizo population, the migrant and elderly, sectors that have been able to take less advantage of the opportunities opened up by the reform.

It is not easy to find current Cuban studies about racism and its dismal influence over childhood. Due to the rapid growth of boys and girls, we do not have the power to change from one day to the next the low self-esteem of Afro-descendant children, but it is within the reach of ACDEI (ASOCIACIÓN CUBANA PARA EL DESARROLLO DE LA EDUCACIÓN INFANTIL– Cuban Association for the Development of Childhood Education) to stimulate the self-esteem and confidence in themselves of those we educate. We gave away photos of 2010’s Miss Universe to white girls with a simple dedication:

Mom, dad and family:

Your daughter __________ is very pretty and if she studies a lot, learns to defend herself and practices sports, come tomorrow she can be as beautiful as Miss Universe 2010.

We did the same with the Afro-descendant little girls. The only difference was in the photos of different moments of Angolan Leila Lopes, Miss Universe 2011, which were distributed among the little girls with the note written over the main photo, where the recently crowned queen smiles beside Miss Universe 2010.

We do not know if, as the children of the daycare grow, they will accept their ethnic background, but at least we assume as a duty to invite their families to reflect with optimism on the subject.

“No one can make you feel inferior without your consent.”. These are words of Eleanor Roosevelt, president of the commission that drew up the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in the United Nations. ACDEI works to successfully deliver a message to children, their families and educators. Cuba is a multiracial nation, therefore the absent dolls with other features and colors of skin are necessary toys in toy stores. Besides, the dolls that are already on sale are going to be very happy with their company. Dolls are not racist!

Translated by: Maria Montoto

June 1 2012

Letters from Rastafarian Ñaño (Hector Riscart) from a Cuban Prison / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo


Holy Emmanuel I Selassie I JAH RASTAFARI, Light of This World and Creator of the Universe, May the Peace be in InI and his holy spirit illuminate us and protect everyone.  Let it be so!

Blessings, my adored family. After the passing of the tense moment, I ask you, my love:  how did you see everything?  To me it seemed like craziness, above all because the policeman who was in the cabaret, a so-called Ernesto (Martinez Ramirez), simply didn’t appear at the trial.

You saw, Ne, this was bad from the start. Look, before leaving the prison I had several run-ins with the Babilon, because they made me take off my white shirt. They didn’t want me to take the patchouli, incense, nor the turban I had on so that the judges wouldn’t see them.  Then I told them a few things without loosing my temper, all in good judgement, Ne, any which way I got tense.

When I go down, they handcuff me and put me in the car. They take me to the chief officials outside, close to where you guys come through when you come in here.  There they took me down and, Ne, waiting there was a man named Pacheco and a higher-up from the DNA (Dirección Nacional Anti-Droga, that is, the National Anti-Drug Administration).  He said he was the Chief here in prison.  He spoke with me, telling me to be careful  what I said at the trial, that he had learned about me, and everything was positive, but this has taken on a new path and I was going to calmly cooperate with his help in prison.  That my family had written, and that what will come to pass will be determined in the Vista Oral.

Then they put me in the car, and they followed us in their white Lada to the courthouse.  When we arrived, I was placed in a cell. Well, Ne, I don’t know what you think, nor how everything will turn out, not even what it is we are expecting.  Supposedly that justice be served, but there were subjects that were not even touched upon in the trial, and many details needing clarification.  For a moment I thought they would end the session in order to continue the next day, since two important policemen were missing: the one who assaulted me during the arrest (plate 45717), and none other than the accuser (Ernesto Martinez Ramirez).

But when the judges decided that the absent witnesses were not necessary, Ne, my heart sank. I believe they have decided on sentencing without clearing up the facts.  But I quickly turn around, my queen, and I think positive, because we cannot, no matter how unjust they are, be anticipating, nor putting negative thoughts which, like I told you, my Ne, that only brings bad things: to the body, mind, and soul.  And you know I wish for the family to remain in perfect harmony and good health.

Ne, tell mom to present a letter at the Prosecutors’ explaining well everything that was missing, and the importance of those two witnesses who irresponsibly didn’t attend trial.  The importance of the closed circuit cameras which are the ones who can say what really happened, those which we know have been used in some cases to incriminate persons who have committed crimes. The manipulation of my file from the station on Picota street: because, Ne, the agent from DNA who declared at the trial isn’t Yoandrys Solón Hidalgo: the one who went there I don’t even know, Ne, I’ve never even met him, and he wasn’t the one listed on the list of witnesses cited by the Prosecution in the Provisional Conclusions.

You saw what little seriousness there was in his declaration, he didn’t even know the address to my house. Ne, this is too much, I hope the judges have taken note of everything, or if not the fire of the Highest is going to burn all of them, because Jahovia surely does not allow tricks.

I, Ne, am a bit anxious, I barely sleep.  I awaken at four in the morning thinking, my queen, when will all this anguish end.  I think of the children who are so beautiful, Ne. You saw how Amani talked to me on the telephone? And Jahseh, how big he’s grown! There I write him a little letter, for I don’t want this situation to estrange us bit by bit and that communication be lost.

Ne, we can’t cease praying, demanding divine justice, my love, and without fearing what Man can do to us, always increasing our faith that everything is going to go well, with the help of the ABSOLUTE ALL-POWERFUL OMNIPRESENT CREATOR.

Ne, don’t go through difficulties.  If it’s necessary, we’ll sell the instruments little by little, but for(the three of you.  Don’t worry about me for now.  They are giving a bit of potato, and the brethren here always give me their’s, because they know how our (vegetarian) diet is and so I am surviving.

I would desire some fruits to heal my stomach, which burns a lot. Try going to 15 and K, to see if they will authorize you to bring them to prison.  And also garlic or scented clove for the molar, which gives me such pains, and the care of a dentist is bad or, better said: there isn’t any.  They fix things with pills and you know InI doesn’t take those.  Garlic is a natural antibiotic.

Ne, I also need, if you can, a sheet lighter in color: there are many mosquitoes and I think the green one attracts them.  Aloe vera, paper clips to organize my papers and pamphlets, a toothbrush.  If you can get pencil or pens, because this one is running out.  If you can, some natural oils:  pachouli, jasmine, whichever, Ne, because there is a lot of stench and humidity.

Also bring your beautiful smile and the boys.  Ne, don’t feel stifled, flow: if you can’t bring anything, that doesn’t matter. Ne, have faith and patience, nothing of sadness that soon we will be together again, my adored queen.  Take very good care of the boys, I know this is needless to say.  And take a lot of care of yourself. I don’t want you to destroy yourself thinking nor suffering.

Tell mom to come and see me.  Greetings to all the brothers who are close to you, who accompany you, give you support, and help you.  Give them my blessings.  Remember the Sabbath, Ne, to rest.  Don’t allow the good customs at home to be lost.  It is good for the health and you know it, nothing should change because the law of Jahovia is immutable.

I love you very much, my sweet maiden.

BLESSINGS.

STRENGTH.

RESISTANCE.

I dedicate these lines to Prince JAHSEH MAKONNEN from his dad TINGO FARI.

Jahseh, my son, I hope that in spite of this distance you find yourself in good health mentally and very fundamentally spiritually.  Nene, I am going through some difficult moments, but at the same time I am very calm, because I know that all of you back home, desire me to be there, and that is the energy that soon will take me there.

I don’t know how long it will be, son.  I can’t make any promises to you in that regard, since it doesn’t depend on me, but you have to be prepared because the time is JAH.  I only ask you, my son, as major head of all the males present in the household, that you take good care of mom for me, behaving well and taking on all of the responsibilities as if you were me.  You are already big and you can understand things better.  You should help mom a lot, so that she doesn’t get worn out, mainly harmonizing a lot with little Amani, teach him sweetly, guide him as the youth that he is in everything, and have a lot of tolerance for his immaturity, remembering that he is innocent, and love him, giving him a lot of affection, that he not be absent in any work when you refer to him.

You should always be head of the family and keep watch that peace cover the home.  This you accomplish behaving exemplary in school.  You should be attentive to your studies and also your circus school.  Concentrate your mind on what you must do so that come tomorrow you give happiness and prosperity.  Have your hand always at the ready to cooperate at home and that the last thing be playing.  You will have time to play, but first you must help your mom in all daily chores. I know this will be difficult for you, but think of the responsibility your father has given you, and sacrifice yourself so that good may govern at home and there won’t be sadness.

You can’t be a transmitter, yourself, of any energy that leads your mom to feel bad.  Be jealous with the house and careful with everything, learning always, my prince. You should become accustomed to praying with mom and with your little brother Amani. Even at bedtime, sing psalms and invoke JAH, so your wishes will be fulfilled.  Do not doubt it, dedicate your space to father Jahovia and he will give you reward.

I desire very soon to see you all, but first finish your classes.  I need that gift from you:  that you pass everything with good grades, that way we will be like always a happy family.

Blessings, my prince.

Sacred Emmanuel I Selassie I JAH RASTAFARI.

Translated by: Maria Montoto

April 23 2012

Mariela Castro a Dissident and Me an Opponent / Wendy Iriepa and Ignacio Estrada

I was surprised listening to the words of Mariela Castro, in the United States, calling herself a dissident. I picture her as a kingbird on a clothesline, waiting to see where the food is thrown out. Then, she comes down and eats.

I categorize her words as imprecise. And her speech, I would dare to assure you, was put together with guidance from Dr. Alberto Roque, who usually travels with her in many of her trips as her manservant. In case that you are unaware, he is one of the people who even advises her, sometimes, on what to wear.

We would have to ask Mrs. Mariela Castro the reason why she is calling herself a dissident. I don’t understand what things she disagrees with, and even less, what she is not satisfied with because she has never had enough courage to complain about anything before the Cuban press, or before her followers on the island.

Her visit will trigger a lot of debate at the international level, and it is already marked by strong discrepancies among Democrats and Republicans. Now I ask: who is the crazy person that gave a visa to this representative of the most long-lasting dictatorship in Latin America? Whose idea was it to let into the United States someone who is trying to hide the reality that  the Cuban LGBT (lesbian, gay, bisexual, and transsexual) community lives? Now, I would dare to say from any podium that I don’t know who we are fighting against, if even dictators and their puppets find refuge in the United States of America.

Is not Mrs. Mariela Castro constantly denouncing the the very government that granted her the visa for supposedly financing independent LGBT groups to sabotage her work? Now I know for sure that whoever let this person into the supposed home of democracy has completely lost their marbles. Or is it, perhaps, that Mr. Obama decided to offer a visa to someone who says that, if she lived in the United States, she would vote for him. Someone who, when in Cuba, joins with her group of buffoons in charging that the LGBT community receives USAID funds from the American government? We have a number of questions, but now is not the time.

What had to be avoided happened.  The Cuban government sent those who are promoting a new image of the regime taken on by Raul Castro. It sent those who want to promote a type of dialogue for which many of us are not prepared. We are not willing to share our leadership in our story with those who have sunk us in hatred, misery and in the disintegration of our motherland values and of the Cuban family as the hardcore of our society, for more than five long decades.

It would be impossible to sustain a dialogue with those who have punished us and have forced us to coexist with people who insist on being deaf to the demands of the Cuban people. The LGBT community does not want a dialogue anyway, neither does it feel it is represented by someone who is trying to bribe the world with phrases and smiles from the worst play ever staged, titled, The Faggoty Cuban State, under the artistic direction of someone who wants a career in drama because she wasn’t able to finish her doctorate. 

We have to ask what is the supposed Human Rights of the LGBT community in Cuba, which Marielita, daddy’s girl, who confesses to being heterosexual and who now says she is a dissident, identifies with and is committed to. Is she pretending to call the one or two night clubs, in Havana, with shows and techno music for the LGBT community, Human Rights?

Are we calling the few days dedicated to the struggle against homophobia and the street parades, whose number of participants is decreasing every year, Human Rights?

Isn’t police persecution at LGBT gathering places, detentions, and fines to the members of this community for wandering around at night or for visiting areas designated for tourists only some of the things she also feels identified with?

If we start asking all of these questions, it would never end, and the majority of them would not have an answer, as usual. I am one of those who thinks that we have time to see and judge, but what a pain that after we’ve committed our time, we wake up in the middle of something we’ve never imagined.

Does anyone know the exact number of workers who have resigned working with the person who today is claiming herself to be in defense of Human Rights, and the reasons why?

Does anyone know how many ex-workers from the CENESEX live outside of Cuba today? Can anyone tell me what happened to the medical history files of the person who is today Daniela Pulido, a beautiful woman transsexual who after deserting from a meeting in Canada a few years ago, lives today in the United States? Can anyone tell me why after she ran away from the official authorities she has not been able to go back and visit her loved ones?

Oh, Humanity, we are taking steps without knowing the level of complicity we are getting into. Let’s stop for an instant and think if our actions are the right ones and whether we are actually honoring ourselves in whatever position we have.

This is my small contribution. Today I know I am writing from home, but tomorrow I don’t know where I will be writing from. And in case that you stopped reading me, just look far out into the distance and repeat with me: damn those who continue being complicit with silence, it will end whether, they want it to or not.

Oh, Saint Damned Mariela, who claims herself the patroness of Homosexuals, quickly allow all the freedoms which you serve on your father’s table, as the most delicious delicacies, and if this story does not have a happy ending I charge you to be responsible for the consequences.

Now this is getting good, Mariela Castro dissident, and I continue to be an Opponent.

June 6 2012

Siren Songs / Fernando Dámaso

Photo: Peter Deel

At election time, the issue of relations between the governments of Cuba and the United States becomes a regular part of the speeches of the different candidates, whether Democrat or Republican. A key issue is the so-called blockade (in reality an embargo), which for over fifty years has served Cuba’s leaders as a comfortable rug under which to sweep the national trash resulting from their inabilities (economic disasters, inefficient public services, general scarcities, difficulties, dual currency, abusive taxes, travel bans, limitations on civil rights, etc.).

There were times, while enjoying the millionaire Soviet subsidies and living the story, when it was barely mentioned, and if it was talked about it was to make fun of it: “the blockade is a strainer” the president once said. Then the subsidies ceased and, given the need for belt-tightening,it returned to the fore. When the Bolivarian friend (Hugo Chavez) appeared and, on a much smaller scale, undertook subsidies at the expense of the wealth of the Venezuelan people, it changed shape and became a required component of the official discourse, trying to meet, with its elimination, the gaps that were impossible for the new guarantor to fill. Along with the battle for the liberation of the five spies (actually only four are prisoners), achieving the unconditional removal of the blockade (embargo), as emphasized, is a priority of the authorities, trying to attract broader international support. They have been repeated so often that all visitors must refer to both in their public statements — it seems to be a requirement for granting a consular visa. Many argue that the blockade (embargo) is unfair, but they forget that the reason for it was the uncompensated seizures, which were also unfair, as implemented by the Cuban government against citizens and foreigners alike in the early years of the establishment of the “model,” not to put what was expropriated into production for the nation, but to manage it terribly and leave it destroyed, turning it into actual ruins.

Today, in the face of economic chaos and uncertainty about the future of Venezuelan subsidies due to the illness of its president, the Cuban government, with little international credit (because of its reputation for not paying its financial commitments), has focused on U.S. investments as the only possible hope of salvation. But given the choice between the democratization of the country or the maintenance of absolute power at all costs, it seems to opt for the latter. Perhaps the tutelary shadow of the former President weighs too heavily on the shoulders of the current one, though both, each in his own way, have been and are staunch supporters of the failed model. It seems the update that has been implemented has not delivered the expected results, plus it has no certain future for solving the nation’s economic problems. The logical thing would be to change the model, but in our case that is like asking an elm tree to produce pears. The same is true in the case of the blockade (embargo), where the logical thing would also be to sit down and talk responsibly, ready to receive but also to give.

It is understandable that North American (and Cuban-American) producers see in Cuba a major market for their products and wish to participate in it: they are businessmen and not politicians. They may forget their own negative experiences (or those of their parents, grandparents, or other relatives) when they were stripped of all their property and expelled from the country in the frantic years of the sixties, or the later experiences, also negative,of Spaniards, Italians, Mexicans, Canadians, Israelis, and others, who came hurrying to invest, and have had to withdraw in the face of millions in debts and absurd restrictions on the exercise of their activities.

I believe that the embargo should be eliminated, but for that to happen, serious and visible democratic measures are necessary: freedom of speech; the right to form groups, associations and political parties; freedom to leave and enter the country; separation of the legislative and judicial powers of the executive; elections with full participation of all components of Cuban society, etc. Without these, everything else are siren songs to trap the new unwary, with the sole purpose of extending a little while longer absolute power of the current authorities.

June 3 2012

Samsara / Lilianne Ruíz

I am writing in order to release my anger, because this morning Agustin has been attacked by a mob of people from that neighborhood “El Globo” –The Globe– in Calabazar, from where I was able to take him out by force with love and hot meals.

He doesn’t live there any more, now he lives with me. But he loves that paradise lost between trees of mango, cherimoya (custard apples), weeds of all sorts where the hummingbirds go to sip nectar. There we hope to spend our retirement days, listening to the circulation of the sap strengthen the beating of our blood, with the respiration cleaner, in every sense, than in the city, because there is there a bit of the eternity of the growing of leaves that mocks the unfailing, shattered ambitions of all dictators of Cuba.

Some days ago he had an unfortunate family problem with one of his nephews and a denaturalized son and he had to return, to face the situation. These two young men were being spurred on by the neighbor of the the next fence over, the son of the neighborhood’s latest president of that aberration in Cuba that is the CDRs — Committees for the Defense of the Revolution — who envies Agustin even the ground he steps on, and who covets that little piece of land that the State doesn’t even allow you to truly own. This morning the exemplary “cederista” (“CDR-ist”), who to accentuate his characterization, even though it may seem a cliché, earns a living making little stamps with images of Che, which he later sells to tourists (one day we’ll have to dig deep and work seriously to inform the very misinformed Cubans, and the world, how many, and for what reasons, were those executed by that dark Jacobin Guevara when officiating as delegate of death in La Cabaña)… has led a neighborhood throng to stand in the way of Agustin as he was leaving.

The mother of the “cederista”, who suffers from lupus, which adds extra considerations when dealing with her, whipped by the envy that she couldn’t eradicate from her prole, yelled “gusano” (worm!) and threw two rocks at the windshield of the car Agustin was driving and broke it. To which Agustin, logically, has been unable to respond, and as he pulled further away he could hear the lady’s son yelling, saying no one could expect his sick mother to be held accountable.

It has been a trap. A few seconds before the stones were thrown, Agustin had told the promoter that problems between men are resolved without so much boisterousness and that if he wanted to fight he was willing to do so at a distance from that crowd. To which the maker of stamps, cowardly and vile, refused.

The authorities won’t do the right thing, we’re already accustomed to that. In fact there was a police captain who made a racket about whether if, on Agustin’s little plot of land, there lived “a man of human rights” who had to be done away with. We laugh at such stupidity and we are not afraid.

One would have to fear them for how cowardly and stupid they are, but when one has hope and faith in that it is not possible to permit the dictatorship of the State in Cuba to continue intimidating you, belittling you, humiliating you, abusing those you come to recognize as your brothers, you put up a fight with hope in the laws of the Universe, and in the most profound ones of the human soul, which always have imposed themselves against those of the tyrants.

But we are also ashamed that in our country, everyday Cubans like ourselves, even if they are policemen, suffer such a level of ignorance that they destroy their own rights before the dictates of a single “species” to whom it is not convenient to recognize those Rights. But it is fair to say that on this occasion the problem has come up simply as in the whole of Revolutionary history: someone covets another’s space and sets in motion the already rusted and crumbling mechanisms of a society that is segregationist, ignorant, vile, incompetent, that provokes pity for being more like beasts the men and women faithful to their model. And that at some moment, as in every country led by a Communist party, aggravated by the ambition of a specimen possessing an ego such that he has tried to usurp the place of God (even as an archetype given that they weren’t nonbelievers), was able to legalize acts of repudiation against citizens, the pogrom organized by the State, the segregation, the arbitrariness, the ideology that biases the perception of the world, of rights, of duties, and turned into a social practice all that a healthy society would condemn: Where is he, in what prison, the Revolutionary Communist son of a bitch who attacked with a machete an oppositionist of the regime, over there in Oriente, last year? Those neighbors, the Security of State decorates (with honors); but the truth, before the civil law of the civilized world, is that he gravely injured with extreme violence another human being and should have gone to jail for that.

A sentiment of enormous revenge is born: “Vengeance is mine, I will repay”. A need to once more embrace hope: Blessed are those who hunger and thirst for justice.

And an overwhelming nostalgia for another Cuba, a Cuba where the law won’t be political, nor military, nor mafioso, nor tyrannical. Cuba turned into a civilized country, where there exists citizen security and the respect for Human Rights and a Civil Society, holding clear notions of what today forms the dark part of our vocabulary: civil rights. Liberty, liberty, liberty. Responsibility, decency, honesty, respect for the law, peace. There is none of that in Cuba, only the series of ideological artifices that have attempted to usurp the meaning of the most handsome words to be born after a painful birth in our mistreated humanity. Why must I continue crying over nostalgia for the truth?

Translated by: Maria Montoto

June 5 2012

From the 19th Floor / Rebeca Monzo

Last Monday I managed to get off unscathed and in one piece from a Route 27 bus, between stops, at 17th and D, thanks to the kindness of the driver, who decided to give me a chance, opening the doors of the bus there.

I took F Street and headed toward Linea. With horror I could observe how destroyed the area is and the number of improvised shacks there, in what in other times used to be the garages and front porches of the old family residences, displaying without the slightest embarrassment architectural cellulite and scoliosis, diseases which almost all new buildings or renovations suffer today. Unfortunately, that day I had not brought my camera, which I had left at home charging. The heat was exhausting and the sweat rolled down my eyelashes, causing me to glimpse as through a veil all those architectural horrors that I was walking toward.

When I finally reached Linea Street, which shimmered like the desert because of the intense sun, I thought I was hallucinating when I saw in the middle of the sidewalk a huge Santa Claus in plain month of June. At first I thought it was a performance, because we are still in Biennial, but there was no audience. As I approached, I saw that it was an advertising gimmick of an unsuccessful street vendor, to attract attention.

Finally I reached the large building where the friend I was going to visit lives. As usual, the main elevator was out of service, leaving only the freight elevator running. Both are ancient Otises from the fifties. I got into this thing alone, which I don’t like to do, and pushed the button for the 19th floor. All was going fine until it stopped on the 10th floor, to pick up a young woman with a little girl about two years old. She punched 13 and, having barely risen one floor, we became stuck between 11th and 12th.

Never before had I been trapped in an elevator, although many times I had thought that it could happen to me. I kept calm, following the example of serenity and peace that the little girl gave us. I knew that the presence of that little angel would bring us luck. I gave my cell phone (which happened to be charged) to the young woman, so she could call the manager, because she lives in that building, and knows its intricacies. Immediately we heard the voices of those coming to our rescue. We put on the emergency (break) and got to work, listening to the instructions that came from outside, to find the famous lever and the black button that had to be pushed, so that they could open from the outside. As soon as we accomplished that, they opened the door to that floor and we saw that indeed we had stopped between two floors. Thanks to the fact that the small window in the door was broken, a little air came in to us.

Naturally, they got the little girl out first. The young woman jumped and almost fractured her ankle in the fall. I, who suffer from vertigo, looked sideways at the dark hollow of two quarters or so wide that was lost in the void and told myself: “Don’t look down, you have to get out.” Any which way, since all residents of the building have been putting up iron gates to protect themselves, adding an uncalculated weight to the property, taking advantage of this architectural error, stretching first my arms and then my legs, I grabbed the bars of the door to the apartment closest to me, like a spider, to get out and let myself fall onto the landing of the service stairwell, to the applause of all who were watching the maneuver.

Fortunately, there was a happy ending. But once I had calmed down, from the 19th floor, observing the beautiful view, I started thinking that with all the gates that all of the neighbors have added around the exits from the elevators, the day there is a fire it will be very difficult to evacuate them.

Translated by: Maria Montoto and others

June 6 2012

Internet, is it worth it or not? / Miriam Celaya

In the last couple of days, a friend e-mailed me several interesting articles that generally revolve around the issue of Internet use and its role in social movements. Since that topic interests me and is part of me in many ways, I wanted to share with the readers some considerations.

The internet, blogs, social networks and citizen journalism are part of a phenomenon of our times, when the flight of information, technology, and communication invades every aspect of daily life, more directly in countries with greater access thereto. About the events in North Africa during the so-called Arab spring, there are many who have overstated the importance of the digital media as a release vehicle in the overthrow of dictatorial regimes. There have also been critics who have claimed it’s been used fraudulently by “outside interests” and may not reflect the aspirations of the masses involved, which determined that the rebellions took place as an epidemic. Is the internet or are the civic forces the current triggers of the processes for change? Are the two mutually exclusive or complementary? Clearly, when it comes to measuring the impact of a factor in social processes, opinions often reach opposite extremes.

However, in the case of Cuba, a country with a very minimal level of connectivity, what is the significance of social networks, blogs and Internet use in general? None and much. Can the new technologies help chart a course and determine democratic changes in Cuba? No and yes.

The contradiction is only apparent. Regarding the first question, and given the negligible level of access to networks available to the Cuban people, it would seem that they are equally invalid in the face of changes we need to promote in Cuba. However, it can be said that the relevance of the emergence of an alternative blogosphere and the sudden proliferation of social networks, despite the difficulties of connection and backward technology-including limited and primitive cell phone service- are practically the only possible challenge to the monopoly of the press and media information and dissemination on the part of the government.

The lack of freedom of expression, press and of association has led to a wave of online expressions of independent thought with relative success. Additionally, these venues for online freedom (indirect, impersonal, or whatever you want to call it) have been the precursors of other types of meetings which are becoming permanent: personal and direct links between different players and civil society groups that are creating democracy bubbles in the midst of a society suffocated by the apathy derived from the accumulation of scarcities and frustrations. A sign of their importance lies precisely in the contradiction between our low connectivity and the growing interest stemming from awareness of the networks and their usage.

This brings us to the second question: it is clear that the internet places a very useful tool in our hands. Just five years ago, most of those of us who are bloggers today could not even imagine the level of response that we would get –not only from our readers, but also from official zealous censors and from our repressive government- or the commitment that we were assuming with the introduction of our respective blogs. The harassment of the alternative networks and blogs by the authorities and the creation of an official blogosphere with the express mission to counteract the effects of independent bloggers demonstrate that internet use is not so harmless for the dictatorship. On the other hand, in a very short time, the networks have allowed us to establish ties and build bridges with Cubans everywhere, to get closer, thus overcoming mutual mistrust; to do away with audiences and authorities, and to find, on our own, the necessary preconditions for reconstruction of a civil society, virtually extinct from decades of totalitarianism. The willpower for change in some social sectors became clearly visible only by the grace of internet use.

Nevertheless, the use of new information technologies and communications does not in itself imply the key to success in the pursuit of democracy. This tool cannot replace human qualities, and its use does not, in any case, represent an end, but barely a means to have access to the full exercise of freedom in an indefinite future.

The web will not have the ability to mobilize where there is no determination to make changes, so the use of the internet and social networks is not condition enough to achieve democracy, but its use does not lessen its importance as a democratizing tool. Having greater access would not constitute a definitive solution, but it would represent a path to seek solutions needed to foster information among Cubans; to facilitate encounters, the exchange of ideas and views and promote something that has undoubtedly allowed a growing number of free thinkers overcome virtual limits set by bytes, and to find ourselves face to face when discussing our proposals and strengthening our hopes. We have started to jump out of the networks and have continued to grow in and out of them.

Perhaps this is a necessary phase for us: using the networks not only as an information tool and free flow of ideas, but to reproduce hope. And that is why the internet and the networks are also possibly the most subversive event that has been taking place in Cuba in recent times. Nothing is as dangerous for a decrepit dictatorship as hope reborn in a zombie population. While it is true that freedom will not return to Cuba only by the hand of the internet, we will definitely not be able to talk about a democratic transition in Cuba in the future without mentioning the role played by independent digital journalism, by the blogs, and by the social networks.

Translated By Norma Whiting

(Article originally published in the Journal of Cuba on May 28th, 2012)
Published on SINevasion June 4 2012

Two Offspring of the Regime / León Padrón Azcuy

MARIELA AND ANTONIO CASTRO, DESCENDANTS OF THE REGIME

I don’t imagine Cubans putting up with another fifty years of “castrismo”.  I say this because lately one can observe an induced and growing role by two offshoots of the Castro-Ruz family that don’t suggest they will distance themselves much from the actors of the past.

Incidentally, these two little kids of Daddy 1 & 2, have been planted in sectors very sensitive to the public eye, which could be a strategy of the regime, with the end result of assigning them as possible heirs to the power acquired by Fidel and Raul, authors during this more than half century of the oldest Communist dictatorship in Latin America.

For some time now, Dr. Antonio Castro –youngest son of Fidel– has been promoted from the premises of Cuban baseball.  An institution which, as a physician for the Cuban team, placed him in the kingdom of the national sport of the island, to wit showing off today the powerful position of vice-president of the Cuban Amateur Baseball Federation (Federación Cubana de Beisbol Amateur).  An opening which permits Tony to handle an extensive sector, to which he shows an increasingly visible “benevolent” face.

The other case is that of sexologist Mariela Castro –daughter of current president Raúl Castro– and director of the National Center for Sexual Education of Cuba (Centro Nacional de Educación Sexual de Cuba), who right now counts on the unlimited backing  that has catapulted her into the public arena, using a social program in defense of gay, lesbian, bisexual, and transgender rights.

A great part of this social segment, so needy of God and not Mariela, naïvely lends its shoulders so she can place her hands and elevate herself on behalf of a supposed fight for the breach of taboos present in Cuban society and the world in general.  An open opportunity for Castro Espín, with her a consistent and “dosed” publicity, so she may scale positions and fame, not only within the island, but face to face with worldwide public opinion, which she is starting to manipulate at her whim with surprising aplomb.

At the start of this year, Mariela made a little jaunt to Europe, where she caught the attention of the secular press after her skillful visit to a neighborhood in the Dutch capital where prostitutes operate.  Her praise, for the conditions in which these women work, reminded us of the declarations of her Uncle Fidel, who some years ago raised backyard prostitutes to the skies, of course, in spite of having held since the beginning of his revolution that this legacy engendered by capitalism would be eradicated.

Recently the sexologist also traveled to the United States, a country that gave her a visa without much thought other than to the great game of the possible  flexibility of the “blockade”.  From Californian territory, Mariela stood out as a dangerous instrument of change that moves between two powerful forces:  the Cuban exile community and the Communist dictatorship.  The most reluctant of the first, reacted with a laundry-list of diatribes that –reasonable or not– stamped her with an excessive resonance that kept her in the headlines of the great North American press, to whom she expressed –among other things– her support for the reelection of Barack Obama.  A message probably originating from the aging Castro-Ruz dynasty which takes advantage of the situation to sell Castro Espín as a leader with a progressive eye capable of maintaining the Communist ideology of her family.

The daughter of the Cuban president.  A “gifted” sexologist of authoritarian and intolerant customs, presents herself in all plazas not only as a defender of homosexuals, but also as the ultimate protector of the politics of the regime headed by her father.  Her irony goes so far as to elude the touching realities at the levels of violence, sex and alcohol present in Cuban society, to which we must add the use of an emphatic language trying to “refute” the violations of human rights in Cuba, lamentably substituted by sexual rights.

Her duplicity is made clear once and again when she won’t move a finger in defense of homosexuals who belong to  Cuban civil society, who on repeated occasions the political police have arrested and beaten in order to stop their marches and actions, even if they are in support of the public activities of Castro Espín.  One thing is certain, if there is something that this family knows how to do to the detriment of others, it is the manipulation of techniques of disqualification to exclude  all those within the island who don’t agree with the system.  Thus with the same “mastery” of Fidel and Raul, in front of professionals at a San Francisco hospital during her recent trip to the United States, Mariela Castro took it out on philologist Yoani Sánchez whom she accused of being a mercenary paid by the empire, and branded the Cuban exile community as a mafia, holding them responsible for paralyzing a normalization between Cuba and the United States.

It is crystal clear, the Communist monarchy just like North Korea, is betting on a leader who will vindicate the Castro surname. Apparently one of its females (Mariela) possesses genes of the same stock. Her familiar “fidelity”, makes it a given that the regime expects to extend itself even more.

Leonpadron10@gmail.com Blog: leonlibredecuba

Translator: Maria Montoto

5 June 2012

The New Man vs. The Honest Man / Yoani Sánchez

Villa Marista is the main operations center of the Cuban Ministry of the Interior. Its huge structure was built to house a school run by a religious order, but since 1963 it has been home to the most feared jail cells in the country. At the beginning of the Revolution there was talk about “converting barracks into schools,” but at this complex just the opposite happened. The worst nightmare of many Cubans is to be put in one of the cells at this Island Lubyanka, and end up under the bright light in one of the interrogation rooms.

A few, very few, have been able to resist the psychological pressure exerted by its officials, trained in the harsh methods of the KGB and East German Stasi. The whole design of long corridors, cold metal bunks, and cells where you can hardly tell if it’s day or night, is intended to break even the bravest and make them talk. One might think there is only room behind its bars for those opposed to or disaffected with the system, but every day it is home to more people  being investigated for corruption or diversion of resources.

When several minivans accompanied by Department of Technical Investigation (DTI) cars come to a neighborhood, the neighbors already know what will happen. Most likely the dreaded entourage will park outside some freshly painted house with a wall around it and glass windows. The uniforms will enter and execute a thorough search, in order to then take — handcuffed and in full view of the curious — the frightened administrator of some corporation or a scared company manager.

These raids have become so frequent that it’s enough to say, “Yesterday they collared a guy…” for everyone to know what that means. Later the detainee is taken to Villa Marista, to spend some weeks incommunicado and without the right to an attorney. His family cannot see him, and can barely bring him a toothbrush and the medications he relies on.

Even foreigners can’t save themselves from such shocks, as demonstrated in the case of several British executives from the Coral Capital Group Ltd., arrested for alleged bribery while working on a golf course project. Another alarming example was the case of the Chilean brothers Max and Marcel Marambio, who escaped to their country after being accused of bribery, fraud and falsifying bank documents in the management of the food business Rio Zaza

The crusade against corruption displayed by Raul Castro keeps in suspense those who think they are protected by the lack of control and political will to end the illegalities. The raid touches the doors of wealthy construction bosses, powerful directors who manage, according to their own whims, imports of merchandise, and others who fill their pockets from the hospitality industry.

The only ones saved from a court date are those who belong to the inner core of the Government. Having participated in the struggles of the Sierra Maestra, or in the first moments of the Revolutionary process, is now the best protection for not ending up in prison. An olive-green uniform, the ranks of general or comandante, ward off any investigation of mismanagement.

Even the Comptroller General of the Republic, Gladys Bejarano herself, stops dead and turns back when a thread from the skein of corruption reaches too high. This was demonstrated in the scandal at the Civil Aeronautics Institute, where the principal responsible — General Rogelio Acevedo — was simply removed but did not face the courts, though several of his employees did.

These dishonest businessmen accumulate status symbols, ranging from the gift of a house or car for their lovers, to paying for their children to study at universities abroad. They no longer resemble their former selves, now they drink whiskey instead of rum and eat salmon instead of pork.

When they started their new jobs they arrived repeating the iron discourse of austerity and discipline, but now their bellies hang over their belts as they smoke their cigars. Some came from the military sphere or Party structures, and moved to the business sector after finishing a tour of duty… in the land of the enemy. Over time they were enriched and believed that their contacts with foreign firms, or their commercial travel around the world, were sufficient guarantees of impunity. A good share of them were born after 1959 and knew the rules of the market only through books on socialist economy and scientific communism that demonized them.

They were molded to be what Che Guevara called the “New Man,” but in the end did not manage to be the “Honest Man” free of the scourge of theft and the temptation of embezzlement. Now they are falling, shivering with cold and fear in some cell at Villa Marista, confessing their misdeeds under the incandescent bulb in the interrogation room.

Outside, away from the feared headquarters of the Ministry of the Interior, the web of corruption remakes and reweaves itself. Lurking in wait for the most difficult moments to pass, before falling, once again and with greater force, on the tasty Cuban cake.

6 June 2012

Wholesale vs. Retail / Yoani Sanchez

naranjaI have the impression of being trapped in a permanent deja vu, in a reality where phrases, complaints and situations are almost exactly repeated. Today at noon I heard on the street words identical to those of last week; the neighborhood brooding over problems very similar to those of two decades ago, and at the butcher’s a long line seemed modeled on another of 1994 or 2002. It’s hard to shake the feeling that we have already lived this, of having fallen into a loop that brings us back, over and over again, to the same point we’ve already passed before. One of the recurring scenes is the pursuit of food and other basic products chronically in short supply in our markets. Going after a little oil, a package of sausage, or a piece of soap to wash clothes.

The long-awaited reform that allowed the rebirth of self-employment has generated some problems that are barely talked about. Lacking a wholesale market where they can buy supplies and raw materials for their small businesses, private workers have turned to the already weak retail network. They line up at dawn outside the bakeries and certain shops to acquire large quantities of merchandise that end up in restaurant and snack bar kitchens. Without any special discounts for buying in quantity, maintaining a supply of vegetables, grains and meats becomes a harrowing task, difficult and extremely expensive. In addition, they significantly decrease the availability of products for the non-industrial consumer, the individual shopper who needs are only for home use. The retail majority.

The feeble State commerce is not prepared for the demand of recent months. Thus, it seems almost impossible to sustain over the longer term a coexistence between the private sector and the inefficient supplies from official companies. If this contradiction isn’t resolved, the time will come when pork, peppers and potatoes can only be found on the plates of paladares — private restaurants. And the neighbor who complains today, for the umpteenth time, about the absence of toilet paper, will have to visit the bathrooms of the new restaurants to remember what those rolls were like, so white, so soft.

5 June 2012

Interview of Cuban writer Ángel Santiesteban Prats by Amir Valle – Part 4 of 4

Public spaces

In a recent column I published an anecdote with which I’m sure you agree: our meeting in 2004, by chance, on the corner of Palacio de los Matrimonios in Vedado, after months without seeing each other, in which, very concerned about the political and cultural pressures you were under, you told me, “You’re wrong, brother, this isn’t the way. Your way and mine is to write. They have to respect us for what we write. And besides, let the politicos take charge.”

My wife, Berta, who was there, reminded me a little later, whispering, after hearing your words: “What’s happening to Angel is that he still hasn’t been shocked like you”. But I knew by our conversations that already you were disillusioned by everything you saw, the censorship, the lack of liberties, the fact that most of our group had been forced to emigrate.

But I’d like you to tell me, how did that change happen to convince you that there was a need for your voice as a social individual to be heard, as well as your writing, and when did you decide to definitively jump into the search for liberty that had been taken from us and that they’re still trying to take away from many writers in Cuba?

It was forced on me. Now I would like to tell you it’s the same, but the reality is different. First we had to prove ourselves as writers, maybe that was the idea, for them it was easier to leave us “outside the game” taking advantage of the fact that we didn’t have a tangible presence in Cuban culture. Formerly you had to earn that place, that right that literature itself grants you. So we were educated to be teachers.

Heras always told us that there was a moment where the pupil killed the Teacher. I never understood him. He said it about the literary plane and he expressed it with sadness, because at the same time he accepted that it was a part of the natural process of the ascent of the writer. I never saw that moment arrive. I always accepted him as the Teacher. But I experienced that death in part, let’s say, as a citizen, because of deviations from the social and political point of view. There I killed the Teacher. And the Teacher killed the pupil. It was an assassination on both sides, something for which I was not prepared.

In any event I jealously keep a dedication that he wrote to me a few years ago, where he assured me of his admiration, because I’ve been upright in my position, in my honesty, and I never wavered in spite of official inducements.

My need to express myself, to communicate, to say what was inside me and which I also think is an essential part of being a writer, was an unconscious motivation, like the act of writing. I never intended to be a writer, it was a bitter and necessary need that quietly arose. Perhaps it pushed me to be a communicator of my circumstances. That also happened unexpectedly. Many times I said I would be happy if I could find a little corner on the last page of any periodical where I could express my point of view, however mistaken, superficial, personal, but definitively my way of seeing life, opinions I would assume in the face of history with all the responsibility that goes along with that. Then on a trip to the Dominican Republic, certainly my last trip outside Cuba, I learned from a Cuban writer friend, Camilo Venegas, and Zilma, his ex-wife, that something called a “blog” existed. That word meant nothing to me. And they taught me what it was and it seemed to me a great invention of the 21st century. And I could read for the first time the posts of Yoani Sanchez.

I went back to Cuba wanting to have a blog, but at the same time I wasn’t naive, I knew every thing that it would open up and bring about. I had several months of conflict and internal struggle. Finally I decided to do it. And I called the Book Institute and spoke with the President, Iroel Sanchez. I told him what I intended to do, and I asked him for a national space in order to anchor myself, I was thinking Cubaliteraria. After asking me what the subject matter was, I told him that I would take a cultural and social view, something different from the usual, with the intent of driving debate and prompting opinions. He told me that he didn’t have the famous “band width” (the title of an unpublished book I have written).

Then Cubaencuentro offered me the chance to be included with them and without asking me what my blog would be about. It was the first big find. They still support my statements and writings. To appear blatantly in the Cubaencuentro magazine was unacceptable impudence for the establishment.

I remember everything they did to Antonio Jose Ponte for having been part of the editorial staff of this magazine. In one of my first posts I referred to a delegation of writers that attended a book fair in Mexico, and I talked about their having to beg for funds. That image stayed with me.

When I attended an event in Martinica with a poet who won the National Literature award, I saw him asking for pocket money and saying that we Cubans were poor and they should help us. I remember that I fled from his side. It was obvious that this poet was used to these denigrating scenes. Before leaving I warned the organizers that he was speaking on his own behalf.

I remember writers who traveled to the same Guadalajara Fair, who at the end of their days of participation, had to stay wherever someone offered because otherwise they would be out on the street. I also remember the Cuban ambassador in the Dominican Republic fleeing, aghast, from the airport because he might have to take charge of two young writers whom the organizers hadn’t gone to pick up. And a lot of other things that people talked about.

Then, when I wrote the post, it caused a scandal. They branded me as a traitor. And even those writers in the delegation, knowing I told the truth, asked me why I wasn’t afraid that the possibility of traveling outside the country would be taken away with me, although they were among the ranks of the poor.

But that rejection was a promotion. You remember that they intercepted me in plain view of the public and beat me. They fractured my arm, after warning me that “being counter-revolutionary didn’t suit” me. The latest was that petition from 15 years ago that now joined another accusation of assault.

In summarizing all these stories, they haven’t left me any other choice but to take my time with all the force and energy of my soul.

Amir, you always were precocious; in literature and politics you had more clarity than the rest. You always came in first. And that expression of mine at the time was a strategy andeventually a naivety on my part. But I’m happy that things happen, at least in my case, through my own need. That they’re natural, not provoked or hurried, least of all thought out.

And here you see me, assuming responsibility for my acts and their consequences.

One of the methods of the dictatorship that exists today in Cuba has been to introduce the virus of fear in all citizens, whatever position they’re in, whatever their origin or training, whether they live on the island or in exile. Recently in an open letter you wrote that now it didn’t matter to you to go to jail for your ideas, to die. I know, because I had to live this also in 2001, which is a hard, difficult process, but how was it in your case?

It’s been two years of waiting. Everything started like a game. I start and you continue. I resisted it for two years. Continued detentions, acts of repudiation, scorn. I continued with the game because it embarrassed me, although my conscience was clear, from those shameful accusations that still weigh on me to write them here. But the game turned serious. They started to give a serious character to the case file, an instrument of the system, and Captain Amauri Guerra Toyo, with the dirtiest violations, has created a file without proof, from top to bottom, in conspiracy with State Security and the public prosecutor’s office, where they managed to forge my signature, to change documents that my lawyer and I had seen before.

Finally, in the presence of my attorney, I signed a document and made marks with the ball point pen so they couldn’t add other words that would incriminate me, and even so, after the period I put and on top of the marks that I demanded they make, this man added a comma and a sentence that I didn’t say, according to the testimony of my lawyer. The whole file is very ambiguous, as is the Prosecutor’s petition that plays with what they don’t have or don’t know, and only a third of it is readable.

My position is to be conscious and honest, so I can continue to live. There is no way of making me change my ideas or of stopping me from making my present situation better. There is only one way out of the quagmire, and it’s that the Counter-Intelligence officials accept that they should drop the judicial proceedings. And as we know, although times are different, they don’t want to lose, above all because they fear that later other intellectuals will try the same thing. They don’t want to permit this precedent, and they will try any way they can to make an example of me.

Finally, as I put in my open letter, I’m prepared for the worst. In that case, I will resist by conviction and innocence, even go on a hunger strike.

Tell me how you yourself see something that is very delicate but very important to understand: What is happening today with Cuban writers? Is there a difference between what they think privately and what they say in public? Is it true, as Barnet and Abel Prieto say, that the immense majority of artists and writers are on the side of Fidel, Raul and the Revolution?

For me, perhaps more than anyone, writers have given me proof of their real position on the system. Sometimes, when I listen to them, they make me feel closer to the politics of the system than they are. They have two speeches, the official and the critical, which they hide from the officials. Because they want to travel, as I said before, like poor people, but they can travel, because they resolve something, besides breathing free air. But I don’t believe most of them are honest. They pretend to be “traveling companions”, it’s a cynical status that both sides accept, and they use it and take advantage of it with the goal of remaining human for some and being part of the social system for others.

Writers wave the famous little flag, at times faster than others, according to the free gifts offered, and they silence their true feelings about the system. In this way they invent the history that infallibly garners hypocrisy for each one of them.

What about the powerful Cuban culture that has been created these past five decades in exile, in many parts of the world? How do you believe it can contribute, from outside Cuba, to the need for social change on the island?

Without trying to be an analyst, a political strategist, a philosopher or a demiurge, and someone taught me to avoid subjects I know nothing about, but it’s my opinion, more as an artist who humbly offers his point of view, I am of the opinion that the intellectuals in exile should remain very attached to Cuban culture, to defend it first as art and later from their own political position. They shouldn’t forget anything, first the culture, then everything else.

I’m sure that this artistic pressure will create conscience and respect for a national dialogue that will produce a political change for the rebirth of democracy and free will for Cubans, although some of them, as usually happens, will find themselves in the minority. The sentence I like so much and that surely I don’t quote exactly because I have repeated it so much I have it inside me and have made it mine: I will die for your right to think differently from me. Therefore, continue to take advantage of the space that freedom gives you and its methods of communication with advanced technology, and you can’t be persecuted or suffer direct repression like the confiscation of computers.

In some way, creating a space for national complaints will be the voice for those who are on the island. Refining esthetic rifts, attitudes of personal convenience, in order to advance unity. The strengthening of the diaspora offers us who remain here security, we who directly demand the rights of all to live together in a future free and democratic land that opens its arms for the longed-for reunion of its children who are now dispersed throughout the world.

So yes, I don’t have any doubts that Cuban intellectuals, inside and outside, are called on to contribute profoundly to a future political transition in the country.

So much emotional disequilibrium, so much psychological pressure, so much direct repression against you, so much responsibility for your blog, “The Children Nobody Wanted,” do they allow you to write? And if so, what could we offer that is new to a writer interested in your books?

Writing is an escape; it’s a space of sanity that protects you, when it should be the opposite, since being creative is the closest thing to being demented. But reality, as has been said so many times, surpasses fiction. And that’s true. On the outside everyone seems crazy to me. They know what they are looking for but even so, they walk in other directions. People I respect and with whom I agree on the facts.

In spite of everything, I try to write. I have several unpublished books, around 10, that are waiting for their moment patiently. I’ve never been in a hurry to publish, because writing them takes away that distress of residing on the cultural plane of the country. I know that they are there; I sense that they are of an acceptable quality, strange and moderately original, as far as subject matter and form, and that gives me peace. It hurts to write from your conscience because it’s not for your time, so it can be for a future in which you won’t even be present. But it’s not important; it’s a way of discharging a debt from your time and leaving a mark.

An obvious question comes up now about an old polemic, which started when Sartre and Camus discussed the role of the writer in society. Specifically in the case of Cuba, with its singular circumstances and from your personal experience of the last years, what should the responsibility of a writer be in regard to his society, his country?

My responsibility is to assume my conscience and feelings honestly and carry this over to my acts and position in life, whatever bitterness and harm follows. In my case it means fulfilling this need to communicate, to state my opinion and that of those who don’t find the way or the form of expressing themselves.

I try to be a voice for my people, who always will be those who suffer the most, the innocent ones. I know that confronting the system carries a high price, but I don’t have a choice. I always wonder what the formula is for shutting up, to think one way and speak publicly with another. How can you accept gifts at the price of seeing your country under a dictatorship, its people in poverty, and remain silent? How can history ignore that you are a hypocrite, an ally of a manipulative system that in more than 50 years knew only how to censor, muzzle personal opinion and fill us with a degrading sacrifice, full of sadness and ravenous hunger?

To be direct, the responsibility of Cuban writers, more than ever, is to protest, to make their disagreements public. To insist on their rights as independent artists and accept the consequences. It is the artists’ responsibility to be the echo of their time, their people and their conscience. And they will then be doing enough to say they follow in the footsteps of Marti.

Translated by Regina Anavy, AnonyGY,Rafael Gomez, and William Fitzhugh

Interview was conducted in December 2011

Posted on Angel’s blog on: April 5 2012

Interview of Cuban writer Ángel Santiesteban Prats by Amir Valle – Part 3 of 4

Literary spaces

There are five moments in your literary career that I want you to talk about, trying to salvage the most important details, those details of each success that would mold you into being the writer you are now, or those other moments that made you open your eyes to the harsh reality that you are experiencing today.

A. Honorable mention for the Juan Rolfo International Short Story Prize, in 1989

A surprise. I considered myself, more than now, an experimental writer, not an accomplished one. I only entered the contest hoping to receive an opinion from a foreign jury. I wanted to know if my writing worked outside Cuba. If it would be interesting or boring, with a regional theme. It was the first time that established writers heard my name. In a certain way, I put myself on the map of the “newbies”.

B. The two times they took away your Casa de las Americas award.

Very sad, not just for me but also for the position they put the jurors in. The book’s subject was the war in Angola, where we remained for 15 years and where many lives were lost by Cubans who never understood why the hell we were there. The book was not an epic, as this war was usually treated. I was only interested in the human side, the men who were immersed in a foreign war.

I’ll never forget the face of Abilio Estevez giving me the unexplainable dissertation about the book, and that you later would write that the worst book of all won the Casa de las Americas prize that year. Abilio said that in the hotel when they were reading the works, they paged him on the PA system to come to the room. When he arrived, Security was waiting, and they told him that no one wanted to give this book an award.

They did the same thing with the Argentinian juror, Luisa Valenzuela, who later wanted to take me with her to her country because I was the same age as her daughter, and with this fact I understood how difficult it would be for me to rise in the literary world under the Regime. This was in 1992. Since then I’ve been reluctant to leave the country, and I told her I was grateful, but only God knew why I had been born here and that I wanted to stay. She never agreed, I imagine, and when the Alejo Carpentier prize was launched, I did everything possible so she could get an invitation to Cuba and be present.

Later in 1994 something similar happened, but this time State Security was more careful and tried, without success, to infiltrate the jurors. But the books survived the Tyranny and its Totalitarian Leaders. Censorship has never been able to stifle art. Once a writer told me that my book was unfair to those who had been in this war. And when I told Heras those words he told me that books weren’t fair or unfair, they were only good or bad, speaking from a literary point of view.

C. The 1995 UNEAC short story prize for Dream of a Summer Day and the publication of the book, with the censorship included, in 1998

Books catch on when one more person needs them, they are like life jackets. And this award finally gave me the possibility to be a published writer, because they knew me in the cultural milieu, but I didn’t have a book, which is definitely the calling card of a writer. It was also the genre of the short story, which is the most coveted genre in Cuba, above all for our generation. But the book was the same one that had been censored, anticipating that State Security would come back to spoil the award for me.

I changed the title (Dream of a Summer Day) and it passed through the filters and won. When they saw this book was going to be published, and that it talked about the human part, man immersed in that war, the contradictions, then the book started an emotional discussion. The book floored them. It went from one bureau to another. Occasionally they called me in to talk about my negativity in publishing it before they were able to edit it. And again I assumed the silence of Gandhi, but with the variant that I didn’t want a political scandal, what I wanted was literary. To be part of cultural news.

They even decided to call me to negotiate. They spoke to me openly, there were several stories that couldn’t see public light, above all the story The Forgotten, “It wouldn’t be published in 25 years”, the functionary told me (I managed to publish it in 2001 in the book The Children Nobody Wanted, which won the Alejo Carpentier prize).

As I told you before, I urgently needed to present a book, but I hurt myself with this book, because I accepted that it would be published without those stories. This was a betrayal, the worst of all, a betrayal of myself. But the need to publish was joined with another unexpected one: A woman was expecting my child and I didn’t have a place to live. They offered me an apartment. I thought about it a bit. I immediately saw the possibility of giving the woman and my child some stability in the next few months.

I also thought that any publisher would have the right to read the book and determine what to publish, and that the functionary was finally giving me the possibility of having a book published. And in exchange for the unpublished stories they were giving me an apartment. I felt like I was bargaining in a market in Baghdad, and at any rate, man is and always will be “a part of his circumstances”. I accepted. The book came out in the 1998 Book Fair, with a dark cover. They did it on purpose, so it looked less like a book and more like a box of detergent. Thus I achieved my goal of presenting myself to readers, and incidentally my first child was born in a dignified place.

D. The 2001 Alejo Carpentier Prize for The Children Nobody Wanted

This book has all my censored stories. That’s why I gave it this title. Furthermore, the story with the same name is included, and I felt that those scorned, censored stories were like the young people who escaped on rafts from the island. I found a similarity in both cases.

The jury’s vote was divided, of course. They all knew what they were risking by giving me the prize. The two votes in my favor were from Arzola (he had won the prize the previous year), and what decided him was a telephone call from the office of the then-President of the Cuban Book Institute, the “Taliban” Iroel Sanchez, who, as you know, is a new version of that person named Pavon who harmed Cuban culture so much.

They told me that Iroel opened his eyes as if praying to his gods, I imagined Lenin, Stalin, Hitler, Marx and Engels, and his adored Fidel Castro, for whom he felt an almost homosexual love.

But coming back to the jury, Arzola left Cuba a little time after the award, but the other juror was none other than Eduardo Heras Leon. And certainly I entered the competition even when I didn’t know who the jurors were going to be, because if I had known he was there I wouldn’t have entered since that added fuel to rumors about our friendship later. And Heras, at least until 2009 when he lost his path, hadn’t been invited to any other competition than the one convened by the Book Institute.

That was the punishment that Iroel imposed on him, who told me that the Association of Cuban Combatants had complained in a letter, demanding an explanation for the publication of the book, and on a more personal plane, he commented that his buddies who were in Angola with him criticized him for publishing such a ruthless vision of war under his position as President of the Book Institute.

I asked him if the book told lies. “That’s the problem,” he answered. “We know it was like that and worse. But Angel is the enemy who takes advantage of our weaknesses to attack us. We can’t give him the pretext.”

Later it was funny. They took me to the Book Fair in Guadalajara, as every year they did with the Carpentier award winners. And they coordinated various presentations in universities, and in charge of this were some Mexicans from a Committee of Solidarity with Cuba. When the students asked about human rights in Cuba, my companions answered trying to discredit the dissident groups and calling them”factions”, a word coined by Fidel Castro, which everyone repeated later. That bothered me so much I took the word and said that 100, 50, 10, five or one, we had the same rights to think and choose as the other millions of Cubans. And the students and cluster of professors stood up and applauded me.

Upon my return, the organizers spoke with Iroel so they could exchange me for another writer, because I wasn’t giving them the right result. That made me laugh. And they exchanged me, of course, in the way that is typical of socialism. No one says anything to you, but everyone shuns you as if you had the plague. And later I saw several times that people I knew on the bus wouldn’t greet me. Of course, I took this on myself and didn’t mind.

In the official presentation of the book at the fair, all the functionaries of Cuba were there. At my side was Jaime Sarusky, who that year had won in the novel genre. And while I was talking, I saw how his hands were sweating. I’ve never seen anyone sweat so much. Drops were falling on the paper he later would hold to read and I started to worry that it would get smudged.

I was saying, in answer to some question from the public, that I wasn’t trying to bother anyone, but yes, being honest, above all with myself, that I identified with that sector of young Cubans who didn’t find any common ground between the Revolution and our generation. That the Revolution was something from the past with which we didn’t feel a connection. And I finished by saying that the majority of young people I knew were of the same opinion.

The functionaries remained stoic. They put up with it, but many years later, Iroel reminded me of it as a disagreeable moment in his life. For my acts of honesty I always was punished. In Manzanillo I knew that they had received calls and emails from the Book Institute, from the writer Fernando Leon Jacomino, who at that time was Vice President, criticizing them for inviting me and suggesting that they substitute the writer Rogelio Riveron for me.

On another occasion they called me to make me President of the Wichy Nogueras prize, and later they didn’t advise me of the countermand. And when I arrived at the Capitolio, to know the results, they told me I no longer was part of the jury. Or what happened in the last Book Fair in which I participated: I was in the Moron Hotel and Security asked to have me removed from my room. That night I slept at the home of our taxi driver.

Now I am a phantom writer.

E. The 2006 Casa de las Americas prize for Blessed are Those Who Mourn, the hardest and most critical of your books

It’s because the book touches the knottiest fiber of human beings: prison, the prisoner immersed in the most profoundly undesirable condition for survival. I could finally use all those experiences that I lived through in La Cabana. Some friends begged me, I think with the best intention, to not do it. They didn’t want to see me harmed, banished, as they had been in the Five-Year Gray Period, I shouldn’t write it since it wouldn’t be published. And the book contains only 20 percent of that repulsive reality. Now I’m writing a novel that frightens me because I’m releasing what I’ve kept inside. I want to be empty, to not return to this subject. To get it out. Because when I write, I hurt, I rip myself up in a way that makes me feel that everything is happening again.

The book, in one of those ironies in life, was presented at the Book Fair in the Cabana. It took place in one of those cell blocks in which I was incarcerated. While the others were expressing their impression of the book, I in my imagination was walking with the prisoners from one side to the other. I had gone back in time, and the people interested in Culture were substitutes for those who had struggled to survive physically and morally, who served as characters, so that my suffering and anguish would not be in vain. That was my way of paying homage to them, offering them my gratitude in spite of their being the same people who enthusiastically had rejected the gesture by not being part of that reality that so marked us.

For having shared the experience, the book is dedicated to Jose Marti, who really is the perennial convict blessed with Cuban goodness.

Translated by Regina Anavy, AnonyGY, Rafael Gomez, and William Fitzhugh

Interview December 2011

Posted to Angel’s blog: 5 April 2012

Interview of Cuban writer Ángel Santiesteban Prats by Amir Valle – Part 2 of 4

Angel

There was a definitive moment for your career as a writer that I believe is worth remembering, even when I know that it can be a difficult question: your meeting with the writer Eduardo Heras Leon. Leaving aside the possible differences that you could have had from the clear ideological differences between Eduardo and us, how did that meeting nourish you spiritually and intellectually and give you that brotherhood over the years, which is known by our whole generation as an example of loyalty and sharing for many of those kids we called “the group of the Chinese guy, Heras”?

When I got out of prison, like I said before, for going with my sister to the beach, and when I was acquitted in court (the judges considered that I had not committed the crime of “conspiracy,” because I was her brother, and the only interest I had was to protect her, but because of that I had been in prison for 14 months), I then had the illusion that I could be a writer; the idea of creating filled me with magic. I passed from being a king of my neighborhood to being a god of my creation.

Since I was a child, I had been attending painting classes at the Casa de la Cultura ,and when I inquired I was told that there was a House of Writers, which I joined immediately. Later, I learned through the newspaper about the anniversary celebration of the Cuban Book Institute and that entry was free. A group of friends, their girlfriends and I decided to attend. There I met Eduardo Heras, whom I immediately approached with the intention of asking him to read a hand-written version of a horrendous novel that was the beginning of later horrendous books I would write. Heras, with evasions and explanations of how his work kept his schedule very tight, since he was the Director of the section on narrative, did not guarantee that he could read it, but because at that time I had all the time in the world, I said I could wait. I started to feel the first symptoms of anxiety after three months. After six months, I was desperate for a critique of my “novel” because I felt that until I received his valuable feedback I shouldn’t continue, and, on the other hand, the pressure of being 20 years old, as if time was running out. To dedicate my life to literature, I needed to hear the sound of the starting gun.

After I showed up in his office several times, I wore him down and he promised to read it the next weekend. And I waited. The following Sunday he called me at my girlfriend’s house to ask me to visit him the next day.

When I arrived, he had the novel on his desk, which made me happy. After 20 minutes telling me that he had many other works to read and that the novel was not publishable, of course, that I needed to learn literary techniques — and it seemed to me reading between the lines that the idea of being a writer was unattainable — Heras paused silently and told me, “I assure you that I can tell after reading a text when someone is wasting their time….and in your case, reading some sentences, I can say that you have talent, and if you want to, you will be a writer and will be able to accomplish everything you want. It only depends on your instinct, your will, your persistence in reading. There you will find everything you are looking for and all you should learn”. He kept looking at me, perhaps he knew how to read my alarm, since I think I was more prepared for criticism than for acceptance. It thrilled me to assume that I could be a writer. At that time, it was a very large and distant word, and I assure you that in some respects it still is today.

So I started on my way, where each minute had the purpose of going beyond the most recent one. It was a war of internal progress, where his advice assisted me. He’s a professor without equal because he has that vocation. Eduardo Heras has had many jobs, the most incredible ones, but I’m sure that his vocation is teaching. Through him I also met you all, the brothers that life has gifted me, you who support me, my first critics and editors. I met you all in that seminar at the Alejo Carpentier Center in 1985. In that moment I was the happiest being in the universe, perhaps we all were. I remember that you taught me that it was poetry in prose that I wasn’t able to decipher, and you were so tactful with what you did with my story, South: Latitude 13. I remember even the sentence that you pointed out to me as an example, and I surprised myself by writing poetry without being aware of it.

At the 1985 Writers Conference, I was invited as an observer. Of course, I was still not considered a writer, I had just opened my eyes to the literary world. That was the day that I met them. Arzola was amazed by all the lights in the city, a far cry from the darkness of Sanguily, his birthplace. To another writer it seemed incredible that some glass doors opened by themselves solely by approaching them, and he looked everywhere for the man who must be pushing a button, or the surprise of seeing the stairs at the department store Variedades de Galeano go up by themselves. We were so innocent!

There was a story that happened there and that remained in my memory and it happened at the Hotel Lincoln. For the first time, I had heard about Rulfo, about Hemingway’s iceberg theory, and all the others. It turned out that at lunchtime, you all had told me that you always had room for guests and that I would be able to have lunch with you. I wanted to decline but you insisted and I, who was as fascinated by this group as was Arzola by the lights of the city, had discovered how I wanted to dedicate my life, and I was in such a hurry to learn more, in a hurry to write, to bring out a world that was beating within me, itching to escape, to be born. And when I seated myself at the table, a staff member of the Center, in spite of having seen me in the conferences and lectures, asked who I was and told me I should leave the room, and I left, ashamed.

In truth, I didn’t want to have lunch. What I wanted was to keep listening to you speak of literature, the profession, a fascinating, magical world that excited me, that wouldn’t even let me sleep. It was my last attempt to join the “generation of the brand new” as we would later call ourselves. Maybe this was my punishment for praying for this.

I left the restaurant in a hurry wanting to get the hell out of there, not so much offended as embarrassed for having taken a seat that didn’t belong to me, that I had not earned. When I was about a hundred meters from the hotel, I thought they were calling me and it was all of you following me: You were out in front, then came Arzola, Gume, Garrido, Guillermito Vidal, Marcos, Alfredo Galeano, Torralba, and Eduardo Herras. You had decided to leave with me in solidarity, and we continued discussing literature while we ate a pizza together right out there on Galeano Street.

That meant to me a love pact. Anything negative that happened or would happen in the future with the members of this group could not equal that gesture of yours to me.

And as if to prove that everyone is born assigned what he will always be, a few months ago my ex-lawyer for the trial where I must confront slanderous accusations designed to convince me to shut down my blog, asked me for a letter from the Union of Cuban Writers that would list my literary achievements. And though something told me not to do it, because of her insistence I called and was answered by the same officer that expelled me from the hotel table, something I forgave him for because I understood that as a government functionary, it was his responsibility to maintain control of the event.

But it turns out that when I asked him for the letter he was reluctant and asked me to call the next day, and when I did he told me they can only give me a letter confirming that I was a writer belonging to the Writers Association because this would be sufficient. And, when I asked him whether they could add that I’d won the UNEAC prize, he told me, “No, only that”, which after all made me laugh, because I found it so ridiculous and alienating that I felt embarrassment and shame for them, and I told him not to bother, that I could go forward without this letter.

I never called again. And to be honest, when on my birthday they sent me a bottle of wine, I remembered that letter between Dulce Maria Loynaz and the Spanish writer and journalist Santiago Castelo where he commented that Fidel Castro had sent him a box of chocolates, adding, “and they weren’t poisoned”. I can say the same.

My son’s name is Eduardo in honor of Heras, who is also his Godfather. I can assure you, and you know that no teacher equals him, and I can add that no Godfather does either.

There was a time when we would discuss politics often and one time, to preserve our friendship, we decided not to touch any political topics. And so from then on we didn’t.

What happens is that life constantly summons us down a set of paths and we’re forced to decide which to take. And so, our paths diverged. He chose to stay with that archaic system that he realized was statist but that he was determined to defend. As I said, at times I understand; I’ll never question him because it may be too late for him to give up his position, which would be a kind of self-betrayal, because recognizing that so much sacrifice was in vain would not be an easy matter. He sees Fidel Castro as the man by his side when he risked his life at the Bay of Pigs. And I respect that. Everyone has his past and his conscience.

So when I opened the blog, which I did in the Cubaencuentro space, he sent me a message from Canada where he told me I had betrayed him. Since then, I’ve not have any more contact with him. And I’ve respected that decision, it’s what he wants, and I’ll always be grateful to him and keep that gratitude.

But the present doesn’t erase the past, right?

I noticed your saying that you gave Heras “a horrendous novel”, it’s understood that this was because it was the first you wrote without any kind of literary tool, but later you repeated that “it marked the beginning of the horrendous books that followed”. Do you actually consider your writing horrendous? Why?

My writing is not for people to savor, to enjoy. Without proposing it, it surged up inside me. From the first time I read in public, a lot of people came up to me to let me know that they didn’t like my stories because my writing depressed them, made them anxious, frustrated; it made them suffer. And I loved it when they confessed that. I suffer a lot in the creative process, and it seems I managed to convey this. Readers complained about the distress that my writing caused them and said that some times they threw the book at the wall, but that later they picked it up to continue reading.

My writing is about the pain of our people, their frustration. It’s the voice of those who would like to read their own experiences and see them reflected in some way. So that their problems will interest others. I feel that this is like a mission for me.

In one of my essays from a couple of years ago, I said that in Cuba the limits of marginality had faded so much that social, spiritual and moral marginality were a phenomenon visible everywhere. In your case, because of your humble beginnings, as we have seen, you were obliged to coexist with the marginal world in Havana almost from the time you opened your eyes, and I remember one day we were talking and you told me, and I quote from memory, that this world was “as ruthless as it was human and beautiful.” In what sense do those influences of marginality determine the person you are, on one hand, and on the other, the writer you are?

The marginal know what they are and do not hide it, they accept and internalize it. They have no pretensions. Friendship for them is an Omerta-style code, and they would die for you without giving it a second thought. They have their marginal ethics, and betrayal is unforgivable, which for me means everything I am. I tell my friends they are free to be whatever they choose, even belonging to the Communist Party if they are honest and they own it, since most of them I know do it to gain position in the system, they are opportunists, but when you speak with them they make you feel that they are the ones who are dissidents.

My friends can be marginal, professors or illiterates, gay or asexual. They can come with a human head under their arm and I will always seek to protect them and make them aware of their mistake, but above all I will never abandon or judge them. I will be among the first to visit them in prison. I was taught in my neighborhood that friendship means never abandoning someone, especially in their worst moment.

In my neighborhood, I was accepted as something strange and endearing. They saw me create frightening characters with respect. They looked at me with the same tension with which a physicist builds an atomic bomb. In 1992, when I got my first computer, a monochrome 286, while I was writing, one of them approached me hesitantly to ask whether I questioned the computer about the topic I planned to write and then the computer wrote the stories itself. I thought it was wildly cool that this idea occurred to him. And I said that in some ways yes and in some ways no. And that made him happy, because I made myself tangible, diminishing the difference between us, and he accepted this answer radiantly.

I remember another anecdote about our unforgettable Professor Salvador Redonet that you and I still ponder. He was also living in a poor neighborhood and at the ground level there was a vacant lot. But when guys were playing dominoes and drinking, if they noticed the light in the professor’s room was still on while he was preparing some class for his university students or some anthology in which he almost always included us, luckily and to our credit, they, his neighbors, poorly educated, would ask each other to lower their voices because the prof is studying”. The marginalized did not envy the success of others; on the contrary, they felt they were their guardians, protecting and respecting them.

In your work, as in all the work we do, there is a strong presence of sensuality and eroticism, although in your case, as I wrote on one occasion,there is a “heartbreaking sensuality, with an aggressively cruel eroticism, almost bestial”. I know that much of your vision on the subject originated many years ago, in that strange love-hate relationship, the rejection and admiration you felt for your father, a libertine, a man who was macho and promiscuous, as you told me in those early years, like most men of the hard times in which he lived. What do you think about this or other possible influences of those years on the writer who creates those sexually violent, almost fiendish worlds, where sex is part of the psychology that typifies many of your characters?

My father… from him I inherited the need for a constant feminine presence. Nothing has been more important to me nor makes me feel better than making women happy, especially my mate but generally all the women who surround me: family, friends and even those I don’t know.

But I saw in prison the side of sensuality that was heartbreaking, aggressive and cruel. There were men who bit into the wall because of so many repressed desires. Who got excited with their own odors, their sweat, their own caresses. They spent all day excited and even though they knew masturbating made it worse, only a moment of relief that was followed by a level of frustration and an uncontrollable rage, some got angry against everybody, with a visceral hatred towards life, which meant their lack of discipline could bring on punishment in horrendous and ruthless cells, or even worse, add years of prison time to their sentences.

Today many of those friends who by misfortune (for nostalgia) or luck (for many of us) are scattered around the world. I know that you nourished yourself a lot with certain works of our sisters and that many of these experiences were vital for the maturity of your work. When I mention that word and that time, what do you think about?

I remember that time shared with that magical group we formed. It’s incredible that with all the differences that we human beings had in that group there was never a rift. We read others’ work as if it were our own. There was never envy; on the contrary, we encouraged each other to compete and we were happy if someone won a prize, as if we all achieved it together.

We had Guilllermito Vidal who taught us about life experiences and literary resources. Gume Pacheco was humor personified, Garrido pretended to be serious until we knew him well, Arzola was naive, you were always the hardest worker, Marcos Gonzales, as talented as alienated from his destiny.

We made ourselves into a family, so much so that we bypassed literature and our personal problems began to be treated in a group and solved. We worked for the promotion and publication of the group. This makes me remember that once I bought the journal, Alma Mater, from the University of Havana, and when I came to the part about writing I saw a name like mine and a story with my title, and that furthermore it belonged to the Tenth of October Writers Workshop, and the first thing I thought of was that there had been someone else in that workshop with a name like mine.

I never imagined it was you; as you knew I refused to publish. You took my story from my house and sent it to the journal editor. That surprise was very welcome. So historically I have to recognize that the person guilty of publishing my horrendous stories for the first time was you.

Speaking of the Tenth of October Workshop, remember Chachi Melo? I brought you and introduced you to her and then you were also taken with her happy and profound friendship. While we were reading her first text her beautiful child kept interrupting us. Today he’s the important writer Abel Gonzalez Melo.

Translated by Regina Anavy, AnonyGY, Rafael Gomez, and William Fitzhugh

Interview December 2011

Posted to Angel’s blog: 5 April 2012