Court Suspends Eviction / Laritza Diversent

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Laritza Diversent

On January 21 the Havana Court suspended Yamilí Barges Hurtado’s eviction, planned for March 22, from her house facing the Cohiba Hotel, as well as that of the heirs of the other partner in the house-swap in the east of Havana.

According to Barges Hurtado, a sheriff from the court of justice announced the decision to representatives of the state-run organizations in her neighborhood, at approximately 5 pm. The official said the court of justice suspended the eviction because of questions of security. “Nobody told me,” Bargas Hurtado said.

Eleazar Yosvany Toledo Rivero, 34, responsible for removing Yamilé from her property, was also informed, by a phone call from neighborhood leaders, of the decision. Supposedly the plaintiff told the court on January 18 of the impossibility of carrying out the eviction for lack of transportation. Continue reading


The House Across from the Hotel Cohiba / Laritza Diversent

yamile-posible-desalojada-1

Yamilé Barges Hurtado

HAVANA, Cuba, December, http://www.cubanet.org. On November 15, the People’s Provincial Court (TPP) in Havana planned to evict Yamilé Barges Hurtado from her home, located across from the Hotel Cohiba, after annulling a home-exchange that made nine years ago.

That day they also planned to evict the heirs of Teresa Luisa Rivero Domínguez, the other party in the home-exchange in the Bahia neighborhood, a suburb to the east of Havana, Yamilé’s birthplace. According to anonymous sources, the eviction was not due to lack of transportation.

To date, the TPP of Havana has not changed its decision, an action taken at the direction of the Municipal Housing Office (DMV) in Plaza. In the Cuban legal system there is no eviction action. Evictions, euphemistically called “extractions” are made by the DMV, after declaring the occupants of a building illegal.

Yamile Barges Hurtado received a court notice on November 27 to appear on December 6. The Rivero Dominguez heirs were also cited.

In judicial practice, after a sentence has been handed down it is not usual to summon the parties again. But the judges warned that in January they would be cited again to review the case and carry out the eviction, although Yamilé is not an illegal occupant.

The Plaza DMV must act when the TPP recognizes the property to one of the heirs of the dispute. The action of the court is limited to communicating its decision to the Housing officials.

Yamilé’s mental state deteriorates with each threat of “extraction.” She broke the doors, windows and floor that she managed to build with so much effort. “I will not leave my house with the amenities that I created for my family to anyone,” she said.

She argues that she can’t live any more with the uncertainty. “I think my problem is already solved,” she added. Her daughter stopped going to the university so as not to leave her alone for a single minute. Her depressed state and the effects of her medication are obvious.

February 4 2013


What Are the Authorities Waiting For? / Laritza Diversent #Cuba

Caridad Reyes Roca and her daughter (Photo by author)

Caridad Reyes Roca and her daughter (Photo by author)

Caridad Reyes Roca traded homes with Ofelia de la Cruz de Armas in 2008. Three days later, the neighbor below complained about leaks from the bathroom. The wall and ceiling coverings were coming off. Caridad spent four years trying to undo the trade and return to her former property.

“My attorney was bought off by the other party,” she said. Caridad hired the attorney Yolanda Martiato Sanchez in January 2009. In June, without her consent, her counsel filed a notice of withdrawal that the Court of Havana accepted. Proceedings were closed. “I knew of the deception when I complained to the Council of State and they responded to me in court,” says Caridad. Continue reading


Academic Exchange on Law and Human Rights in Cuba / Estado de Sats

With the independent Cuban attorneys Yaremis Flores and Laritza Diversent (Cubalex), René Gómez Manzano (Agramontista Current), Antonio G. Rodiles (Mathematical Physicist) and students from the New York University Law School.


This video is 44 minutes long. There is a live interpreter translating the session into English in real time.

22 January 2013


Laritza Diversent: The Pending Emigration Law Should Make No Distinctions Because of Citizens’ Political Views #Cuba

Photo: Tracey Eaton

Readers’ interview from Diaro de Cuba

The attorney and independent blogger, Laritza Diversent, responds to questions by readers of Diaro de Cuba regarding emigration reform.

Ricardo E. Trelles: In your professional life you have to deal with the country’s existing legal system in which laws are formulated and established in an illegitimate way, without citizen participation, and in which the appointment of judges as well as their legal decisions are made arbitrarily. Don’t you think that your knowledge could be useful in helping to define and develop a political movement that could help provide us with a government, legislative body and legal system that is legitimate and respectable? Do you have hopes that the current legal system will continue to become a little more flexible and tolerant, one where there are more opportunities for respectful criticism that does not threaten its hegemony?

Hello, Ricardo. Yes, that is precisely what I am doing — putting my knowledge at the disposal of Cuban civil society, or whoever might have need of it. And it is not only me. There are also other young attorneys with whom I intend to work to identify the problems of the legal system, which puts us in an indefensible position by making us look for ways to oppose it, so that, when democracy does arrive, these problems will not be repeated. Along with attorneys such as Yaremis Flores, Veizant Boloy and Barbara Estrabao, we are taking the time to identify those problems and to help dissidents as well as citizens who do not seem to have political motivations.

In regards to your second question, I do not think the system is becoming more flexible and tolerant, much less allowing for citizen participation from its critics. The situation in Cuba today demands change, and even then this is not enough. My hope is that Cubans will stop engaging in self-censorship and will realize that they are the masters of their destinies and their lives, that free education and health care are not “victories of the revolution” but an obligation of the state, that they are people with rights and those rights are there to be exercised since they are the foundation of liberty. In my opinion, self-censorship is a stronger force in today’s Cuba than repression. In other words it is clear that physical repression is used against those who exercise their rights, but most people do not exercise their rights out of fear of repression.

Ernesto Gutiérrez Tamargo: It is always good to have the perspective of a colleague in Cuba. What do you consider to be the positive and negative aspects of Legal Decree 302/2012? Considering that it regulates some basic human rights, don’t you think it would have been more fitting and consistent, legally speaking, if it had been approved as a normal law by the National Assembly of People Power (ANPP) rather than being issued as a legal decree by the Council of State?

In regards to your first question about what I consider to be positive and negative in Legal Decree 302/2022, in my opinion the new regulations are positive in that they allow Cubans living abroad to regain residency status in Cuba. Before this law the only possibility of obtaining permission to repatriate (a permanent return to Cuba) was if it was for “humanitarian reasons.” Permission was granted to those were were terminally or gravely ill, women over sixty, men over sixty-five and children under sixteen, and only if they could demonstrate that they had family members in Cuba capable of supporting them financially.

On the negative side it does not solve the problem of dual citizenship, which the constitution does not allow. The government does not prohibit its nationals from changing citizenship, but neither does it allow them to renounce their Cuban one. In practice it ignores the fact that a Cuban living overseas might be a citizen of the other country.

With respect to the suitability of approving a law in the ANPP instead of doing so in a legal decree by the Council of State, hopes for emigration reform certainly grew each time a session of the National Assembly was announced. However, it was the offices presided over by the Head of State and Head of Government, the Council of State and Council of Ministers who unexpectedly put the reforms into effect by decree.

Good judicial practice dictates that normally a law should be modified or overturned by the body that created it. This is one of the principal and logical outcomes of the principal of regulatory hierarchy. In other words it is not appropriate for a lower body to modify a legal statute established by a higher one. But in Cuba we are the exception to the rule.

Here it is quite normal for the Council of State to modify a law created by parliament. We saw this, for example, in the new regulations that allowed for the sale of private homes in which the Council of State modified the General Housing Law, a statute created by the National Assembly. The same thing happened with the new modifications, although it was not the Cuban parliament that issued Law 1312 on September 20,1978. Instead it was approved by the President of the Republic, a position that does not exist within the Cuban legal structure. It is the Council of State that modifies or overturns statutes approved by parliament based on the premise that it is a branch of the National Assembly, which it represents when the Assembly is not in session.

With regards to the hasty approval in a plenary session of the National Assembly in December, the strategic and intelligent decision was conveniently put into effect before Cubans could exercise their right to vote in elections. One of the promises made by Raul Castro when he took office in 2008 was to eliminate “excessive and unnecessary” restrictions. It was also to his advantage to modify his emigration policy before the Universal Periodic Review (UPR) by the UN Council on Human Rights, scheduled to take place between April 22 and May 3, 2013.

One of the recommendations made by the council in the previous UPR in 2009, which has still not been accepted, was to eliminate restrictions on freedom of movement of its citizens. On this occasion the government used a similar strategy when, before submitting to the review, it signed the conventions on human rights on February 28, 2008, which it still has not ratified, even though at the time the signing led to recognition and congratulations from the international community.

Saavedra: I have two questions for you. First, I have been working outside Cuba for a year and a half. To come here, I had to apply for a release (a letter of non-objection) in February of 2011 at the university where I used to work as a professor. I retain Cuban residency and have travelled twice during this time. I am thinking of going in December of this year and returning on January 10. Do I run the risk that they will retain my passport based on fact that I worked at the university more than a year ago and am a university graduate? Or could they ask me for a new letter of release that the university rector could delay giving me for up to five years?

In response to your first question, they are required to update your passport and you would not be running a risk of having to apply for a new letter of release. You have already been released. The guidelines dealing with professionals who require authorization to travel overseas for personal reasons pertain to those who are currently employed on the island, whose names and permanent identity information is in an automated system organized and controlled by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security according to the new regulations (articles 5 and 6 of the decree). However, I recall that there are various articles that could apply here and that the final decision is subject to the discretion of the Minister of the Interior.

Saavedra: My second question pertains to my wife, who is in Cuba. She is also a university graduate and has a job as a specialist for ETECSA (Telecommunications Company of Cuba). I would like to take her with me early next year, in March or April. Obviously, they could delay giving her authorization to travel for up to five years. If we begin the process of applying for the non-objection letter before January 14 (when the new law goes into effect), can they keep her there for five years based on the new law or some other existing law, or would they release her from her job reasonably quickly? Our intention is to work outside of Cuba without losing our residency status there, or to travel at least every two years. Thank you for your answer, and I apologize for the length of my questions.

Your wife does run the risk that they could keep her passport for five years if she is still working. The automated system contains the names and permanent personal information of professionals who require authorization to travel overseas for personal reasons and must be ready in two months counting from October 16 of last year, the date of publication of the new regulations.

Bryan: Is there some legal mechanism for Cuban youths who have dual nationality to be excused from active military service? 

Unfortunately, there is no legal ruling that exempts a young Cuban from fulfilling the requirement of military service because of dual nationality or citizenship. In fact this is one of the quirks that prevents Cubans from obtaining a passport and, therefore, from leaving Cuba. The government does not recognize that any of its citizens has any citizenship other than the Cuban one, even if he or she holds citizenship from one or more other countries. In other words, you can have several nationalities, legally speaking however, within Cuba you are a Cuban citizen and there is no formula or procedure by which you can renounce this citizenship, even if it infringes on constitutional law. Legally, even the National Assembly has not determined who has the authority to decree loss of citizenship. It is one of the factors used to control the flow of emigration.

Lila: I have been in Spain for ten months. I have a residency permit for five years. I am not thinking of going back to Cuba because I would lose my job. Would I have to get an extension or is there no need under the new law? How much would I have to pay for my stay here?

Yes, you have to get an extension for each month you stay overseas after the time period for which you received permission, if it is before January 14, 2013. After that date a fee is charged for each month after the first 24 months you are a permanent resident outside the country, according to rulings from the Minister of Foreign Affairs. The name of the consular contribution will change from “Extension for Overseas Stay” to “Extension of Permanent Overseas Residency.” They will be priced the same. In your case, since Spain is a member of the euro zone, that would be 40 euros if you pay it through the Cuban consulate. It you pay electronically, it is 25 euros more. You could even ask them to give you multiple extensions in the same application for the number of months authorized.

Orosmer Rodríguez: In the case of Yoani Sánchez what would happen if next February she were to decide to visit New York or Miami? Could she be detained even if there are no pending legal charges against her?

Under new regulations Yoani Sánchez should get a new passport or have it renewed, if she already has one. As long as she is not violating any laws in Cuba’s current Penal Code, no one can detain her. And if they did, we would be dealing with an arbitrary detention.

It is another matter if they do not allow her to leave the country. That would constitute a violation of freedom of movement, which is a recognized right under the Universal Declaration of Human Rights as well as under the International Convention for Civil and Political Rights which the state, by signing, has made clear its intention to respect.

However, under the new emigration regulations the government can prevent Yoani Sánchez from leaving the country by denying her the possibility of obtaining a valid passport or by officially declaring that she may not leave the country for reasons of national or military security, or if the Minister of the Interior so determines.

International human rights institutions are concerned about the practice by some states of hindering their own nationals from leaving their country. One of the tactics that they mention is the refusal to issue a passport under the pretext that the applicant would harm the country’s reputation.

Tenores Jomenor: I would like to know what you consider to be the main points of “the pending emigration law,” assuming it is inadequate.

The pending emigration law should not be called an emigration law since the regulation of the right to citizenship would be outside its scope. This is closely tied to freedom of movement, specifically to the right of each individual to enter his or her own country, which recognizes the special connection that one has to the other.

The pending emigration law should regulate and protect the right to move freely and to choose one’s residency within the nation’s boundaries. Nevertheless, Havana has special regulations that violate freedom of movement and freedom to freely choose one’s residency.

The restrictions that the anticipated emigration law contain should be specific and provide for legal recourse to limit the ability of Minister of the Interior to limit entry or exit from the country.

The restrictions contained in the pending emigration law should be compatible with all other universally recognized rights and fundamental principles of equality and non-discrimination. It should make no distinctions because of a citizen’s political views. Nor should it invalidate any right or compromise its essence. In other words it should not be the general rule and the exercise of the right the exception.

Mario Martínez: I live in Cuba, but have worked for several years in the Cayman Islands. Until now I have had to return to the island every eight or nine months. I would like to ask you if in the future, before going to Cuba, I will still have to pay $40 per month extension with a bank draft to the Cuban embassy in Jamaica as well as the $25 for not doing it in person.

Your question is very similar to Lila’s. After January 14, 2013, based on the new regulations, specifically those from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, you should continue to pay the same currently established rates for extending your stay overseas for more than 24 months, which is the time limit for Cubans living overseas who have permanent residence on the island and who travel on personal business.

Phillip: What does the constitution say about the right of citizens to request a passport? In other countries it is a right that no one is denied except in certain cases in which it can be confiscated from the passport holder to prevent him from leaving the country when it being shown that he has been involved in a serious crime. Otherwise, by law it cannot be denied to anyone.

If the Cuban constitution ignores freedom of movement — widely recognized as one of the principal judicial instruments of human rights — then it pays even less attention to the right to obtain a passport. The new emigration legislation certainly eliminates the entry and exit visa, but it establishes a new prohibition, which in my opinion is even worse. It prevents someone from obtaining a necessary travel document not only for having committed a crime, but for reasons political or otherwise. The right to leave the country also includes the right to obtain the necessary travel documents. The refusal of the government to issue a passport (or to renew an existing one) to a Cuban living or not living on the island is to deny his legitimate right to enter or leave the country.

Miguel Cervantes: Doesn’t the emigration reform law contain something about persons deported from the United States that Cuba refuses to receive?

After January 14, 2013 Cuban emigrants will be able to reclaim their residency status within the nation’s boundaries — an option that did not exist prior to the new regulations. Although the new emigration statute does not expressly mention people deported from the United States, their status as emigrants allows them them file an application.

One of the advantages of the new emigration statute is that one does not have to physically reside in the country to regain residency status on the island. People will be allowed to exercise rights denied them until now, such as their rights to vote, work, to education and to acquire property.

The request can be filed through overseas consulates or through the Processing Office of the Ministry of the Interior to the Department of Immigration, which subsequently approves or denies residency requests within three months.

The regulation also requires an applicant to disclose the means used to emigrate and does not provide for an appeals process in the event a request is denied. This means that recognition of one’s right is subject to the discretion of the Minister of the Interior. This also means that emigration law itself establishes the conditions under which someone — either a national or a foreigner — can be denied entry into the country.

Ramón: I left for Argentina in 1998 after obtaining a letter of invitation and have not been back since. I was denied entry into the country because I am a doctor. On numerous occasions over the last 15 years I filed appeals to the Cuban authorities, explaining that I was authorized to leave, that I have my release card, and that I did not leave during an official mission but rather on a visit to Argentina. However, I have never received a reply. With this new law can I file an appeal to return since I am an emigrant who left for personal reasons? My father is still in Cuba. My mother died a month ago and I was not able to even attend her funeral. I also have a sister and niece there. They told me at the Cuban embassy in Argentina that everything remains the same for people like me.

Unfortunately, the government’s policy with respect to doctors, artists and athletes is very inflexible and is not written into law. Although changes have been made to emigration laws, certain practices remain in place, such as the discretionary power of the Minister of the Interior to decide which Cubans may enter or leave the country. You could read through any number of legal statutes, and nowhere will you find mention of any process by which a citizen can file an appeal in the event he or she is denied the right to enter or leave the country.

The Civil, Administrative and Labor Procedural Law provides an avenue for appealing administrative decisions by the Central State Administrative Boards (OACE) and its domestic branches which violate legally established rights.

However, denials by officials from the Ministry of the Interior (MININT), a OACE, with respect to entry and exit applications cannot be brought before a court since they emanate from the exercise of discretionary legal authority. The law itself prevents judicial bodies from analyzing the decisions arising from this authority. This is precisely one of the concerns of international human rights organizations.

Supposedly, the laws which authorize the imposition of restrictions must not confer discretionary powers without constraints on officials who exercise them. There is only one conclusion that we can draw from this: The discretionary freedom that the government grants to its Minister of the Interior places citizens in a defenseless position when faced with administrative actions which are detrimental to their legitimate rights.
Cubans are being denied “an effective recourse before competent national courts charged with protecting them against actions which violate their fundamental rights as recognized by the constitution or by law” by the preventing them from appealing decisions of MININT officials before courts of justice. Every Cuban “has the right, under conditions of full equality, to be publicly and justly heard by an independent and impartial court to determine their rights…”

Ramón, you should not allow them to continue punishing you for having made the decision to exercise your rights. If the Cuban government does not respond to you, contact the UN High Commission’s special rapporteur on the independence of judges and attorneys — a recommendation that I strongly make to all Cubans who have been denied the right to enter or leave their own country by the Ministry of the Interior.

Many thanks to the readers of Diario de Cuba for their questions.

November 27 2012


Campaign for Another Cuba: Video #Cuba

This video is less than 4 minutes long.


Self-Portrait of a Hooker* / Iván García

It is Mayra’s first day on the street. The entire family is glad she is back. The atmosphere is very different from before, when she went to prison. Now her parents do not get upset when her eleven year old son tries to make them laugh with a stories about the comandante.

Her mother, with her back turned, laughs at the boy’s joke. Myra is astonished. Before, her parents were constantly monitoring her speech. Under no circumstances would they have allowed her to say anything bad about the comandante or the Revolution. They would become incensed and explained why she should be eternally grateful: “Thanks to the revolution you have a house, an education, you don’t pay anything when you get sick.”

Sitting in the patio, breathing the fresh air, she thinks back again to her cell, the bricked-up windows, the humid air, and a stench of urine and excrement. She blinks. She feels a sense of relief. Yes, things have changed at home. Her parents now complain about “how bad things are.” One by one they count their “chavitos”—their small change in convertible pesos—to see if they have enough to buy a liter of cooking oil.

Mami is now 65 years old. She is fatter, spilling over the chair in front of the sewing machine. She works mending clothes for the neighbors. Papi is bony and ten centimeters shorter than five years ago. In two more days he will turn 70. He is retired from the Revolutionary Armed Forces and gets a “chequera,” a pension of 320 pesos, some thirteen dollars. He also works as a nightwatchman at a business near his house. He cleans patios and makes some extra money.

It is difficult for Mayra to imagine that once they went to the Plaza to joyously scream their support for the Revolution and Fidel Castro. They dreamt of a paradise where there would be no social inequalities and the exploitation of man by man would not exist. They believed in the Constitution, which compelled them to memorize the passage in the Preamble by José Martí: “I want to see that the first law of our Republic requires devotion by Cubans to the full dignity of man.”

But when the “special period” arrived in the 1990s, fanatics like her parents lost their enthusiasm. They began to tell her to talk in a low voice when she complained about those scheduledpower blackouts that lasted twelve hours a day, or when she occasionally even complained about the supreme leader. Now they become deaf and dumb when her son tells them that his dream is to become a ball player, to be able to travel, to live far away and to make a lot of money.

Dreams like that take her back to Doña Delicia, a women’s correctional facility. Images come to mind of when she went to work as a “jinetera”— a prostitute —on Fifth Avenue in Miramar. Images of police, acts of solicitation, a danger to society and five years in prison. It all happened so quickly. So stupid!

“I don’t have a ‘machango,’” she told the police. “If I had given them what they wanted, taken the easy route, I would not have gone to jail. But I would not let myself be blackmailed and so off I went. Who would have thought this would all get so complicated? It’s because of that son-of-a-bitch policeman, who tried to force me to kiss him. He was so disgusting. No, I am not sorry. If it happened again, I would do exactly the same. Ultimately, life is a game of Russian roulette.”

It seemed to Mayra that she was seeing the face of her father at the trial, the same one he had when her mother begged him to make piece with their other child, her brother, a “marielito,” one of the more than one hundred thousand people who left Cuba in 1980 through the port of Mariel. “We were dying of hunger,” she says, “but my father always had his pride. Even when Mami was sick with optical neuritis and almost died.”

“He now receives remittances from Miami, ’the nest of worms.’ How funny. When I went to prison, he was the president of the local Committee for the Defense of the Revolution. A few days later he resigned. He got a letter inviting him to visit his family ’in the bowels of the beast.’ At any rate he learned that it does not matter what path you take if you are following improbable dreams. I only want to get out of all this shit. That’s why I understand my parents, their silence, their sadness.”

After so many sacrifices, the harvest of ten million, voluntary labor, the workers’ guard, acts of repudiation, meetings, militant marches, slogans and informing on the private lives of others, it has not been easy for them to acknowledge that Cubans today are worse off than in 1959, when it all began. It is hard to accept that, after 53 years of “socialism,” the promise that we would have a perfect country has turned out to be a lie.

Mayra is still in the patio, her eyes closed. Her hair dances in the wind. She gently passes her hand over the sun that is tattooed on her neck. She sighs, looking around her. With a handkerchief she dries her tears. She gets up and goes back inside. She is the hostess. She must be with her family on her first day of freedom.

*Unpublished account by Iván García y Laritza Diversent, based on an actual case.

Photo: From a report on sex tourism in Cuba, published by La Prensa de Honduras.

September 11 2012


Cuba in Elections / Cuban Legal Advisor, Laritza Diversent

By Laritza Diversent

This 5th of July, the State Council invited Cubans to participate in the elections of municipal and provincial council members and national MPs. This convocation inaugurates the general election, taking place every 5 years, to renew the positions in the Popular Assemblies and the State Council.

Now in 2012, 16-year-old Cubans will have the right to vote and to hold office. The Island’s population rises to 11,242,628 inhabitants, according to data from the National Office of Statistics (ONE). Of them, approximately 2,118,156, are minors.

Denied the right to vote are those legally declared mentally retarded, the imprisoned, those on house arrest, and those placed on work camps (open farm). Those who are on probation cannot participate in elections. According to the data offered by the ONE, the number of people prohibited or unable to vote is estimated at 562,202 people.

To exercise the right to vote, Cuban voters must be registered by the Head of the ID office and by the Interior Ministry’s Population Register (MININT). In the last election, there were 8,562,270 voters registered and 95.9% of those registered participated, according to the ONE.

In one of the first moments of the elections, voters will elect the municipal delegates, who are proposed, nominated and elected directly by the citizens. In 2007, 15,236 representatives were elected in the country’s 169 municipalities, according to the ONE.

The date for the election of the national deputies will be arranged later, according to a note published in the newspaper Granma. In 2008, 1201 provincial representatives and 614 national representatives were elected, according to the ONE.

Candidates are proposed by nomination committees composed of members of the Center for Cuban Workers (CTC), the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution(CDR), the Federation of Cuban Woman (FMC), the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP), the University Students’ Federation (FEU), and the students’ federation (FEEM).

The Communist Party of Cuba does not participate in elections. However, most of the nominees belong to the only political organization in the country. Its top leaders are elected to occupy the most important positions in the State and the Government.

They are nominated by the 169 Municipal Assemblies that will be constituted once the municipal delegates are elected October 21, in the first round, according to the Official organ of the Communist Party. The second election will be held on the 28th, for those nominated who do not obtain more than 50% of the votes.

Elections continue to be the only predictable phenomenon within the Cuban system. The same number of candidates that are proposed and nominated, will be elected. And there is no need for electoral campaigns either. We all know that the First secretary of the Party, Raúl Castro Ruz, will be reelected President of the State Council and the Ministers, leader of the state.July 20 2012


Readers of Granma in an Angry Struggle Against Retailers / Laritza Diversent

by Laritza Diversent

Readers of Granma, the official daily publication of the Communist Party of Cuba, are requesting real action against the sellers of various household items, one of the self-employment categories most in demand by Cubans.

J.C. Mora Reyes, this last Friday, complained about the lack of governmental action to repress it, in the Letters to the Editor section on June 8. According to the commentator, along with the denunciation, the retailers have crossed a line: “What was sneaky before and supposedly ignored, now is known.” However, he asserted that “everything stays the same, thereby encouraging transgressive tendencies as something quasi-normal.”

“I’ve read, heard, and given many opinions about the resale of articles commercialized by the State with inflated prices formed only by the law of supply and demand and the pretense of innocence by those who should and are obligated to protect the consumer,” commented J.P. Granados Tapanes, in the same section.

The weekly section in Granma, in less than one month, published around 10 opinions of readers who were against the retailers. The majority of readers think these people are not self-employed and accuse them of strangling the economy for those who are working.

According to official data, before expanding and creating flexibility in the types of self-employment in October 2010, the sector constituted approximately 87,889 people, 0.78 percent of the population. Presently there are 378,000, and it is hoped that the number will grow to 500,000 this year.

Right now the category of Contracted Workers is the one most requested by Cubans. Next comes Producer-Seller of Food, Transportation of Cargo and Passengers, and Producer-Seller of Various Household Items (retailers).

“It’s sad to see how all types of merchandise, in many cases subsidized by the State, and other things that come from outside in hard currency, are for sale publicly at inflated prices with self-employment licenses,” comments J.P. Granados Tapanes.

Legislation prohibits self-employed Cubans from selling industrial articles acquired through established state networks. It also requires them to market their own products exclusively, with the possibility of freely setting prices.

Grandos Tapanes called the self-employed cuentapropistas “workers by means of extortion” and held them responsible for “the deterioration in the ability of any employed Cuban, no matter what his economic level, to buy things with his salary, which is worth less all the time.”

The solution for these retailers is a wholesale market, where they can acquire merchandise in quantity and at lower prices than those offered to the population in retail markets, only the ones legally recognized by the authorities. This is a problem that, according to the recorded guidelines approved by the Sixth Congress of the Communist Party, will be worked out before the end of 2015.

According to Mora Reyes, public denunciation doesn’t have any effect when “there exists tolerance, procrastination, inability, expediency, or defections on the part of the authorities in the application of energetic measures” against these demonstrations.

According to the reader, to go on the offensive is not something to be taken lightly. It’s “a pressing responsibility from the moment in which you become conscious of a situation incompatible with human dignity. Acting is better than talking,” is the conclusion.

There’s no doubt that the government’s inactivity in the face of these denunciations converts this section of the only daily newspaper into a national tirade. It airs complaints and laments without giving any solution, in the style of the accountability of the municipal delegates. However, the cuentapropistas are worried about the influence that these opinions could have on the upper echelon of leadership.

Translated by Regina Anavy

June 25 2012


Havana Court Summons Panamanian Firm’ Joint Venture Partner in Rio Zaza / Laritza Diversent

The Economic Chamber of the Court of Havana issued a summons to the Panamanian corporation Ingelco S.A., to appear and answer the lawsuit within sixty working days from March 28, 2012.

The notice, issued on March 23, 2012 by the Supreme Court and published on the 27th of that month in the Official Gazette of the Republic, the organ of publication of national laws, the former Audience of Havana, ignores the legal address of the firm.

According to the Secretary of the Court, Mara Piedras Velarde, the organ of justice of the capital, began the paperwork in 2012 for the Dissolution and Liquidation of the Joint Venture Company Rio Zaza S.A., at the request of the Food Corporation S.A.

Ingelco S.A. had a contract of international economic association with the Heroes of Giron Combined Citrus Company, effective until December 31, 2005, and with the Combined Lacteo Rio Zaza, for 13 years from August 10, 1998, according to the Resolution of the then Minister of Foreign Commerce, Raul de la Nunez Ramirez.

The court notice also warned that failure to respond “would indicate agreement with the facts of the demand, without the need to provide proofs.” In addition the notification of a judicial resolution provides for the modification of protective custody, without specifying which, and the citation to attend the hearing called for 30 July 2012 at ten in the morning.

Rio Zaza Food S.A., a packaging industry for dairy, juice, food and alcoholic beverage products, is approved for 15 years, beginning on 26 January 2001, and authorized to undertake direct and permanent commercial operations in the internal Cuban market.

Max Marambio, a Chilean businessman of 63, is the co-proprietor in partnership with the Cuban government, of the Rio Zaza firm through his business, International Network Group (ING), also a Panamanian firm.

The conglomerate company, which did tens of millions of dollars annually in businesses related to Cuba, received renewals of its license in 2005 and 2008. In 2010 the license to operate was temporarily suspended and in 2011 it was canceled altogether.

Rio Zaza Food S.A, was subjected to an audit for irregularities in its management and linked to a corruption scandal involving Ofelia Liptak, its commercial director, and her husband, Rogelio Acevedo González, a General of the Cuban Revolution and former president of the Institute of Civil Aeronautics. On April 13, 2011, its General Manager, Chilean Roberto Baudrand, died in Havana after Cuban authorities prevented him from leaving the country.

Marambio,resident in Chile, was tried in absentia in March 2011 and sentenced to 20 years in prison in May of that year, for “bribery, fraud and falsification of bank or business documents, all of an ongoing nature” according to official notice in the official newspaper Granma.

In the process, also sentenced to 15 years in prison, was former Minister of Food Industry, Francisco Alejandro Roca Iglesias, for allowing himself to be corrupted, for favoring the businessman and for buying overpriced products for his consortium, causing serious damage to the Cuban economy.

Currently, the prices of products sold by Rio Zaza in hard currency State stores, rose between 5 and 15 cents in freely convertible currency in the internal Cuban market.

April 27 2012


Humiliating, Brutal and Cruel Treatment / Laritza Diversent

Laura Álvarez Rojas, a Cuban woman resident in South Africa, in less than nine months lost two of her loved ones. Her brother, Alberto Álvarez Rojas, a resident in the island, died last March 13th, in a car accident in that country.

“When I had not yet recovered from the pain of losing my mother, I found myself unprotected and enormously depressed at the death of my brother”, wrote Alvarez Rojas in a letter to some of her friends. She decided to take the remains to her motherland and share such a painful loss with her relatives in Cuba.

She went through all the bureaucratic requirements demanded by the Immigration and Foreign Department to go to the island. She had her passport extended, also had legalized her brother’s death certificate and paid all the consular tariffs. Last March 23rd, she left the African continent with the flight KL 0592 and landed in Cuba the ext day at 6.00 pm.

She was surprised when an immigration officer told her at the window, that she was not allowed into the country and did not know the reasons. In a separate office she asked them to check her name. In the year 2011 she visited Cuba twice without any trouble. She did not come to have holidays. Her mother was suffering from a terminal liver cancer. “You can not come in and that is all, your embassy in South Africa is the one responsible to explain the reasons”, answered the officer.

The officer tried to find out why the entry was denied. “Did you pay your tariffs at the immigration office in Cuba?”, she asked. “Yes, I did”, answered Laura. “Did you fight with anyone?”, she asked again. “Never, neither before nor later”, she rejected. “Did you visit some places?”, she continued asking. “My visits were to the hospital to transfuse my mother, to immigration and to the airport”, she refuted.

In a bag she had Alberto’s remains. “To the persons whose entrance to Cuba is denied, the luggage is not allowed”, added the immigration officer. “Ask the embassy to send the remains of your brother using diplomatic mail, she woman advised.

Desperate, she phoned her husband, a doctor who deserted and who had been working for approximately 10 years in South Africa, her sister who was waiting for her outside and the consul of her embassy. “Turn off the phone, you can not communicate with anyone else”, the officer advised to her. The woman “became furious and took my phone”, added Alvarez Rojas.

Laura insisted in bringing in her brother’s remains. “They saw me like a crazy one talking to all officers, I was locked in an office and some body took me by the neck, breaking my rosary”, she stated.

In spite of the mistreatment and physical aggressions, she insisted on her purpose. “I kneeled and begged to give the remains of my brother to my sister who was waiting outside, I could be returned, I did not care”, she insisted to another officer who was watching her in the office.

Laura did not make it. She was seated in the flight KL 02724 the same day, in the same airplane she had arrived. The pilot was told she was an illegal person for being delinquent in Cuba. The man was furious when the young lady showed her papers in order, the ashes of her brother’s and the death certificate of the embassy.

The pilot complained. It was not the first time it happened. “I was returned without a pre-ticket so that once in Holland I had to pay my ticket to South Africa again”, argued Alvarez Rojas. He refused to board her without the ticket and warned he would report Cuba through his airline, for the frequent abuse to its citizens.

The crew tried hard to assist her. “They made me feel like a person since the treatment received in my country was that of an animal”, she continues. “I was not carrying a dead dog, I was carrying a part of my Heart”, said Laura in a desperate attempt to find comprehension and solidarity for what had happened to her.

“They did not let me cry my pain for my loved ones, neither did they give me the right to hold my sister who was crying desperately on the other side and I was forced to come back here with the remains of my brother, unprotected heart, broken hope, and the biggest disappointment in my life”, she ended.

Laura insists on an explanation at the Cuban embassy in South Africa, although she knows there is no reason for what has no explanation. However, she is wrong when she says no one can understand what she feels. Cuban authorities treat many of its citizens like this. No doubt it is a cruel treatment, brutal and humiliating.

Translated by AnonyGY

April 25 2012


Conviction / Laritza Diversent

Once Cuban trials have declared a person’s guilt, they then order the destruction of incriminatory evidence.

Jesús Daniel Forcade Portillo, 29 years of age, and Ramón Echevarría Fernández, 40, were punished with 35 years in prison for the assassination of the jeweller Humberto González Otaño in the early morning of 14th September 2010, whilst they robbed his house of money and garments to a value of 206,193 pesos local currency.

According to the sentence enacted by the Court of Havana, after the robbery the accused gave a blood-stained blue denim jacket, exactly like that of Esther Fernández, the jeweller’s wife, the only surviving victim and sole eyewitness, to his accomplice.

Traces of his scent were also found at the scene of the crime. There was no identification by fingerprints or DNA samples. In spite of the technological advances, in Cuba, there are few cases where these tests are used, currently the most reliable, to confirm or destroy a person’s innocence.

The Law of Penal Proceedings allows crime investigators to order scientific tests when they consider them necessary. The courts for their part, don’t demand the tests be completed in order to he entirely certain of their ruling.

The court was fully convinced of Jesús Daniel and Ramón’s guilt. Their relatives, on the other hand, are fully convinced of their innocence. Betty Anne Waters, a young North American, divorced with two children, who registered at law school to take on her brother, Kenneth Water’s defence, had the same belief.

Her story was played by Hilary Swank, an actress awarded two Oscars for best female actress, in the film ’Conviction’, from director Tony Goldwyn in 2010.

In 1983 Kenneth Waters was found guilty of the murder of Katharina Brow on 21st February 1980. The attacker’s blood was found at the crime scene and his blood was found to be of the same type. He was sentenced to life imprisonment without hope of bail.

His sister, Betty Anne, became a lawyer and succeeded in reopening his case in 1999 after finding evidence which, according to the laws of the State of Massachusetts, should have been destroyed in 1993. The DNA test gave negative results. In 2001 he was acquitted after spending 18 years in prison.

Regrettably, Forcade Portillo and Echevarría Fernández won’t have the same luck as Kenneth Waters in spite of their relatives’ conviction. The jacket, a piece of evidence of the crime, was not found amongst the garments of which the court ordered a seizure.

They didn’t order its retention either. The accused assured that the garments weren’t theirs and their families stated that no garment had been returned to them. In these conditions it will be very difficult to review their case in the future and try to prove their innocence.

Their case isn’t the only one in which the evidence has been destroyed or has disappeared. In 2007 the Court of Camagey sentenced Delvis David Peña Mainer to 40 years imprisonment for brutally stabbing to death a young married couple in January of the same year.

The court stated that both victims’ wounds were caused by a left-hander, like Peña Mainer, with a short, blunt instrument. David was in possession of a mocha, a type of machete used to cut cane.

According to the sentence, blood was found in the ’inside part of the handle’, ’although it could not be determined to which species it belonged’ the court was told during the sentencing.

The Camagueyan Court was well convinced of his guilt and it seemed unnecessary to compare the blood found on the murder weapon with the victims’ DNA.

Furthermore they sent the mocha to be handed in to a job centre and ’the destruction’ of several of the couple’s garments with ’spots of blood’ and bloody footprints from the crime scene.

A different situation came with Rafael Ramos Utra, sentenced by the Court of Las Tunas to 20 years imprisonment for the sexual attack of a minor inside his own house in March 2005.

’There is no relationship between the semen present on the panties’ recognised the Cuban Central Forensic Laboratory in its first DNA tests, referring to the garment that the 6 year old child was wearing and Ramos Utra’s blood sample.

In a second test it was found ’that the yellowish stain on the panties’ of the minor matched that of ’her own blood sample’. ’It was not possible to establish the genetic profile of the semen present on the panties because the seminal material was used up’, the laboratory recognised.

The likelihood of finding two people with the same genetic information is one in fifteen million. In spite of the certainty of the first exam that proved Utra’s innocence, the Court of Las Tunas declared him guilty and also ordered the incineration of the panties, a piece of evidence.

According to data from the film ’Conviction’, in the USA 254 post-sentence acquittals have been given between 1989 and 2010 thanks to DNA testing. In Cuba, this possibility looks well off whilst courts, based on their guilty convictions, order the destruction of incriminating evidence.

Translated by: Sian Creely

April 18 2012