It’s All Yoani’s Fault / Garrincha #Cuba

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{Fidel} What’s the chance of putting the blame for this on Yoani and the Americans? {Pile of bones} Syria. {Clown} We’re working in that direction Comandante… {Parenthetical text} One afternoon in the “Little Friends of Assad Club” {Salutation} For Yoani, with affection from the swamp. Garrincha / Source: Yoani’s Twitpics

Test and Menta / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Testament of a Figurehead

Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Standing, naked, with eyes burned by the tears and the Cuban nights passed without blinking a damn eye. Or blinking, but jumping from nightmare to nightmare, possessed by a Havana without Castro or Marx.

Standing, decrepit, with bony phalanges, and a barbaric beard. With an ache and a void in the soul of three sets of balls. With my cock brushing the keyboard of my mercenary laptop, mercenárida, exquisite corpse that announces briefly the whole of my corpse.

And so I write this. And so I want to be remembered. And so I was a thousand nine hundred and fifty times more free than you.

When I was a child of the seventies I hated my happy childhood. I always knew more than the adults around me, who were poor and fearful but with enormous hearts. I thought that when I grew up, the eighties would find me out of that house forever. I would be free of the drowsy uniformity of this country, and of the good sun that turned my poor neighborhood into a local paradise.

I thought that Cuba would not resist the date changes. That Havana would be filled with colors and unrecognizable people before the year 2000. That was the future life. I was wrong.

All the parents and neighbors died, and all the ministers, and even the premier himself rotted inside and out while still alive, without the decency of a farewell or even an apology. They left us alone in the zoo, among beasts in uniforms of an olive-green color, green like a lie, green like silence, the green of the universal death of our nation. The future was today: futile, fossil, funeral.

It died, of course, any stupid attempt to find among so much shit the infinitesimal and infinite miracle of love.

Our hearts grew old, our bodies trapped in a childhood of penance for being such hypocrites, but not enough to smile over.

We gave in. We didn’t find our neighbor We don’t have a single motherfucking contemporary Cuban. We are extinct. Our hands only serve to wiggle our fingers in panic, telling our own biography: No, no, no…

We deserve an Absolute Revolution in perpetuity. We are the Absolute Revolution in perpetuity. Hallelujah, human time has stopped and we unknowingly lived in a state of grace.

Thank you.

I look at my books. There are thousands and thousands. I’m going to trade them to the old man who sells hookers on the corner. Except for two or a dozen, I’m still not sure. They are books that cause instability, illusions of movement, desires in mutation. They are treacherous books, like one of those most musical themes of three sad decades ago.

I look at the internet censored for Cubans in Cuba. It has been an imbecility to partake of the forbidden. The moral attitude was disgusting. Disgusting having to pirate what belongs to me by my own right. Disgusting to have entertained everyone, with a vaudevillian theater that breathed hope to the patients of a totalitarianism without a terminal phase. They should not believe me. not a single syllable of saliva. Disgusting to survive death successfully in the desert, rather than focus on the source of my insatiable thirst. Disgusting to have been so traitorous and not knowing to dwell in posthumous peace my failure. Disgusting of not having met you before, love.

And still I type standing naked, my stomach making me crick-crack like a psycho-rigid insect. They don’t invent with me. They don’t project now. Nobody is going to die. That is our gloomy phobia. Getting to an end without end.

I will not move a finger. Traveling is embarrassing if you are Cuban. To be free, inside or outside, is infamous if you’re Cuban. Individual creativity is a stigma while reality coagulates around us.

The circle of murderers approaches, shark without a country, from the absolute power of an unknown and ubiquitous government. Name three ministers if you have balls. Go ahead, name them, and you will see that you do not know who they are. Are pseudonyms, pseudopods. Name three thousand dead people and see if you remember their false features. You do not know dick, bro. You are exceptionally ignorant. Your tongue chirps like the insects of my stomach emptied of hunger and meaning. And just for that I still love you, in spite of myself.

Cuba has finally become pure action.

Things happen, but now nothing takes place.

Do you see? Do yo not see?

Adiós.

Translated by BC CASA

November 3 2012

The Cost of Food in Cuba, or Clarifications Regardless of the Intent of an Article / Regina Coyula #Cuba

Many people who don’t know Cuban could have read this article* by a Frenchman who presents himself as an expert on Cuban issues, which encouraged me to offer some clarifications about what can be done with money in my country, information that I have first hand for being a Cuban who lives in Cuba, where the dual monetary system has resulted in a national currency called “national money” and known by the acronym CUP**, which is deeply depreciated, with salaries which are paid in it insufficient, and the other which is the equivalent of hard currency, known as the Cuban Convertible Peso, or CUC**, which is the currency required for almost all products and services.

To ride in a private taxi known as “almendrones” — after the “almond” shape of the old American cars used to provide this service –implies accommodating yourself to the fixed routes that these collective taxis travel. If you go from Marianao to Central Havana, it will be 20 pesos, but if you go to Alamar is will be twice that because you have to transfer to another car, and if this simply trip is after ten at night, the fare doubles again.

If you want or need a home, you should start by inheriting it or building it. Rental housing is a rarity among Cubans, and even if the tax is rent in CUP, the agreement between the parties takes the CUC as a reference, and one-bedroom apartment goes for about 100 CUC.

At the risk of overwhelming my readers, I want to comment on the foods mentioned in the list, because you should know, as the expert does not clarify, that in Cuba the same food can have four prices: The price of food in CUP in the subsidized basic food basket at the ration stores, the market price for the same food not in the ration stores in CUP or its equivalent in CUC, food on the market in CUC only, and last, but not least, the food offered in the black market.

The products in the first group delivered through the ration book for each consumer are:
Soft bread at 5 oz. (per day); and monthly per person rations of 10 eggs, 1 lb. chicken, 1/2 lb. of chicken instead of fish (last year there was no fish), 1/2 lb. of “mincemeat” made from soybeans, 1/2 lb. sausage, 5 lb. kg. rice, 1/2 lb. beans, 5 lb. white sugar and 1lb. turbinado sugar, 2.1 lbs. of spaghetti, 4 oz. of 50% blended coffee and 1 cup of vegetable oil. Children under the age of three receive compotes, up to age seven a quart of milk, and up to age thirteen a quart of soy yogurt. (Sorry if I have not been accurate in converting pounds to kilos, but foods are sold by the pound, and make not my forte. [Note: the translator has converted them back to pounds.])

This monthly allowance costs a little more than 1 CUC. I invite my readers to do the simple exercise of physically checking of these foods to better understand what comes next.

Once the subsidized food runs out, you have to go to the market governed by supply and demand, where the prices vary drastically. As the production is not abundant, either because of so much idle land or because of droughts, cyclones of the Blockade, rice that costs less than 1 CUP here costs 8 CUP for two pounds; grains are more than 24 CUP for 2 pounds, and if you don’t have a child under seven, no matter how much money you have, if you want to drink milk you have to pay for it in hard currency, with a tetrapack of one quart costing 2.40 CUC, or 1.20 CUC for a can of condensed milk, or 1.60 CUC for evaporated milk, or 5.40 for a pound of powdered milk.

As an unrepentant coffee drinker, I know that a cup of “mixed” coffee (with peas or other fillers in it) at any kiosk costs one CUP; a fiction of coffee, a fake; if you want coffee-coffee, you have to pay 3 CUC for the cheapest ground coffee. I’m not the same with alcohol but there is nothing more agreeable than a beer with Sunday lunch, a luxury I only allow myself two or three times a year, because a beer costs 20 CUP or 1 CUC.

But where the gentleman who wrote the article is most greatly confused, is in the price of proteins, so coveted in Cuban because of their scarcity, despite being frowned upon in the modern diet.

Pork, the most consumed and “economical” costs 50 CUP for two pounds if you buy large pieces because in small portions it costs up to 80; eggs are sold at 1.50 CUP or at the equivalent of 8 CUP in hard currency stores.

I do not dwell on the price of other foods because to explain what I can and can’t buy exceeds my patience and would exceed yours. Meanwhile, the cost of electricity if going up; it’s 9 cents only for the first 100 kw, and in my house with three people, with no appliances other than the refrigerator and the heater in the shower, we use 220 kw a month, which is around 60 CUP.

The article, designed to denigrate a well-known figure, manipulates data, with ignorance or malice, which casts a shadow on the credibility of the writer, to use his own words.

Translator’s notes:
*The link in Regina’s post does not work so we have not been able to confirm the article she’s talking about, and will not, therefore, speculate about who its likely author is.
**The monetary values relative to the U.S. dollar are approximately $1.10 per CUC and 24 CUPs to one CUC.

January 18 2013

Invented Charges and Other Judicial Crimes / Angel Santiesteban #Cuba

My lawyer has already filed an appeal which is available for reading in my blog.

This appeal details each and every one of the violations of law committed by the same Justice that has condemned me for “writing with a ’certain’ bias, and drawing letters of a very suspicious size.”

The Justice that seeks put me in a cage is the same one which — a month before failing to prove my “guilt” and condemning me to five years — send the agent Camilo after me to harass, threaten and warn me that I had already been sentenced, a month before the Court issued its judgment.

A process with no guarantees where they invent accusations and dictate a priori judgment. Agent Camilo is so happy in his role as henchman stalker that he does not cease in his efforts to persecute and threaten me, as I showed in a couple of videos.

Again I appeal to international public opinion to denounce the abuses suffered in Cuba by all those who profess no idolatry to the dictator and his criminal system of government.

Translator’s note: Apologies for not having subtitles for the video

January 18 2013

NICE! @RosaMariaPaya / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo #Cuba

Nice! Rosa Maria Paya in her blog.

Cuban journalism is too important to be left in the hands of Cuban journalists.

Rosa Maria Payá hands a treat to the salaried employees of the International Press Center in Havana, whining cowards who don’t know how to read freely and without fear what there is to read.

www.intereconomia.com/blog/habana/”quienes-son-usted…

January 13 2013

Elaine Diaz Takes on Ecuador’s President Rafael Correa on Facebook / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo #Cuba

Dear Rafael Correa,

I am dismayed by your government’s introduction of a letter of invitation as a condition of entry to your country. The clarification leaves me more confused: “The paper should state that the Ecuadorian or the foreigner with an immigrant visa who invites a Cuban citizen has sufficient funds and pledges to cover all costs, including medical care, during the stay of the guest.”

I say to you, Correa, that in Cuba we are very humble and do not like to boast of economic wealth, but many people in my country do not need any other citizen of the world to cover their expenses.

As a Cuban, whose salary is not enough to visit Ecuador without a visa or Europe with a visa, I am deeply offended by this drastic change just a few days from the Cuban immigration reform.

If we were Brazil, tomorrow we would include a regulation that asked not only for letter of invitation, but a reserved round trip ticket, bank statements and a hotel reservation from the citizens of your country.

Instead, I hope that my country will continue training, for free, your students in our universities, healing your sick and assisting your nation in social development programs.

Latin-Americanly,

Elaine Diaz

www.facebook.com/elainediazrodriguez)

January 16 2013

End of Year Gift / Wilfredo Vallin Almeida #Cuba

11-AJC

6-vallin_21
Wilfredo Vallín Almeida

One of a country’s most precious things is its traditions They constitute the people’s soul and shape identity and belonging.

And culture and traditions are shaped by the nuances and vicissitudes of popular history over a long period of evolution and development of nationality and personality.

We Cubans have many and they are and very beautiful. For their authenticity, they have remained despite efforts to make them disappear following the dictates of an absurd and dogmatic social engineering.

One of these was the Christmas festivities and, among them, the gifts placed under the tree to be opened on the morning of the birth of baby Jesus, and the pleasant and emotive sound of a Christmas carol.

That was an experience so beautiful as to never be forgotten.

Then there were no more Christmases or New Years, or Three Kings or gifts under the tree or under the bed.

Then came adulthood, after maturity, and it has not crossed my mind that the possibility of a return with a huge cargo of human warmth, familiarity and Cubanness.

However, unexpectedly, they have returned, no less than in these last Christmases, to receive a gift that fills my heart with joy and hope, and it comes from an unexpected place: INTERNET tells us that the Cuban Law Association (AJC) ends 2012 with more than 110,000 visits to its blog.

The fact that a blog of legal issues, often highly technical and difficult to understand, created with much effort as we try to write in an understandable way for those not versed in the law, has reached that impressive figure can only fill us with joy and a sense of accomplishment in a fair fight.

Within Cuba are more than 1,200 entries to the AJC blog. In a country like ours, without INTERNET and where the overwhelming majority of the population does not have a computer, that number is not negligible.

Of course this involves us more, but now, we want to thank from the bottom of our hearts all who come to read to us and give us their comments, which are almost entirely respectful and encouraging.

Thank you all for this delightful, stimulating — and very emotional for us — NEW YEAR’S GIFT.

January 17 2013

Revering the Law or Throwing Stones At It? / Jorge Hojas Punales #Cuba

OLYMPUS DIGITAL CAMERAJorge Hojas Puñales

For those of us who comb our grey hair, or those who now haven’t any hair to comb, the French utopia dealing with attempted social change, in the context of that society, was an unreachable goal, notwithstanding the fact that it served as a program. And on a daily basis we see that as regards our own society, and in particular its future, it has transformed into a mirage; it is as if our goals, dreams and hopes, were on the horizon, that line which we can never reach.

How far away we are from being able to say with enthusiasm and credibility that in our society the law is respected, complied with and obeyed by all the bodies which make up our society.

We would like to prepare all the information possible, in order that people may have a sense of all the rules, orders and legal regulations which have been published in the Republic of Cuba’s Official Gazette, produced by the Ministry of Justice in more than 50 years.

Almost every day the Organisations of the Central Administration of State (OACE) publish regulations, and, not at the same frequency, laws, decrees, and legal decrees are put out in relation to the National Assembly of Popular Power (ANPP), the Council of State (CE) and the Council of Ministries.

To preach the law with due respect and devotion, it should not be necessary to undertake actions against those who flagrantly break or violate it, or with impunity fail to observe it. For example, it is sad to see them demolish a building because its construction was illegal. Why does that happen? Simply because of the total lack of respect for the law, both on the part of the person carrying out the work and also the person who has benefitted from the failure to observe it, both private individuals and companies.

What role is performed or should be performed by the lawyer or advocate in the OACE, an organisation, a company or association? As far as we are concerned his main role is founded on the preaching of respect for all current legislation, ensuring his behavior adheres to and complies with it, which is almost impossible to do, given that his boss’s wishes take precedence; he can’t act as consultant or advisor, because at best he is not listened to and at worst he is kicked out for going against his superior’s  decisions.

Everything that we have described, merits a special illustrative space showing how the laws are violated or infringed, which according to us (all of us) we approve. There is an old saying: “killed himself like Chacumbele”. Are we (all) Chacumbele?

January 13 2013

Freedom With a Woman’s Name / Lilianne Ruiz #Cuba

S

S

A group of internal dissident leaders on the Island, led by Dr. Oscar Elias Biscet, unveiled on Wednesday morning, January 9th, Project Emilia.

This initiative, like the Citizen Demand for Another Cuba, arises from the incontestable fact that the Cuban State is not subject to the law. This, citizen freedom and human rights are undervalues and have succumbed before the needs of the Communist system as expressed in the 1976 Constitution, modified in 2003. Thus, the Emilia Project considers the Constitution and the National Assembly of People’s Power with its organs of State power illegitimate.

The document also calls for the Cuban people to subscribe to this project. Once the signatures are collected, it will be presented directly to the International Criminal Court, the Commission on Human Rights and the Human Rights Council.

The 2003 modification of the 1976 Constitution was the government’s reaction to the Varela Project, promote from Civil Society by the leader of the Christian Liberation Movement, who died in July, 2012, Oswaldo Payá Sardiñas

The Emilia Project takes its name from Emilia Teurbe Tolón, the fighter in the War of Independence who made the first national flag.

Listening to Dr. Biscet reading the document reminded me of a couple of sentences I had read recently in one of the winning essays in the Freedom Road Contest’s 4th edition. They bring light to the cause of freedom for Cubans, as opposed to the Battle of Ideas which is the Communist Party’s ongoing propaganda in the mass media in the country.

“All that freedom requires is that the individual can do something to restrict the actions of the government. I do not believe that imparting positive instruction to the government about what it should do is part of freedom, but the truth is that there can be no freedom if we can not exercise the right to prevent the government from doing certain things.

The only moral principle that once made possible the growth of an advanced society, has been the principle of individual freedom, which means that the person is guided in making decisions  by rules of right conduct and not by specific orders of another individual.” Friedrich von Hayek: The Road to Serfdom.

To be able to change Cuba in a non-violent way, is the aspiration of all members of Civil Society. It is the Communist State which is not in a position to cede territory because it will end up succumbing. Violence is an attribute of government where there is socialism, communism, collectivism, populism.

S

January 18 2013

Legal Relationships in Cuba / Argelio M. Guerra #Cuba

25-cartel con bandera

By Argelio M. Guerra

Is it possible to file a legal claim against someone to whom you have given your car to carry out some bodywork, paying him something in advance, who has not carried out the work in question, and where there is no contract documentation? How can you enforce the contractual obligation?

Is it the case that a piece of paper, containing the personal details and reciprocal obligations to which those who agree to provide a service in return for payment commit themselves, constitutes, when the occasion requires, an element of proof for the purposes of a Tribunal when making an application for completion of a contractual obligation?

There are thousands of questions, like the ones above, which are raised by Cubans when, as happens, legal relationships, which should be created in accordance with provisions of the law and good faith, lead to a sorry outcome with the bitter experience, for one or both persons, of being jailed for what ought to be and should proceed as a satisfactory legal relationship.

And this ominous outcome is, not infrequently, the result of various elements which are to be found in legal relationships, conspiring against their normal development; ignorance of rights and how they are to be applied within the social framework; little or no dissemination of information by the mechanisms and institutions which are there to guarantee the exercise of those citizens’ rights, little publicity about the requirements and best options for those wishing to enter into a legal transaction with adequate guarantees, a legal vacuum in relation to the regime governing defined options for the self-employed. These and other limitations are part of the legal reality of present-day Cuba, at the same time as they are of potential assistance to those trying to make a living by way of cheating and extorting from others.

Although the decentralisation of the State monopoly on employment has been accepted and welcomed, what is also needed is an effective strategy to ensure the legal protection of the citizen.

The growing scale of the non-public economy, taken with the ever-more-necessary reduction of prohibitions and restrictions which muzzle the life of Cuban people, takes us inevitably in the direction of an increasing quantity of legal relationships, and the urgent need to dispel the air of mystery, as far as many Cubans are concerned, which has surrounded them for years.

Translated by GH

January 10 2013

Of Horror and the Times of Cholera / Rebeca Monzo

When I was a child, I heard my grandmother talk about the hard times of cholera, and of how her family had escaped from this terrible disease. That was all I knew of this plaque, pure history.

And it turns out that now, in the 21st century, in “my beloved planet”, that terrible word is mentioned again. After those stories told by his grandmother María, I again heard about this pandemic when I enjoyed reading the famous novel by García Márquez: Love in the Time of Cholera, passionately losing myself in his unforgettable character Florentino Ariza.

I was surprised, it’s true, that for so many years we had weathered the danger of such a plague, because our beloved island is increasingly sinking into more precarious hygienic conditions die to the apathy and neglect in all sectors, in all social spheres. Thanks to our relentless sun, we have survived some diseases.

I have written a great deal in my blog, about the lack of hygiene and cleanliness in public places, among them, unfortunately, polyclinics and hospitals, as well as cafes and stalls, State and private (some), selling light and not so light food for public consumption, especially for those who do not have hard currency and are forced to go to them.

I avoid at all costs, and so I tell anyone whom I can within my power, not to consume these drinks made with flavored powders, because the lack of safe drinking water is very common, especially in places like Old Havana, where there are the largest number of tourists and local visitors.

Another of the reasons I resist, when the impertinent fumigation brigades, try to break into my house when they want to fill it with smoke from burning oil, is that time has shown that it is completely ineffective in liquidating the famous mosquito, while the hygiene of the environment and the city are so precarious.

Now, more worryingly, and in what must be emphasized to the authorities and the population in general, is the need to maintain the highest possible hygiene in our homes and our environment, so that this outbreak of cholera does not become endemic as has its other relative, dengue fever.

January 18 2013

This is Already a Path of No Return / Antonio Rodiles , Estado de SATS #Cuba

Antonio-Rodiles-Foto-de-Ernesto-Santana-168x300
Antonio Rodiles, photo by Ernesto Santana

Interview with Antonio G. Rodiles, Estado de SATS Project Coordinator, by Ernesto Santana Zaldívar (from July 2012)

HAVANA, Cuba, www.cubanet.org

Introductory Note: On July 24, 2012, during the funeral of the opposition leader Oswaldo Payá, there were violent arrests of several activists and dissidents, among them Antonio Rodiles, who was held for 24 hours at the Fourth Police Station and interrogated by State Security, two years to the day after the first meeting organized by the Estado de SATS project. A few days earlier, Rodiles had granted this interview to Cubanet.

Estado de SATS (State of SATS) was born two years ago, but it has been mostly in the last year that this project has generated more interest and has experienced major growth, despite the efforts of the political police against it. Many people, on the other hand, are asking what could be the meaning of such a peculiar name. Antonio Rodiles explains it very clearly: “Estado de SATS is a term used on the theater that represents the moment when all the energy is concentrated to begin to action, or when an athlete is at the precise moment before the starting signal. It is the concentration that later explodes.”

There is no description more graphic and exact for the spirit of what emerged in July of 2010, when the first meeting was held at Casa Gaia, in Old Havana, organized by Rodiles, a mathematical physicist, and his friend Jorge Calaforra, a Cuban-Polish civil engineer, and with the notable support of the OMNI Project and the participation of the theater group Cuerpo Adentro and Darwin Estacio, who organized a painting exhibition.

Antonio Rodiles himself provides more details in this interview with Cubanet, in the midst of the intense undertaking that occupies most of his time.

Cubanet: How did the idea of the Estado de SATS project emerge and develop?

Antonio Rodiles: What we set out to do in the first meeting was to break the ice; to do something independent where we could generate debate about current topics from different perspectives, artists, intellectuals, professionals. It was a very interesting event that lasted three days, and the result was interesting. There were about seven lectures and three panels, an exhibit of paintings, a presentation of the film Memories of Underdevelopment, which had just been released, and on the last day there was a concert mixing jazz and hip hop.

This first concert was very positive and gave momentum to the idea of continuing, always maintaining the idea of the confluence of art and thinking. The reality of a country is very complex. There are different approaches, and we believe art has a lot to bring. There are things an intellectual or a professional sees that others don’t see, and an artist sees many of them. The ways of approaching problems are also different.

CN: We know that some time ago there were people who expressed the opinion that Estado de SATS was an “opposition-lite” project, prepared by the government. We know the answers you gave at that time. However, what would you respond today now that the project has continued to grow and develop?

AR: I think this is part of a strategy by State Security which has tried to spread this opinion to create internal divisions among political and social activists in Cuba. Everyone can say what they want, but it seems to me that this falls in the plane of conspiracy theories, because in the plane of reality we see that people with distinct visions and positions have participated here.

Just yesterday we had a meeting with three of the seventy-five former prisoners of the Black Spring, Eduardo Díaz Fleitas, José Daniel Ferrer and Ángel Moya. We also had Berta Soler, Wilfredo Vallín, Manuel Cuesta, Yoani Sánchez, Elizardo Sánchez, Alexis Jardines, Raudel Collazo, OMNI ZONA FRANCA and many more. They debated everything.

Ultimately, we have met with everyone to call upon the government directly with the Citizen Demand for Another Cuba, which is part of a campaign we are initiating to ask the government to ratify the Covenants they already signed (the United Nations Covenant of Civil Rights and Political Rights and the Covenant on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights). A campaign we want to carry out throughout the whole country and in which everyone who wants to can participate.

If anyone still thinks that this project is orchestrated by the government, they are definitely suffering from paranoia. Sometimes I think it’s important to talk about this so that it’s perfectly clear, but other times I feel that it’s a waste of time. Anyone, if they are well-intentioned, simply by looking at the work we’ve done this year, which for us has been huge, can understand the truth of our project. To entangle us in so many explanations and responses seems to me exactly what State Security wants: distract you with absurd details so you waste your time and energy.

CN: What importance do you attribute to the space for dialogue and reflection that this project has opened? In your view, what has been the impact of the work done so far?

AR: What has pleased me the most, personally, is being able to show the faces of civil society that the Cuban government tries to hide. They always say that those who oppose them are criminals, mercenaries, people with no vision of the future, no plan for the country, the worst of the worst. To show this range of faces and visions definitely gives the idea that when we can end this long nightmare, there is a clear prospect of a much better country.

It has also been very interesting to establish friendships with so many people, or that many individuals who didn’t know each other do now and they know what they think, what they see and how to collaborate. Another important aspect is that it has created a public space for debate. Here there is no room for the powers-that-be description: “you are my friend or you are my enemy.” Here people can coexist with others who think differently, but who ultimately also want a better country. That exchange is essential to a democracy.

It would be great is spaces like this could emerge across the entire country, if people could do it from their own inspiration. It’s very important to signal that tons of spaces like this exist in democratic societies. This may seem strange only in Cuba because we live under a totalitarian regime.

A process of maturation is indisputably happening in civil society, but new technologies are also contributing: to have a channel on YouTube, or to record a video and distribute it among people has a very important role, because people that see this can get interested in coming, participating, and knowing what happens. At first about fifteen or twenty people came, currently, at some meetings, we have observed over ninety or a hundred people.

CN: What new purposes and plans are fueling the project at this time?

AR: We would like projects like this to spread throughout the whole country, that here increasingly more people with different interests come, including from official institutions. That’s why we are focusing on greater awareness of what we do.

Another plan, on which we are concentrating great energy, is the Citizen Demand for Another Cuba. We believe it is very important that, from civil society, we demand our rights from the government and that, starting from those rights, there is a democratic transformation in the country. We are working very intensely to spread this whole conception of the new society, of what we want the change to be.

We are also very interested in the exchange with Cubans who are outside of Cuba. We have tried several times and we will keep trying. Almost always it has to be through recorded videos.

CN: Can you mention some of the procedures that the political police have used the to deter or derail the project?

AR: They have used many. Starting out, as they thought I would leave the country, they tried to blackmail me by taking away my permit to reside in the exterior, which they did a few months after the meetings began in my house. Then they threatened my parents with withdrawing the license they have to rent rooms, and even mentioned the possibility of taking our house.

The guests who are invited are threatened that, if they come, there will be reprisals. Also many of the public who come are warned not to come again. On some occasions they have organized operations around the house. We are very close to the offices of the National Aquarium and they normally mount their operations there, although lately they are being discreet.

They have also installed two permanent video cameras facing the house. Many time they harass people who leave the meetings, asking for their identity cards in an intimidating way. In short, they closely monitor us and the work they do is systematic in continuing to try to strangle people, especially economically.

The idea is to isolate you, set you apart, and continuously reduce the impact you can have with your work. I think that as the project continues to grow, they will become more nervous, but we hope that they understand that this is a path of no return.

CN: How do you see the current situation of our country, the real possibilities of change?

AR: Look, it seems to me that, almost a year and a half after the Communist Party Congress, which raised many expectations in some who are too optimistic, if not naive, and after the Party Conference, people have realized that it was all words. The government does not have the ability to change. It’s an ancient government with ancient ideas. There is no human capital in the halls of power and they are greatly afraid, because they know that there is discontent and the hopes of citizens are completely different from what they are offering.

This fear creates in them an unchanging attitude that corners us in an even more critical situation. Moreover, economically the country is in a quagmire. The measures taken have failed to capitalize on anything. It was because the company Repsol didn’t strike oil. There is no foreign investment of any magnitude.

And something that has become a sword of Damocles is the Chavez factor. If he will be re-elected or not, if he survives or not. The question of Venezuela is not only the more than one hundred thousand barrels of oil per day, but also the number of professionals who are working there. If they suddenly have to return to Cuba without the possibility of employment, they will become a mass with a high level of discontent.

I think that the political elite has been delaying and delaying solutions and what has been created is an accumulation of problems that are increasingly insoluble. I do not think they have the ability to solve anything because the problems are now completely overwhelming.

That’s where I think the Citizen Demand for Another Cuba plays an important role, presenting as a first step the restitution of our political, economic, cultural, social, civil rights. I think from that restitution there can clearly be a transition to democracy.

If, as citizens, we can organize a nationwide campaign where people mobilize and demand those rights from the government, and following the ratification of the Covenants there can be constitutional changes implemented in the penal code, and we recover the basic liberties, I definitely think the country would go forward to a radical change.

I think the most important thing is to think about how to make the change, specifically; not to say we want a transition or that Cuba wants a transition, but to think about what kind of country we want.

CN: Would you like to add anything to what you said?

AR: Yes, I would like to invite Cubans outside of Cuba to join this campaign. One way to help is to sign the Demand for Another Cuba. Another is to bring materials from outside, the printed text, the videos that have been done to explain the proposal of what we’re trying to do, and also to bring information about the Covenants and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and to give it to their families.

Some may see this as something small, but if every household in Cuba could know what is being requested and in what form we are proposing changes in the country, that would be a tremendous step. As long as our desire for change is an abstraction, we won’t connect; but from the moment we say how to do it and we all push in that direction, the change happens, because the vast majority desires it.

The ratification of the Covenants would benefit the Yoruba Association, which advocates respect for gender differences, all the churches, the musicians, all citizens. So everyone should know the meaning of these Covenants and what benefits their ratification would bring.

I think the conditions are ripe for this to become a formidable campaign. I’ve talked to many people, and they tell me this demand seems very sensible, that it is relevant to beginning to untie this knot. Not even the government could say that this is a crazy idea.

The government must understand that the more prolonged the situation the worse the end will be, because there will be a larger quantity of accumulated problems. I think we are on the threshold of achieving a transition in Cuba, but only if it takes the pace it should. If not, the impulse will cool and then we would fall into apathy and the change could happen spontaneously and out of control, generating violence and leading us all into a dead end.

Ernesto Santana  and Antonio Rodiles

Original interview: July 2012. Posted on Estado de Sats 17 January 2013.

Who is Pestering Whom? / Ernesto Vera Rodriguez #Cuba

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Lic. Ernesto Vera Rodríguez

 

In any other country in our continent, the police look after public and private property, and their mission, with rare exceptions, is not concerned with politics. There, the police have an important role to fulfill. Here, on the other hand, things are different.

The greatest number of infractions of the law occur in the central areas of the city of Havana. And it is there where the ordinary citizen is most defenceless in the face of the arbitrariness and ignorance of the cops, who have as a weapon the ignorance and fear of their victims.

The lawyers and other agents of civil society ought not to confine their activities to the area in which they live, but should also cover areas like Habana Vieja where every day dozens of persons are handcuffed and humiliated just on the basis of mere suspicion, often based on the color of their skin or the way they speak.

A few Sundays ago, in Parque Central, I witnessed how they violated the rights of Antonio Loriste de la Cruz, whose ID number is 73110129509. He has black skin, and his only offence was to cross Parque Central at about 11:53 am. I was able to obtain these details from him and before he was handcuffed by his pursuer no.744, I was able to give him a document which set out the rights which applied to him from the moment of his detention, in accordance with the Law of Criminal Procedure.

Although I was assured by the officials who detained him that we were dealing here with a hustler, with someone who is pestering tourists, I can say, as someone who works in this precise location and looks out for the rights of people like Antonio, that I haven’t seen him pestering anybody, but that he was a suspect based on the color of his skin which in Cuba is an indicator of being a thief, a stigma, a cross which he will bear until the day he dies.

Antonio Loriste was found sitting in the shade on a bench in Parque Central, sheltering from the stifling heat, and there he was bothered by two uniformed police, who asked him for his documents, a very common form of invasion of privacy in Cuba.

Antonio Loriste was taken to the premises in Calle de Dragones, an office they euphemistically call “for recognition.” Where they will take him is uncertain.

Translated by GH

January 7 2013