Winning by Knockout, Another Excellent Reason / Juan Juan Almeida

Juan Juan – My good friend Cepillo, Don Joel Casamayor. Your sports career began in Cuba and continues in the United States. You own all the titles that exist in the amateur and professional boxing. To whom do you owe so many laurels?

Joel Casamayor – Look, brother; I owe that to many. I was born in Guantanamo and live in the US. In Cuba I have my mother, family members, friends, and followers who are always in my prayers, my grandmother died there. Here too I have family, children, friendships. That which I am I owe to my strength, to those who work with me, and those who trust in me, in my family, in the friends who follow me, and to God.

JJ – You invited me to your fight in Las Vegas, and I saw you win. What is your next step?

JC – The next step is to rest, and after a week return to training, to boxing, to knocking out.

JJ – Would you like to go to Cuba sometime to fight?

JC – Sometime? You’re crazy, not only would I like it, I would love to fight in my country for my people. For those people who follow me, who listen to me by hidden radio, who watch me by illegal antennas. I want to take care of my brother, I want to kiss my mother, I want to invite my friends. But when a sportsman decides to leave Cuba, the government punishes him and has to pay for that. It’s something I don’t understand, nor anyone. We have to finish this old fight which is holding us all prisoner. That would be the knockout victory that every Cuban is hoping for.

People can believe that when you’re world champion, your problems are over. But it isn’t that way; my brother is sick in Cuba, he needs me like I need him, why do I have to ask for a permit to enter the house I was born in?

JJ – I’m with you 100%. We can’t respect an entry or exit visa imposed with the objective of stealing and robbing.

Cepillo, what do you think of so many people who laugh about how a boxer speaks?

JC – A boxer? I don’t understand … ahhhh, yes. I think that boxers came to the world to box, writers to write, and those who talk … tell me, Juan, does anyone gain respect by poking fun?

Shoemaker, stick to thy last.

We’ll see each other at my next fight.

March 30 2011

Carter’s Visit: A Question of Legitimacy / Reinaldo Escobar

Yoani Sanchez and Reinaldo Escobar

A few hours after former President Carted ended his visit to Cuba, one of those controversies developed that can rightfully claim to be a dialog of the deaf. On one side are those who criticized Carter for having come to visit our leaders without media conditions, while he met with “persons critical of the government” with the condition of no photographs and and a discretionary clause regarding the content of the conversation.

On the other side were those who understood it as a positive thing to be heard by one of the few personalities that enjoyed the rare privilege of being received by the highest leaders of Cuba and the United States and who, by the way, is well regarded by international public opinion.

The dialog was deaf not only because both opponents resisted listening to the arguments of the other, but because the real issue that beat in the background was not mentioned: that of legitimacy.

I would like to specify that legitimacy is achieved both by strict legal grounds, and moral reasons. Whether we like it or not, Cuba’s leaders have managed to legitimize themselves through laws they themselves have dictated and by virtue of diplomatic recognition from most of the countries around the world. Whether those same leaders like it or not, the actors of civil society and the opposition have gained increasing legitimacy from an unquestionable moral reason: the invocation and defense of human rights, taken as inalienable by the vast majority of the countries of the world.

What happens is that the government absolutely and stubbornly denies even the slightest semblance of legitimacy to those whom it considers despicable mercenaries of imperialism, although a good share of those demonized recognize the legitimacy of the government, albeit reluctantly, when they carry an identity card issued by those authorities or when they go to an office to process any kind of paperwork.

Taking it a step further, those who decide, with every right, to live outside the country, also recognize this same legitimacy when they go to consulates and embassies to update their passports or take any other action.

Mr. Carter had to perform a balancing act to meet with “the critics” — which implied his recognition of their legitimacy — without offending his legitimate host: the government.

The later, for its part, was forced at least to not delegitimize the meeting, which it showed by not sending a detachment of professional insulters, and granting accredited foreign journalists permission to cover the event.

Certainly this permission did not extend to anyone who dared to bring up the topic during the former president’s press conference, but we all know how the game is played and yet we still recognize the legitimacy of the foreign press.

I have perhaps left it too long to express myself on the matter, despite having been one of those present with Carter on that morning in the Hotel Santa Isabel salon, but I had no intention of participating in a debate in which I seemed to be defending myself. I insist on using these spaces to talk about matters of substance, or at least I try to.

From Diario de Cuba, 7 April 2011

Yoani’s Op-Ed in the Washington Post / Yoani Sánchez

What Jimmy Carter can’t change in Cuba

Thirty years after he left the White House and nine years since his only previous visit to Cuba, Jimmy Carter arrived in Havana last week, wearing the white guayabera that would serve as his uniform during a three-day visit to our island. Watching on television, I recalled how toward the end of his presidency — just as I was starting kindergarten — I learned to scream my first anti-imperialist slogans while thinking of his blue-eyed face.

In the 1970s, the newspaper Granma mocked his background as a peanut farmer. Soon, however, the Castro regime launched more than grievances and caricatures at the U.S. president. In 1980, the Mariel Boatlift sent more than a hundred thousand of our compatriots to his shores, including prisoners and mental patients rushed to the port from Cuba’s jails and asylums.

Those same sad days brought the birth of “repudiation rallies,” with mobs throwing stones, eggs and excrement and spitting on the “infamous traitors” boarding those boats because they couldn’t stand to wait any longer for the promised island paradise.

The pressure of such a flood forced Carter to close the doors to immigrants, handing that battle to Fidel Castro, who screamed “Let the scum go! Let them go!” as he masked ideological extremism under the pose of revolutionary euphoria.

Carter’s mishandling of that immigration crisis, some say, is among the reasons he was not reelected.

Some 20 years later, our media did an about-face and began referring to the former U.S. commander in chief as Mr. Carter. When he visited in 2002 he was introduced as a friend of our Maximum Leader. We who had once insulted him at school assemblies were confused by the red-carpet treatment afforded the man who was once our greatest enemy.

On that visit, as on his recent one, Carter met with government figures but also with opposition groups demonized and outlawed by the authorities. For a moment, we almost thought the world might have changed when Carter spoke before national television cameras in the Great Hall at the University of Havana. It was from his lips that we Cubans heard for the first time about the Varela Project, an effort by Oswaldo Paya to collect signatures for a referendum to amend the Cuban constitution to recognize our basic human rights, including freedom of expression and association.

But the moment was fleeting. Within a few months of Carter’s departure, a series of arrests known as the Black Spring took place across our country. Long prison sentences resulted for 75 dissidents and independent journalists, particularly those who had gathered signatures.

Last week, Carter met with Raul Castro in a formal government setting and with Fidel Castro, casually and at length in his living room.

As before, the regime pretended to show a tolerant face. Raul apparently gave the order not to interfere with the Nobel peace laureate’s early-morning breakfast with a few of us alternative bloggers who, just days earlier, had been demonized on official television as “mercenaries of the empire.”

Also on Carter’s agenda were just-released prisoners of the Black Spring, at least those who were not forced into exile, and their brave wives — known here as the Ladies in White — who never stopped marching for their husbands’ freedom, stoically facing down the repudiation rallies.

As before, Carter found points on which to praise the government, but it all sounded more like diplomatic formalities than real points of consensus.

The big question is whether the presence of the former U.S. president in our complex national situation will change anything. While I don’t believe we will move from a totalitarian state to a democracy by the mere fact of his visit, some acts have a symbolic significance that transcends their purposes.

His willingness to meet with bloggers and other representatives of our country’s emerging civil society extends some ephemeral mantle of protection. It proves that a bubble of respect is possible and that the shock troops who act against the activities of the dissidents are neither spontaneous nor autonomous but a formal arm of the regime. Carter’s willingness to hear our concerns forced Cuban authorities to inadvertently validate us and to acknowledge that there are other voices.

But there must be no illusions. Never mind that Carter proclaimed the innocence of jailed American Alan Gross, who was sentenced to 15 years for sharing technology to provide Internet access to Jewish groups in Cuba, nor that he stated that Cubans should be able to freely leave and enter the country. Carter will not succeed in creating changes we ourselves have not set in motion. And on this island where objectivity finds no middle ground, it seems we must wait for an entire family to die before anything can happen.

Yoani Sanchez is a writer in Cuba. Her awards include the 2010 World Press Freedom Hero award. She blogs at www.desdecuba.com/ generationy and is the author of “Havana Real: One Woman Fights to Tell the Truth About Cuba Today.” This column was translated from Spanish by M.J. Porter.

April 8, 2011

Let It Be… / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Let It Be…, originally uploaded by orlandoluispardolazo.

When I find myself in times of trouble, mother Mary comes to me,

speaking words of wisdom, let it be.

And in my hour of darkness she is standing right in front of me,

speaking words of wisdom, let it be.

And when the broken hearted people living in the world agree,

there will be an answer, let it be.

For though they may be parted there is still a chance that they will see,

there will be an answer, let it be.

And when the night is cloudy, there is still a light that shines on me,

shine until tomorrow, let it be.

I wake up to the sound of music, mother Mary comes to me,

speaking words of wisdom, let it be…

April 6 2011

Morning Moon Over the City / Rosa María Rodríguez Torrado

The poem wasn’t written, it was drawn in front of my terrace. Behind the battered, uneven and ugly TV antennas, the unpainted neighborhood houses, the roofs turned into storage rooms, and the hanging electrical wires, nature’s fine brushes gave us a relic of the night, a sleepy moon standing out as a white spot surrounded by moisture in the pale blue of the dawn.

It could be an image that is repeated at times; but after much struggling on the ground, I often forget to raise my eyes to the heavens, so I did not realize the singular beauty that the lazy moon can bring to a new day. Am I becoming a lunatic?

April 4 2011

The Missed Parade / Yoani Sánchez

Image taken from: www.militaryphotos.net/

The echos of the shouts reach my balcony, in a rhythm marked initially by feet accompanied by throats. It’s less than two weeks to the huge parade planned for for the Plaza of the Revolution and residents for miles around are worn out by all the preparations. Closed streets, police blocking traffic and squads making the avenues and sidewalks shudder, where there should be cars, people and baby strollers.

I climb to the roof to see the choreography of war in its entirety. Things will go badly if the Cuban Communist Party Congress starts with a procession of bayonets. If they really wanted to project an image of reforms, it would not be these olive-green uniforms on exhibit on Saturday, April 16. How much do we wish this day would be a peregrination of results, not of fear! That they would show a long line of what we could accomplish, not the overwhelming demonstration of a military might we don’t even have! Can you imagine? A parade along the Paseo and its environs where the dreams we dreamed of are sheltered, not the cold metal and threatening triggers of AK rifles?

This could be a procession of the things we miss, a festival of joy in which no one would be forced to participate. No principals recruiting schoolchildren to pass under the sun waving at the platform and the workers knowing that their absence would not result in a black mark in their personnel file. A true popular parade, not the wasting on one day of an entire month’s worth of the Nation’s resources. Better to let it sprout spontaneously, smiling people taking to the streets, rather than this sense of anguish that today’s syncopated cries provoke in us.

Academic Fraud: An Ingrained Evil In Cuba / Iván García

Photo: Corbis Images

Yuliesky, a high school student, doesn’t have the slightest concern about examination week. Certainly his scholarly learning is zero. Swinging nights at discotheques and hot parties are a substitute for studying.

But at zero hour, his parents give money discretely to certain teachers, and they let him blow off the exams. Either way, Yuliesky has an extensive bag of tricks to pass the exams.

“It’s true that you can’t bribe all the teachers with a 20-CUC bill (=19 dollars). So I use other tricks. I record the possible answers in an Mp3 file and copy them onto a cellphone. Another technique is that a colleague who finishes first sends me the exam answers by SMS. Only I have to be careful that the teacher doesn’t see me. And I’m an expert at that,” brags Yuliesky.

If in high school and university there are frequent, shocking cases of academic fraud, imagine what happens in night schools, where those who work or have left school try to get into 9th or 12th grade.

If you have money, you’re assured of passing all the exams. It’s easy. You pay 5 “chavitos” (4 dollars), and the teacher will pass you on the exam,” pointed out Eddy, a second-semester student at a school located in Lawton, on the outskirts of Havana.

Fraud in Cuban schools is a deep evil, almost endemic. And on a greater or lesser scale it’s been happening since 1970. The massive fraud scandal involving teachers from the René O. Reiné college-prep school in the Havana neighborhood of La Vibora still lives on in memory.

In primary and secondary schools, students don’t have to be looking for a teacher’s inattention to copy the exam from their desk-mate. “Several times a teacher would enter the classroom and whisper the answer to you,” remembers Fernando.

According to Anselmo, a professor who is now a hotel porter, “There was enormous pressure on teachers to meet the parameters dictated by the Ministry of Education. If you had many students who repeated a grade it was not seen well. Teacher quality was measured by the percent of students who passed the grade and by high scores. These were the foundations of what came later. We lived the motto of having the best education in the world. And for the sake of everyone having a high educational level, fraud was not combated. On the contrary.”

For 40 years, academic fraud has been a virus that exists throughout the island, even in the universities. “But to a lesser extent. There is more rigor and better teachers. I remember that a teacher caught me copying and said, ‘What does it solve? You will have a title, but you will be a mediocre professional all your life. It was a lesson,” remembers David, an architect.

In general, students who systematically cheat or bribe their teachers to pass exams don’t reach the university. And if they do, they drop out.

Like Rosa, who left a career in philosophy in her second year. Used to copying and paying for exams, the difficulty of a university degree was too much for her. Nor was she able to retain the new information. Now, while she waits outside the Habana Libre for a Canadian tourist who will pay her 50 dollars for sex, she regrets it.

Translated by Regina Anavy

April 2 2011

Bad Handwriting in La Joven Cuba / Regina Coyula

I think I’m writing more in the Matanzans’ blog than in my own. Even better, now they’re accusing me of writing for the government.

Greetings. For the Pearl of Regina, referring to his comment in “Freedom of the press, a utopia II.”

Regina, thank you for your opinions on the article, showing you’ve done your homework, checked all the sources, but the article only mentions some issues and you pass over others, not delving into the causes and conditions, and what’s more continuing to use the same slogans already repeated over and over, but I hope that this topic isn’t exhausted, because it is so critical to improve the Cuban press, and to prepare ourselves to coexist with that other press that you don’t dare mention in your comment.

regards

No way, Peralo! We’ve barely touched the issue of freedom of expression. I don’t want my comment to be longer than the post, but having put my toe in the water… About this, I will say that I can’t check any sources other than my own memory. But I’m not afraid of the issue, so here I go.

Freedom of the press is far from a reality in Cuba. Elsewhere in the world a press that is critical of the government is nothing more than that: a press critical of the government. I use the example of the United States because it’s looked at very closely in the Cuban press. Reading Granma I wonder why our press does look inward with the same sharpness with which it looks at the problems of our neighbor to the North.

The Huffington Post, during the Bush era, could not have been more scathing about the presidential administration, and no one in the government demonized it. Michael Moore has been provocative in his criticisms, and I use the word provocative deliberately, and no one censors his documentaries, although he does have more than a few enemies in the circle of power.

The justification of an imperialist threat and the blockade don’t work for me. I can see that you consider what the officials say enough to judge, but they say many things without offering any evidence and take things out of context. If independent journalists receive “guidance,” and their reports are based on falsehoods, or they recycle news and themes already exhausted by the official press, then the independent journalists won’t have anything to report, why comment.

Can you say the problems are fabricated? I refer to the first few paragraphs including the quotes you cite. I don’t have to read the massive propaganda designed to sow doubts, the simple perception of reality makes me aware of the serious problems in our society. You say they the receiver doesn’t verify and has no interest in verifying, which is a statement that also applies to the official press.

The more informed people are, the harder they are to manipulate. We are an educated people, no? So why is access to in Cuba so difficult? Why can’t each person consume the information they consider pertinent? It is to prevent everyone thinking with their own heads. But I believe I understand what you have written that it seems right to you to control information as an attribute of power.

It’s odd; your post, taken from the other side, would be exactly the same as changing the subject. If you’ve read The Prince you will remember the warning about the importance of an external enemy (The Empire, in our case) to better govern within. The blockade has been the highlight. It is the fault of the blockade that we are in a profound crisis of the economy and of values? It’s a rhetorical question, don’t answer in the affirmative, please. If you notice, in the Guidelines for Economic and Social Policies, the proposals to resolve the problems, they do not take into account the lifting of the commercial embargo for so that the country will move forward.

You can’t complain, I didn’t let any of your points go by without a comment, it’s too bad that my exchange is on a weekly basis, but there are issues that don’t become out-dated as is the case with this one. If Bad Handwriting has become a visited blog, it is precisely because there is space for discussion. I have been confronting you, but I judge from my experience. I await your comments.

April 2 2011

The Corner of 23rd and M / Regina Coyula

“23rd and M” is a Saturday program on Cuban television, which takes its name from the downtown corner where the TV studios are located. A massive building that also houses offices, a cinema, food service, a hairdresser and barber, and, until recently, just at the lower corner, a pharmacy.

Cuban pharmacies attract the attention of foreigners because at first they can not specify the function of those half-empty shelf spaces, full only of murals with explanations of natural medicines, posters that warn of the dangers of smoking, the importance of breastfeeding or the need for the use of condoms. The spacious pharmacy at 23rd and M did not escape these features and became an ugly wart just opposite to the Habana Libre (a famous Cuban hotel) and near the Coppelia ice cream stand. A black wall of moisture leaking from the “Mandarin” restaurant in the highest part of the building, I guess, forced the closing.

The pharmacy was dismantled and the site remained dormant for a few months until recently it has been reopened, now as part of the photo center chain “PhotoService.” Bright lights, shiny shelves, nothing suggests the newcomer who passed the corner without seeing anything of interest, that for some time there was a pharmacy that sold medications in domestic currency.

Translated by: L. Rodriguez

April 6 2011

Morning Moon Over the City

The poem wasn’t written, it was drawn in front of my terrace. Behind the battered, uneven and ugly TV antennas, the unpainted neighborhood houses, the roofs turned into storage rooms, and the hanging electrical wires, nature’s fine brushes gave us a relic of the night, a sleepy moon standing out as a white spot surrounded by moisture in the pale blue of the dawn.

It could be an image that is repeated at times; but after much struggling on the ground, I often forget to raise my eyes to the heavens, so I did not realize the singular beauty that the lazy moon can bring to a new day. Am I becoming a lunatic?

April 4 2011

The Meeting with Jimmy Carter / Laritza Diversent

The dawn embraced me strongly, as did a sense of exasperation. I was afraid of losing the opportunity to share with former U.S. President Jimmy Carter and his team.

I take two taxis to travel the 10 miles separating Calvario, a little village in Arroya Naranjo, from Fraternity Park in the heart of Old Havana. I’m still waiting for another to get to the Hotel Santa Isabel, near Havana Bay.

“Don’t watch the clock, you’ll just make yourself more nervous,” I tell myself, as my feet race along the cobblestones of Obispo Boulevard. It’s not every day that an international figure is disposed to listen, on an equal footing, to dissident voices.

“I got here late, but I got here,” I repeated, seated at the table with my blogger friends Claudia Cadelo, Yoani Sanchez, Reinaldo Escobar, Elizardo Sanchez of the Cuban Commission on Human Rights and National Reconciliation, Leannis Imbert representing the group that defends the rights of LGTB homosexuals, Osvaldo Paya, leader of the Christian Liberation Movement, and the host, Mr. Carter, with his wife and staff.

In that space, as small as the time, he heard the free and independent voices of a group of Cubans worried about the future of this island in the middle of the Caribbean. We were not the only ones, others who also had the opportunity were the Ladies in White and the dissidents recently released from Cuban prisons.

We couldn’t say everything, but at least we let him know the main concerns of the actors of Cuban civil society. A good starting point to work towards the goal of respect for human rights on the Island.

For me it was an honor to share with the former American president and also with my friends. The lounge now has a place in my memory. “What does it mean for you?” was the question I meant to answer when I started writing this post. Now, almost finished with it, I feel it’s unfair to trap in a few words the significance of this event in my life.

I can confess, however, that it was worth having raced through Havana, barely able to breathe. I feel greatly comforted by the interest of these people in listening to leaders and dissidents, without pressure.

Also, I take advantage of my blog to thank, once again, the Carter Center and the former American president, for giving us the opportunity of a space where we could express ourselves with complete freedom.

April 7, 2011

Jose Daniel Ferrer Garcia: Another Lion from the East / Luis Felipe Rojas

Photo: Luis Felipe Rojas

In 2003, the excessive sentences which he and his brother, Luis Enrique, were condemned to served was shocking news among the youth of the time. Shortly after being arrested, one could already sense his bravery in confronting the regime and not remaining silent before so many injustices. He carried out various hunger strikes and headed civic protests which forced the prison authorities to give in to some of his demands. In one case he protested against the restriction of telephone access in the Combinado Prison of Guantanamo. This protest was recorded and heard throughout various radio stations heard by Cubans.

In the year 2006 he was awarded the “Carlos Manuel de Cespedes Dignity Prize”. This award is handed out each year by the Eastern Democratic Alliance to a local political prisoner. I heard Guillermo Llanos Ricardo and Juan Carlos Gonzalez Leyva refer to this “lion” with much devotion. His decision to demand 25 minutes on the phone weekly so that he could use it “for whatever he felt like”, and according to what he told me, he made the police guards who kept an eye on him to accept him as the journalist he is, even if he was in jail, and he kept reporting to the rest of the world.

A few days ago, I was able to interview him at his home in Palmarito de Cauto, a small neighborhood lost at the edge of an old road which leads to Palma Soriano in Santiago de Cuba province. When I arrived, I noticed some vigilant faces casually standing around the area. He was only “half-freed”, for the document which authorized his release from prison states that his sentence expires in 2028. Jose Daniel Ferrer really worries the political police in that province, and his refusal to accept exile kept him as one of the last ones behind the bars to be released.

Here’s one of the questions he replied to for me in an interview which has already been published by “Diario de Cuba”:

You have returned from hell, you bring the chronicles of horror. What can you tell us?

“I went through various prisons. What shocked me the most when I got to Pinar del Rio was that the common prisoners carried the scars from prison on their faces and bodies. The torture methods most used are those known as “The Little Chair” and “The Shakira”, both of which have been described so many times before. After being in Aguadores, in Santiago de Cuba, I heard of cases where prisoners had their feet and hands cuffed for up to three days. While they are being kept in these positions, they have no other option but to urinate and defecate on themselves. Over there in Kilo 5 1/2 Prison of Pinar del Rio they even went to the extreme of shoving dirty clothes into the mouths of those being tortured so that we political prisoners would not hear the screams and report such horrific acts.

On July 29, 2007, in Kilo 8 Prison of Camaguey, the jailers assassinated three prisoners after savagely beating them because they had gotten into a fight with another prisoner. They announced that the victim was already dying, but instead of tending to his wounds they handed out knives and began to attack those who committed the crime. There were more than 40 guards in a matter of 3 or 4 minutes and they all unleashed their anger using sticks and iron bars against these three men. Two of them died instantly — one of them was beaten so hard that pieces of his brain filled the hallway. As far as I have understood, the only one who survived was left completely insane. Those killed were Amaury Medina Puig, 25 years of age, and Carlos Rafael Labrada Oses, who was also very young. And what happened to the police guards? They got away with all of it thanks to the complicity of the authorities. They ended up accusing the only survivor of causing the fight, stating that any deaths were the sole products of that quarrel.

In Pinar del Rio, one prisoner threw his own excrement at one of the penitentiary chiefs, and as punishment, the latter sent the prisoner to the cell of his worst enemy. The corpulent man who was kept in that cell saw this incoming prisoner as a prize and he quickly began to beat him. He also raped him, ate his food, and ended up killing him and buried him under sheets until his stench became unbearable for the other prisoners. The guards made all prisoners evacuate the cell, but in the end nothing happened. Cases such as this one can be found in the dozens and dozens. I have a heavily detailed written report, and will find time to denounce it”.

Translated by: Raul G.

April 4 2011

Jimmy Carter in Havana / Miriam Celaya

Former President Jimmy Carter has just completed a new visit to Havana and an air of expectation lingers among some alternative sectors of society. Carter is tied, without a doubt to several processes of movement of the official strategic policies that have had repercussions on the Island. In the late 70’s, during his presidency, Carter promoted an intelligent approach towards the Cuban regime; he was successful in establishing a dialogue between official Cuban authorities and emigration representatives –- an event that opened the gates to their travel to the Island and allowed family reunions between Cubans from both shores after 20 years of separation — and the corresponding Interest Sections in Havana and Washington were also established. Under the Carter administration, the migration accords were established to regulate the legal exit of thousands of Cubans to the US, and a climate of relative truce took place in the antagonism that had dominated politics between the two governments for two decades.

In 2002, Carter’s first visit to Cuba would mark an unprecedented milestone when, in a venue as official as the Great Hall of the University of Havana, he gave special credit to the Varela Project, whose creator, Oswaldo Payá , was a member of the opposition. It was the first time that a proposal from the much demonized opposition sector was made public on the national stage in Cuba.

Now, for the second time, Jimmy Carter visited Havana prompted by an invitation of the new ruler in the same decrepit dictatorship, but the scenery and the circumstances are currently markedly different from his previous visit. The guilty verdict against Alan Gross, a U.S. contractor accused by the Cuban authorities of collaborating with an alleged internal network to overthrow the government; the recent release of the 75 Black Spring and other prisoners of conscience; the upcoming conclusion of the VI Congress of the Communist Party, primarily addressing the legitimization of the economic transformation of the country to “renew” a proven failure and the deepest structural crisis that the revolutionary process has experienced since its inception are some of the factors that make the difference. On the other hand, positive steps are being taken by the current United States Administration designed to ease the restrictions set by previous administrations, thus undermining the old Cuban government’s pretext to keep a besieged position on the Island.

At a lesser level, Carter’s visit also coincided with the process of “media lynching”, a term coined by journalist Reinaldo Escobar to describe what the Cuban authorities have unleashed against independent civil society sectors. So, shortly after four chapters of the deplorable series having aired on TV, portraying the Ladies in White as mercenaries of the Empire and Dagoberto Valdés and a group of independent bloggers as other demons of the dissidence, the government allowed a meeting of these “paid employees” with Jimmy Carter, a delegate of the very Empire that “subverts” them. And, since the people are so spontaneous, there were neither repudiators’ gatherings nor temporary arrests against the evil traitors; no henchmen prevented the dangerous enemies from taking part in the meeting and exchange of views with the former President of the hostile power. It seemed that, in order to offer a friendly image to the visitor, the miracle of “the dignified peoples” who appreciate and respect differences had taken place.

In summary, the expectations awakened by Carter’s visit are based on the hope of the end of official inaction, because every instance when he has come close to the Cuban government has weakened the Cuba-US discrepancies, an essential Cuban foreign policy stance for over half a century. Regardless of the specific concerns that have prompted this visit, we must recognize that Carter’s conciliatory attitude, his capacity for respectful dialogue and interaction with representatives from both the official line and sectors of the opposition and independent civil society mark a particular style that crashes against the belligerence on which the Cuban regime feeds.

Translated by Norma Whiting

1 April 2011