Poverty and Hunger are Spreading in Cuba

The scenes are comparable to the previous great crisis, which at least was baptized with one of the greatest euphemisms that Castroism ever came up with: “the special period in time of peace.” (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez / Olea Gallardo, Havana, 30 March 2023 — The crisis that Cuba is experiencing is not only reflected in the official data, independent reports and the unstoppable exodus. In the streets, at every step, the poverty is evident. Ana María, a middle-aged neighbor of Central Havana, mentions an example: “A few days ago, on Infanta Street, a man in his 50s was going to pick up some croquettes from the floor, and when he saw that I saw him, he was embarrassed. The truth is that I was more ashamed than he was.”

These scenes are comparable to the previous great crisis, which was at least baptized with one of the greatest euphemisms that Castroism ever came up with: “the special period in time of peace.” It was common then, in the 90s, to see its imprint on the wrinkled and emaciated bodies of Cubans. Thousands of them suffered from diseases like neuropathy, which left them blind and was caused by malnutrition and the abuse of homemade alcohol.

Today’s crisis has no name, but it does have the same face: the increasingly empty cities, especially of young people and those who fall down unconscious from drinking “train-spark” (homemade alcohol), and the elderly (and not so old) who rummage through containers or beg on the street.

And it doesn’t just happen in Havana. Jorge, from Holguín, says he encounters a similar situation every day. “It has increased a lot, but a lot, the number of people on the street who are rummaging through the trash and asking for money. Today I was having a pizza and soft drink in a private place and a 70-year-old man with crutches, who couldn’t even walk, came in begging, and I bought him the same thing I was eating. Yesterday a woman who saw me counting some money on the street approached and said: ’oh, give me something for the peas’. Right after, another woman asked me if I could buy her some cassava fries. I wanted to give her 100 pesos but she asked me to buy them for her: ’They scammed me,’ she told me crying. And what breaks my heart the most is the children who implore: ’could you give me five pesos?’” continue reading

Jorge attributes the scarcity mainly to inflation, which does not let up: “One pound of pork is 400 pesos ($16.70), and you buy four pounds and they are two of meat and two of bone and fat, which doesn’t work. A carton of eggs here is worth 1,500 pesos ($62.50), a liter (33.8 ounces) of cooking oil is 1,300 ($54). People make it to the end of the month almost without oil, without rice.”

To have something to put in their mouths, people even eat the impossible.. (14ymedio)

Caption – The scenes are comparable to the previous great crisis, which was at least baptized with one of the greatest euphemisms that Castroism ever came up with: “The special period in time of peace.” (14ymedio)

Thus, families are reducing the quantities. They eat rice with a little bit of vegetables, they eat only a banana, they get used to not having animal protein. “I have a neighbor who stops having lunch to give it to her son, who is in high school. Many times I see that they eat rice cooked in bean sauce with two tomato slices because they don’t have a main course,” Jorge explains.

Something similar is told by Lisandra, from Sancti Spíritus. “I recently brought a friend a picadillo that I cooked, after lunchtime, and I realized that her boy had been given rice with beans and she had not eaten anything.”

To have something to put in their mouths, people even eat the impossible. “My mother discarded a horrible picadillo that she had boiled in hot water because someone told her that it looked like ham and she wanted to give it to the neighbor’s dogs. The neighbor let it dry because she wanted it for herself.”

Sometimes, as happened to Ana María with the man who picked up the croquettes in Centro Habana, there is shame for both parties. “When I went to say hello to a friend from the university, at lunchtime, her children interrupted her all the time while we talked: ’Mom, I’m hungry’. And I realized that she didn’t want me to see what they were going to eat,” continues Lisandra, who says: “People don’t say it, but they are going hungry.”

From San Antonio de los Baños, Artemisa, the epicenter of the mass protests of July 11, 2021, Caridad recounts: “The famine is widespread. Soon we will not exist, because we’re going to starve, and we won’t have a doctor to help us.”

The woman, in her thirties with a young daughter, lashes out at the Government: “They can’t solve anything, and they want us to keep electing people we don’t even know. Last week the power didn’t go out because there were elections, and now that there are no elections? If only we could eat all the blackouts.”

Caridad’s list is long, from electricity (“without electricity you can’t live”), to water (“we haven’t had it for five days”), food (“milk is a forbidden product and soon we’ll be talking about beans at 200 pesos [$8])” to increasingly precarious health services (“there is no medical assistance because doctors have no medicines and they are not magicians.”) “I can’t really explain how we are still alive,” she concludes.

“It has increased a lot, but a lot, the number of people on the street who are rummaging through the trash and asking for money.” (14ymedio)

“My sister and I bought a yogurt that cost us more than 250 pesos [$10] for 1.5 liters [53 oz.], and we had to pay on the informal market. When a state truck comes, it’s a slaughter, with the cost of  yogurt close to 100 pesos [$4], or 70, 80, 90 pesos. You don’t have any meat, a chicken thigh, or a piece of pork. There is no onion even if someone can pay for it,” she lets fly and continues with her litany of sorrows.

Rice, she says, is a “hot item.” “Here in this town they are selling a speckled rice, I don’t know where they get it, which contains transparent pebbles. It’s enough to make God weep. Not only do you have to spend two hours removing these particles, but on top of that they can break a tooth, and then where do you find a dentist? Everything is a stack of dominoes, and now the game is over.”

For Caridad, the moment that Cuba is experiencing could be called “minute zero,” because “we have no options at all.”

There is another widespread comment: what is most worrying are the children. “I suffer bitterly because I have a girl under the age of seven and I worry about the day to day. Even the schools don’t function now. The teachers don’t want to work because they are also hungry,” says Caridad.

For Ana María, the situation with the children is “a disaster,” and she recounts the torment of her grandchildren, who not only have to endure an insipid rice with peas every day but all kinds of propaganda in their classes. “My girl has to show something tomorrow, after a week sick with asthma,. One homework was about the tax system, nothing more and nothing less, and another about Fidel’s life as a child until he was a revolutionary leader,” the woman says. “And the boy had to talk about the Zanjón Pact and Martí’s attitude at that time and also about the elections. Tell me something I don’t know!”

Neither propaganda nor servility nor ordinary work frees Cubans from suffering. “A relative of mine, retired military and doctor, that is, with an above-average retirement, has just celebrated his 80th birthday, and between his brothers-in-law and nephews they collected something to celebrate, because he barely has any money,” says Ana María. She gives another example, her own sister, now retired from the state sector, who was “once pretty but now is skin and bones.”

Another neighbor of Ana María, a health worker, went to her house recently to implore her for something to eat, even if it was only chicken skins, because she couldn’t buy anything.”

As if that were not enough, it’s no consolation to have money to spend in stores in freely convertible currency (MLC): “Even those who have people abroad [who send them hard currency] can’t get food, because the stores are empty. Everything has to be paid to the people who steal it from state places, buy it in Havana or I don’t know where and sell it here so that people can live,” protests Caridad, the young woman from San Antonio de los Baños.

All in all, she, like Ana María, Jorge and Lisandra, are part of that 30% of Cuban families that differ from the rest because they receive help from abroad, the most paradoxical inequality created in 64 years of communism. The rest, most of them, have to settle only for what comes through the rationed market, which is not enough to last the month.

Ana María, who has no way to leave the Island, laments: “I’m now depressed when I go out on the street, the poverty, the grime, the miserable people, the starving animals. I want the aliens to take me, because it makes me want to cry.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Rapper Tekashi 6ix9ine Distributes $100 Bills in a Town in Cuba

Rapper Tekashi 6ix9ine in a moment of his video recorded in Cuba. (Captura)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 31 March 2023 — Ten days after being beaten in a Miami gym for which he was hospitalized, rapper Tekashi 6ix9ine has reappeared with a video clip recorded in Cuba. The song, which is titled Bori, has the collaboration of the Cuban singer Lenier Mesa, and just an hour after its premiere on YouTube, it already had about 200,000 views.

In the images, the musician is seen in a rural area of Pinar del Río, near the Viñales valley, with the results of the injuries he received visible on his face, especially in his right eye. At several times, he appears in a hospital center that looks like a Cuban clinic for foreigners.

At another moment, the rapper is seen smiling, covered with a Cuban flag, surrounded by people and handing out $100 bills.

Giving away money in the streets has not been looked on well by the Cuban authorities when it is done by a national. Earlier this month, Cuban YouTuber Hilda Núñez Díaz, known as Hildina, broadcast a video on YouTube in which she claimed to have received the sum of 34,000 pesos — about 200 dollars — from a subscriber of her channel residing in Germany. With that money, she took to the streets to buy food and delivered it to several disadvantaged people in Santiago de Cuba.

It is worth remembering, in the same way, that for using the flag in his work Drapeau, the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, sentenced to five years in prison, was prosecuted for insulting patriotic symbols.

Also, the Spanish agency EFE reported that the Police arrested three people in connection with the beating that Tekashi received on March 21 in Miami, where he had also been expelled from a game of the World Baseball Classic. continue reading

Local media reported this Friday the arrest of three individuals, identified thanks to the disclosure on social networks of a video in which it is observed how Daniel Hernández, the real name of the artist, is violently beaten on the ground.

The detainees, aged 23, 25 and 43 face charges of assault and robbery and are in a prison in Palm Beach County, in southeastern Florida.

Some media pointed out that the aggression may have been related to the artist’s alleged enmity with members of the gang  Nine Trey Gangsta Bloods.

The rapper smiles while distributing money among the entire population of a Cuban town. (Screen capture)

The rapper’s lawyer, Lance Lazzaro, told TMZ that several men attacked his client while he was inside the gym facilities and that the artist could not defend himself.

The rapper, who was taken to a hospital by ambulance with cuts, a jaw injury and blows to his ribs and back, showed on social media how his face looked after the beating.

At various times on the video, Tekashi appears in a hospital center. (Captura)

This incident is in addition to another that occurred recently during the World Baseball Classic match between Mexico and Puerto Rico, when he was allegedly drunk and expelled for blocking the vision of other spectators, according to some media.

The son of a Mexican and a Puerto Rican, Tekashi was born in the United States and lives in New York. At the age of 26 he has achieved great popularity, especially on Instagram, where he has more than 21 million followers.

However, his personal life is very controversial. In 2019 he pleaded guilty to nine criminal charges, including conspiracy to commit murder, and agreed to a reduction in sentence that led him to be released from prison in 2020, after having served a good part under house arrest due to the pandemic.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Twelve Questions for the National Electoral Council About Voting in Cuba

he president of the National Electoral Council (CEN), Alina Balseiro. (Twitter/Elecciones en Cuba)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Bueno Aires, 1 April 2023 –The president of the National Electoral Council (CEN), Alina Balseiro, held a press conference to give the final results of the elections for the National Assembly of People’s Power (ANPP) of Cuba held last Sunday, March 26. In it she reported that the electoral roll changed during the day of voting, something common in Cuba, increasing by about 9,000 voters due to the “compatibilization”of the lists of electors.

She pointed out that according to official data, the participation increased to 75.89% (6,167,605), and that “all deputies were elected with more than 61% of the valid votes cast as required by the electoral law, with free, equal, direct and secret voting.”

She reiterated on several occasions that the electoral process was transparent and even said that “for us it’s not a problem if they want audit us.”

Electoral Transparency took the floor and officially requested a comprehensive audit of the different phases of the electoral process. continue reading

Despite the statements of the head of the CEN, the Cuban elections are essentially autocratic — by clauses established in the Constitution: a single-party regime and the irrevocability of socialism — and technically opaque.

By their nature they are non-competitive elections, which only serve to seek to legitimize the candidates previously selected by the mass organizations subordinate to the Communist Party of Cuba (PCC). Procedurally they are inscrutable, because there are no cross-checks, independent audits or national and/or international electoral observation.

So Electoral Transparency proposes to carry out an audit that can respond to issues such as:

1. What are the criteria used by the National Candidacy Commission for the selection of the 470 candidates from a universe of more than 19,000 that had been initially announced?

2. What are the selection criteria for election officials?

3. What are the criteria for the selection of the vote counting authorities, what type of training did they receive and how were  they evaluated?

4. What is the criterion for the selection of polling places? How is accessibility  guaranteed?

5. What are the security measures for deploying the electoral material? Do the ballots have any identification? How do you make sure they are authentic? Which agency is in charge of reporting on the operation?

6. How is the electoral roll made up and how is it checked?

7. How do you ensure that a person does not vote in two or more polling centers? What is the procedure for crossing out those who have already voted? How is the consolidation carried out?

8. What are the protocols for the transfer of the ballot box once the election is over? How is the chain of custody of the material guaranteed in case a recount is necessary?

9. What are the reasons for reopening a ballot box?

10. How can observers appeal the count if they don’t agree with it, and for what reasons?

11. Where are the minutes for the count? Why aren’t they published and open to the public in digital format?

12. What is the system of transmission and consolidation of data? Who audits it?

These are just a few of the issues that could be analyzed in a comprehensive audit, which, although it would not reverse the anti-democratic mood of the election, could account for its technical solidity.

Electoral Transparency asked the National Electoral Council to open up to an independent audit after the 2022 municipal elections with the aim of making the aforementioned points clear before holding the March 26 elections. However, there was no opening on the part of the electoral body.

Given that on this occasion the head of the CEN, Alina Balseiro, publicly expresses that they are open to an audit, and considering that the results have generated justified doubts because there is no relationship between the percentage of participation announced and the number of voters in the voting centers, Electoral Transparency reiterates the request to audit the process. The technical team of the organization is available to travel to Havana and implement a comprehensive audit.

Unfortunately, the CEN website is not in operation at the time of publication of this statement, so Electoral Transparency communicates the proposal via Twitter.

Translated by Regina Anavy
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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Will It Be Possible To Act Against the First Usurper of the Cuban Communist State?

For Sale or Trade. With today’s massive migration, many Cubans find great difficulty in selling their homes. From martinoticias.com

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist,  3 April 2023 — The illegal occupation of homes and premises is a symptom that things are not going well in an economy. It is also a process that has been growing in Cuba in recent years, which has led communist leaders to get out of the collectivist and egalitarian script. Let’s see how.   After the triumph of the so-called revolution, when the most devastating action against private property rights in the world was perpetrated by a country, the usurpation of homes became commonplace in Cuba, encouraged by revolutionary leaders. Families who fled the country, leaving all their assets behind by the confiscatory actions and the political persecution unleashed by Castro terror, contemplated from a distance how their homes and premises were occupied by other people who had nothing to do with their family or heirs.

The illegal occupation became legal due to the de facto acceptance of the new regime. In other cases, the new leaders were “giving away” the homes left by their former owners to people for the mere fact of being faithful to the new political leadership of the country. Without records, notaries, or anything like that, there was a real usurpation of the old housing property in Cuba, first by the state and then by people who were never its owners. The phenomenon reached such a dimension that for many years the regime played with the false image of the threat that a massive return of exiles could pose for the precarious occupants of the homes that were not theirs.

The chaos caused in revolutionary times was maintained until the approval of the communist constitution of 2019, in which article 42 recognized the right of people to the protection of the home, establishing the prohibition of the entry of others without the authorization of the person who inhabits it, unless such entry was made by express order of the competent authority and with the formalities of the law.

Subsequently, Criminal Code Law No. 151 of 2022 was published, which introduced the crime of usurpation, provided for in article 421, to address the increase in housing occupation by some individuals or groups, who, taking advantage of the temporary absence of the owners or cohabitants, committed the crime. A phenomenon that seems to have grown exponentially in recent years, as a result of housing shortages, the deterioration of existing homes and the low incomes of the population, especially among vulnerable groups. The alarm has reached the regime, observing that not only supposedly private homes are occupied, but also state premises where services for the community are provided, such as medical offices, social housing and warehouses, among other properties that have been abandoned by government neglect. continue reading

In this way, the regime wants to face the crime of usurpation with an approach commensurate with its interests. For example, before the entry into force of the current penal code, only those who entered other people’s homes or premises through violence or intimidation were prosecuted for said crime. Not those who didn’t do it in that way. The housing officials and the commissions to confront the illegalities managed their extraction from those places after declaring them illegal occupants, which was interpreted as a softer and more comprehensive treatment toward practices that they now want to eliminate.

And why this change? Well, basically because of the spectacular increase that has been occurring in these occupation practices and, with it, the harmfulness and aggressiveness of behaviors in any modality, which requires an intervention of criminal law in the solution of these conflicts aimed at protecting property as a legal asset. Yes, everything is very correct, but the protection of what property? Of the property previously usurped by the same regime that governs the destinies of Cubans? No. It’s not something to celebrate. It’s unbelievable that this type of approach emanates from an economic system in which private property, although recognized, continues to have a marginal role in the economy as a whole, where the collectivist mentality prevails overwhelmingly.

Thus, the authorities understand that ensuring and strengthening the inviolability of the home, recognized in the constitution of the Republic, is an objective that is related to the current socioeconomic conditions in which Cuba operates, where private ownership of housing is still limited to a maximum of two. It would be good if this measure were applied to all kinds of interference in homes, such as those that state security maintains in the form of repression against dissidents, for example.

But the regime seems to be clear about what it wants and that’s why it gets straight to the point. Only in this way can the publication by the Governing Council of the Supreme People’s Court be interpreted, through Opinion No. 471, of February 15, 2023 (published in the Official Gazette of the Republic of Cuba, no. 17, extraordinary edition, of March 2, 2023) of judicial practice in the processing and solution of these matters. An extensive document that is worth reading in detail.

When the illegal occupation or seizure of a house takes place in Cuba, the authority, once the complaint has been formalized, will immediately inform the administrative bodies responsible for the  system of housing, territorial and urban planning, the community prevention bodies and the municipal administration councils, so that, together with the National Revolutionary Police, they adopt the measures to extract the illegal occupants, thus restoring, with identical immediacy, the broken legality.

We would have to ask ourselves at this point, what is the legality? The fiction created by Raúl Castro or the one before 1959 that continues to be documented in the historical property deeds of the Cuban economy? Remember that the law does not state which one, much less the law of property. The communists have gotten into a good mess, they alone. Will the historical owners of the homes be able to exercise this right of complaint or are they still excluded? Are the squatters the ones who were established without an acquisition or rental operation in the homes and premises confiscated by the revolution?

It is also stated that, against those who execute these illegal acts of seizure, the prosecutor’s office or the court will have one or more precautionary measures provided for in the law, which can be provisional imprisonment in cases where the property is not immediately abandoned, in order to avoid the continuity of the allegedly criminal conduct committed and the restitution of legality. The perpetrators of this crime can have penalties imposed that run from six months to two years, or a fine of 200 to 500 pesos, or both.

If the occupation is carried out with force, violence or intimidation, or the act was a consequence of gender or family violence, or for discriminatory reasons of any kind, the penalty increases from two to five years, or a fine of 500 to 1,000 in installments, or both. A similar procedure will apply when the occupation or empowerment takes place with premises belonging to state entities, and the administrative authorities, holders of these, are responsible for restoring legality, in conjunction with the other groups or institutions that are deemed relevant. What could happen when a holder of historical rights takes action against the state for the premises that have been confiscated and occupied since revolutionary times?

The rule states that criminal responsibility increases if the crime is committed against children under 18 years of age, people with a mental disorder or taking advantage of that situation, or the occurrence of a disaster, public calamity, or any other situation of that nature, or under the ingestion of alcoholic beverages, drugs or substances of similar effects.

When the occupant leaves the property voluntarily, without the need for the aforementioned administrative and preventive bodies to act, the court, at the time of adjusting the sanction, may assess the positive conduct of repentance and, consequently, apply a reduced penalty.

The court, in the execution phase of the sentence, if necessary, will be assisted by the administrative, preventive and police bodies, to extract the person who has illegally usurped a property, and will restore legality, returning it to its owner or legal possessor.

There is no doubt that the situation in Cuba must be very complicated for the regime, the authority, to try to face it with a procedure like this, which has nothing to envy compared to the one that is applied in privately owned market economies. The procedure described circumvents this legal right with ambiguous references to the inviolability of the home and uses dubious concepts, such as “owners or cohabitants.” There is no doubt that the owners of the property usurped by the regime can apply this procedure in defense of their rights. This is another issue that creates important gaps and inequalities in Cuban society. Some Cubans will be able to resort to the procedure in case of occupation or usurpation of their homes; others will continue without a recognition of their rights. In the Cuban communist regime, some things change, but, unfortunately, never in the right direction.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Professor Alina Barbara Lopez Denounces an ‘Attempted Kidnapping’ by Cuba’s Political Police

The Matanzas professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 7 April 2023 — Professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández, who was detained for several hours after protesting the arrest of the writer Jorge Fernández Era, has announced that she plans to demonstrate peacefully on the 18th of each month in the Freedom Park of Matanzas, where she was approached by State Security yesterday.

She put a long post on Facebook, where she describes in detail what happened to her for exercising “a constitutional right in a country without political rights.”

“I first sat down in the park, but I understood that I had to make the reason for my protest visible,” she says. “I wrote a very simple sign with my terrible hand writing and began to walk around the park.”

The historian says that several people came to read it and asked who Fernández Era was, and she explained it to them briefly. “Two ladies approached me and asked me kindly what I was doing, and when I told them, they introduced themselves as officials of the Provincial Government, which is in the area. They said that if I accompanied them to talk maybe they could call Havana and intercede. At that same moment, Osbel Sánchez, the provincial director of Culture, approached. He was obviously alerted because his headquarters is several blocks away,” her story continues. She accompanied the officials.

At the government office, she asked the dozen people there to introduce themselves. “Most were from the Provincial Bureau of the Party. One was the official in charge of the political-ideological sphere (very poorly prepared for that function, by the way); another was the official who deals with the issue of defense, plus another two from those areas; four were government officials and then the director of Culture, who went in and out constantly, supposedly finding out on the phone about Jorge’s situation, which was my main objective,” she explains.

The teacher realized then that the person she was talking to was “with three agents who were parked outside, who were evidently insisting that she convince me to give up.” Her answer was the same every time: “I will give up when you let Jorge go.”

López Hernández highlighted several anecdotes. When “a government lady, half annoyed, asked why if Jorge had been arrested in Havana I was demonstrating in Matanzas, I replied: ’As far as I know, no one ever objected to Fidel that Batista was in Havana when he decided to attack the barracks in Santiago de Cuba’.”

They asked her what what she was trying to do. “I’m exercising  a constitutional right, that of peaceful demonstration,” was her response. continue reading

Similarly, she recounts that the officials wanted to know “about the financing” of the magazine La Joven Cuba (LJC), with which the professor had collaborated, but she clarified that she no longer worked there. “The problem with a magazine is not financial support, because everyone needs that to function, from Granma and Cubadebate to LJC. What should not happen, at least ethically, is a conflict of interest when receiving money from US government agencies with funds for regime change, but there were agencies that many times also financed projects of the Cuban Government, and there was not any conflict of interest, since alternative media are necessary, especially in the case of Cuba with its discriminatory political system.”

As usual in this type of case, “the exchange was respectful, sometimes even kind,” a deference that the three agents who were parked outside and who approached her when she left did not have.

This is how López Herndández tells it: “They were rude: ’Alina, come with us’. I categorically refused, I told them that I do not recognize the SE [State Security] as an interlocutor and that, according to the criminal procedure law itself, this was an illegal arrest. They insisted. ’You know you have to come with us’. I told them that they didn’t know me very well.”

Then they tried to take her to the car by force, and her daughter and son-in-law, who were nearby, defended her: “That was a demeaning moment: three trained men trying to force three peaceful people by violence. They used a neck-hold on my son-in-law to immobilize him; with my daughter Cecilia, who is a love of a person, they broke her umbrella and watch, but they did not manage to separate us. Even a dear friend who was there tried to mediate. I yelled for help and I think they were worried, because they stopped grabbing us. They didn’t hit me in the face or body, nor did they hit my daughter, but they pushed us, pulled us, threw us against a wall in the kidnapping attempt, which was what they were trying to do at the end of the day.”

By resisting, López Hernández managed not to be transferred and sat down to “talk” in the same office where she had previously met with the officials. The least aggressive of the police. She narrates: “He said that he had read my last book and noticed that I was even a little ’pro-Fidel’. I clarified that this was not the case, but that I have always recognized that, even founding and directing a system without political rights, Fidel gave great importance to sectors such as Health, Education and Social Assistance, currently abandoned, first by the Government of Raúl Castro and currently by that of DC [Díaz-Canel]. I suggested that he review the budget report to see the huge cuts.”

The teacher reproached them for the way they had treated her and said they violated the law they claimed to defend. The agent’s argument was that the demonstration “could bring problems.” “Well, they should have thought about that before approving a Constitution that grants such rights,” she replied, claiming that they had put this in “to give a certain image internationally,” while within the country “they frightened citizens who didn’t dare to exercise their rights,” which in her opinion was “perverse.”

It was at that moment that they informed López Hernández that Fernández Era was already free, but the teacher could not retire to her home as she wished, since they had sent a patrol of the National Revolutionary Police to take her to the Playa station, in the same city. “They told me that they heard on the radio that there was a public scandal in the park, and I said that indeed, I had resisted an illegal kidnapping and that the scandal had been provoked by three security agents.”

“I asked that they call me a lawyer if they were going to accuse me of something. I was told no, they would only give me a warning. I said that not only would I not sign it but I do not recognize myself ’warned’ because none of them, neither the aggressor agents, nor the President of the Republic, was above the Constitution,” she points out in her text. “Then we entered into an interesting exchange when he explained that the warning was not because I demonstrated, but because other people could try to join in. Answer:  If they do, they would also be exercising their rights. He argued then that acts of violence could occur. Answer:  That’s what the police would be for, to take care that peaceful protesters do not go overboard, although I clarified that I knew of violent incidents sometimes organized by undercover agents for situations like this.”

When she told the agent that on the 18th of each month she would continue to demonstrate, the conversation ended and they released her. “I didn’t even read the report.”

Once outside, her daughter was waiting for her and said that two agents asked her to convince her mother to give up the protest. The anecdote is revealing: “Not that the man was so friendly. He asked if my mother has ever given me medicine or ten pounds of rice. My daughter’s answer: Oh, so do you defend what you defend because you allow us a box of chicken? They hurried to say no and Ceci told them: Well, you must understand that not everything has a price, that my mother acts out of principles and convictions.”

The professor began to get attention from State Security at the same time as the young artists who took part in The Worst Generation, censored last October. López Hernández was going to write the preface to a book that would have the same title and which the regime also prevented from being published.

She herself denounced the harassment, asserting: “In Cuba, a perverse logic has been enthroned that establishes pressure on people whom there is no reason to prosecute and who are threatened and coerced for political reasons. I won’t lend myself to it. I think it’s necessary to put an end to it.”

López Hernández’s protest did not remain on social networks, because, after receiving several requests from the political police to be interrogated, she presented to the Provincial Prosecutor’s Office of Matanzas a “formal complaint and nullification action against the official summons.” She managed, with this, to have the summons canceled.

Three months later, inspired by her action, Jorge Fernández Era filed a similar claim for violation of the Criminal Procedure Law after receiving a summons from the political police, and he did not attend his hearing.

The collaborator of La Joven Cuba said at that time that the officer who addressed him expressly reminded him not to be inspired by the case of Alina Bárbara López Hernández, warning him that “Matanzas is not Havana.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Political Police Detain Cuban Writer Jorge Fernandez Era for Six Hours

Professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández during her protest in a park in Matanzas. (Screeen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 April 2023 — The Cuban political police arrested journalist and writer Jorge Fernández Era on Thursday in Havana for about six hours, according to family and friends on social networks. After learning of Fernández Era’s arrest, Professor Alina Bárbara López Hernández went out to protest peacefully for his release in a park in Matanzas and was arrested shortly after. Currently her whereabouts are unknown, her daughter Lilian Borroto reported.

“I have just been informed that she was arrested along with my sister Cecilia Borroto López, after a physical assault by State Security. I don’t know their whereabouts and I hold State Security and the PNR (National Revolutionary Police) responsible for their physical integrity,” the young woman said in a message sent to 14ymedio.

For its part, La Joven Cuba, of which Jorge Fernández Era is a collaborator, reported on Facebook that, after several hours “since his arrest and a wave of solidarity on social networks, as well as peaceful demonstrations,” the writer was released.

“La Joven Cuba thanks all those who were aware of Jorge’s situation and who expressed their support. It also rejects the arbitrary detentions of the Cuban authorities and the violation of citizens’ freedoms and rights.”

After learning of the arrest of Fernández Era, Professor José Manuel González Rubines indicated that the arrest happened around 12:30 p.m. for “disobedience” in response to the recent “summons to an interview” from State Security. The intellectual was taken to the Aguilera Police Unit, at Calzada de Luyanó and Porvenir. continue reading

Laideliz Herrera Laza, wife of Fernández Era, let González Rubines know that the summons was appealed to the Prosecutor’s Office, but the writer did not receive a response from that body.

Faced with the arrest of the journalist, Alina Bárbara López Hernández wrote a post on Facebook saying that “if he is not immediately released” she would come out in public protest. “If other people join, I won’t be opposed. Stop repressing freedom of expression in Cuba,” she said.

She gave details about her demonstration on Facebook. “I went immediately to Matanzas Freedom Park. I will be there to protest until Jorge is released. I warn you that if they try to stop me I will resist, so bring reinforcements.”

The Cuban Observatory of Cultural Rights denounced the arrest of the writer and journalist while warning that last January he was summoned by State Security and threatened with criminal proceedings against him. His arrest is part of the repression exercised by the Cuban government for his work.

The Cuban Observatory for Human Rights warned about the growing criminal violence against Cuban artists and will continue to follow closely the current repression against Fernández Era.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Citizen Insecurity Is Growing, According to the Cuban Conflict Observatory

A total of 363 repressive actions of the regime were registered by the organization in March, of which 64 occurred during the voting. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 5 April 2023 — The Cuban Conflict Observatory (OCC) recorded 372 demonstrations against the regime during the month of March. In its most recent report, the Miami-based organization also documented numerous cases of repression against activists and human rights defenders.

In its report, the Observatory highlighted the reappearance of graffiti with slogans offensive to the Government, such as “No to the Communist Party” or “Down with the dictatorship.” In addition, it detected an increase in protests by 60.3% compared to the 232 registered in March of the previous year.

However, taking into account the 711 demonstrations reported in February 2023, there has been a decrease that the OCC explains: the organization has decided not to include in its inventory, as they have been doing so far, the permanent campaigns of 200 activists.

The Observatory reported protests in 15 provinces of the Island, of which Havana, with 126 incidents, accumulated the majority. According to the report, of the demonstrations that took place in March, 189 were related to the claim of political and civil rights (50.8% of the total), while 183 were caused by demands for economic and social rights (49.2%).

During the month of March there were also several events related to the elections of deputies to Parliament, the ones with the lowest attendance since 1959. At least 8.1 million people were called to participate in the process, but 70.92% of the electoral roll attended, a figure that the Observatory finds unreliable. continue reading

The report also points out that the regime took advantage of the elections to repress several dissidents and independent journalists. In the middle of the electoral process, journalist Julio Aleaga Pesant was arrested and handcuffed for two hours inside a police car. Days later, a car with a military license plate rammed the car in which he was traveling through the capital. One of the collaborators of Diario de Cuba in Santiago de Cuba, Amado Robert Vera, was also harassed by State Security.

In addition, three CubaNet reporters — Enrique Díaz, Ángel Cuza and Osniel Carmona — were monitored in their homes and told to stay inside on election day. Finally, the organization stated that the regime prevented independent observers from monitoring the voting and observing the counting in the polling stations.

The Observatory stressed that crime and citizen insecurity intensified in Cuba in March. “What is most worrying are the violent crimes, especially by gangs of adolescents and children.” In the different provinces, in the first three months of the year, 10 murders took place in an attempt to steal a phone, a gold chain or an electric bike.

Femicides were also an alarming issue, the report said, with 19 murders between January and March (half of the total number of victims registered on the Island in 2022, which closed with 36).

In its report, the organization reiterates that insufficient wages and rampant inflation exacerbate social discontent, while mental illnesses increase, in a panorama of lack of medicines. “A one-off case revealed the apathy of people who witnessed the spectacle of an elderly woman with mental disorders who came out naked to protest. Those around her laughed or filmed her with their cell phones, but it took time before someone deigned to help her.”

The repression in the context of the parliamentary elections also occupied a central place in the report of another NGO, the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH), based in Madrid. A total of 363 repressive actions of the regime were registered by the organization in March, of which 64 occurred during the voting.

Of these cases, 93 corresponded to arbitrary arrests and 270 to “other abuses.” There were 27 acts of harassment against political prisoners, and multiple police arrests were also reported, including that of Cuban YouTuber Hilda Núñez, alias Hildina.

Another notable case, the OCDH added, was that of activist Aniette González, arrested on March 23 and prosecuted for “outrage” to the Cuban flag in Camagüey. As for the political prisoners, they denounced the lack of medical attention to Maikel Puig and the violence of the jailers against Yuliesky Méndez, both in the Quivicán prison, in Mayabeque.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

At the Summit Against Inflation, Diaz-Canel Offers Barter and a Thousand Cuban Doctors

Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel during the virtual summit against inflation. (Prensa Latina)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 6 April 2023 — Eleven countries of the Community of Latin American and Caribbean States, including Cuba, agreed on Wednesday to create an alliance to jointly confront inflation. In that virtual meeting convened by the Mexican president, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, the Cuban president, Miguel Díaz-Canel, made several proposals, which he described as “practical actions of great impact” and include resorting to barter and making a thousand doctors available to his partners.

In their final statement, the leaders of Mexico, Cuba, Argentina, Belize, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Honduras, Venezuela and Saint Vincent and the Grenadines agreed, among other points, to “generate a principled circle of prosperity, economic growth and sustainable development for Latin America and the Caribbean.”

To do this, they commit to creating a “technical working group” composed of representatives of the Government of each country to establish an action plan with “logistical, financial and other measures” that allow “the exchange of basic basket products and intermediate goods” in “better conditions,” with the priority of “lowering prices” for the “poorer and most vulnerable” population.

The assembled countries consider that the rise in prices around the world is due, among other things, to “extra-regional military conflicts,” the slow economic recovery after the COVID-19 pandemic and “a large external debt that especially affects low- and middle-income countries.” The text also mentions among the causes of inflation “the application of unilateral coercive measures contrary to international law that affect some countries,” without specifically referring to the United States sanctions against the regimes of Cuba and Venezuela. continue reading

Thus, they highlight “the need to have a more just, democratic, inclusive and supportive international financial system that allows the countries of our region to access the necessary financial resources and improve the conditions of external indebtedness.”

Without forgetting “the current trade agreements that each country maintains” – for example, those of Mexico with Canada and the United States, Caricom or Mercosur – they commit to “finding alternatives that allow improving physical and economic access to products.”

Some of the leaders gathered virtually at the summit against inflation. (Prensa Latina)

Among their proposals are “improving the efficiency of the entry and exit of products through ports and borders,” the “exchange of intermediate inputs, machinery and technology for the benefit of agricultural productivity” and “facilitating access to credit at the international level.”

The joint statement includes a good part of the suggestions made by Miguel Díaz-Canel in his speech. The Cuban president suggested barter, or exchange. “This is an attractive modality for Cuba due to the severe restrictions imposed on us by the blockade and the arbitrary and unjustified inclusion in the list of countries that, according to the United States, sponsor terrorism, which severely limits the country’s financial relations,” he explained in his speech, picked up by the official press.

Díaz-Canel, the head of a country immersed in an unprecedented crisis, also urges them to “take advantage of the potential, capacity and political will to undertake, without delay, practical actions of great impact on the well-being of our peoples.”

As an example, he says: “In Cuba we have two plants with the capacity to produce fertilizers; however, we do not have the necessary raw materials for it. To produce fertilizer we need phosphorus, nitrogen and potassium. If some of the countries reach an agreement with Cuba to supply these inputs, we would be able to produce fertilizer and export it, and I think this is a scheme that can serve in other areas and in other countries.”

He also offers Cuba’s “extensive experience, particularly in the Health sector. We would be able to provide 1,000 comprehensive general practitioners to the populations that require it and also apply programs to confront chronic diseases such as diabetes and blindness,” reiterates the president, whose health missions deployed in dozens of countries are the country’s first source of income, ahead of remittances and tourism.

Díaz-Canel took the opportunity to thank the Mexican president, whom he refers to as “brother Andrés Manuel,” for organizing the summit.

López Obrador himself starred in one of the most controversial moments, declaring, with laughter and without an iota of irony: “I should go to Cuba and live there.”

The leaders called for an in-person meeting on May 6 and 7 in Cancun, Mexico.

Translated by Regina Anavy

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

US Court Rejects a Lawsuit by 12 Cuban Heirs Against Two French Banks

BNP headquarters in Paris, one of the banks sued by the heirs of Carlos Núñez. (CC/De Boubloub)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, April 3, 2023 — The lawsuit against two French banks, Société Générale and BNP Paribas, for alleged trafficking in goods confiscated by the Castro regime was dismissed last Thursday by a court in New York. The complaint, based on the United States’ Helms-Burton law, was made by a dozen heirs of the Cuban, Carlos Núñez, owner of Banco Núñez, seized in 1960 by the revolutionary government of the Island.

Société Générale and BNP Paribas were sued for doing business with the Central Bank of Cuba (BCC), owner of the former Banco Núñez after the nationalization, from which they would have obtained more than a billion dollars since 2000.

Judge Mary Kay Vyskocil has argued that Núñez’s heirs lack evidence to show that the Société Générale continued to handle BCC funds after the $ 1.34 billion fine that the entity agreed to pay in 2018 for evading U.S. sanctions against Cuba and other countries between 2004 and 2010.

As for BNP Paribas, the magistrate points out that the claims are too old and that it lacks jurisdiction to intervene. According to the plaintiffs, the entity routinely delivered cash to the BCC in Switzerland, in addition to making transactions with entities that work with it.

The news was released by the British agency Reuters, which tried to talk to the parties, without any of them – -neither the banks nor the heirs of Nuñez — willing to make statements. continue reading

The case began in 1996, when the approval of the Helms-Burton Act opened the way in the United States for this type of claim. However, the suspension of Titles III and IV prevented the litigation from advancing in those 23 years. The reactivation of both sections of the rule by Donald Trump, in 2019, re-opened the way.

In 2018, Société Générale agreed to the payment of a fine to avoid further sanctions from the U.S. Treasury, which accused it of having “intentionally and consciously violated U.S. economic sanctions related to Cuba, especially the Trading with the Enemy Act, preparing, carrying out and hiding U.S. dollar transactions using the U.S. financial system.”

The French bank made transactions worth $12 billion, of which approximately half were carried out from New York.

For its part, BNP Paribas paid a fine of $8.97 billion in 2014, imposed by the Treasury and Justice departments for having managed thousands of transactions with entities on the Island worth $1.7 billion.

“This fine, which is the largest imposed in history by the United States Government for violations of the blockade against Cuba and the sanctions in force against third countries, violates the norms of International Law and qualifies as an extraterritorial and illegal application of U.S. law against a foreign entity,” the Cuban Government denounced at the time.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Updated Data From Hurricane Ian Indicate That It Reached the Maximum, Category 5

A street in Cuba with the damage left by the passage of Hurricane Ian, last September. (EFE/Yander Zamora/Archivo)

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Miami, 3 April 2023 — Ian, the devastating hurricane of 2022, briefly reached category 5, the maximum, with winds of up to 160 mph near the west coast of Florida. It caused the death of 156 people and damage of more than 112 billion dollars in the United States alone, according to data updated on Monday.

A new report from the U.S. National Hurricane Center (NHC) indicates that Ian reached category 5 on the Saffir-Simpson scale in the Gulf of Mexico before making landfall in Florida last September as a category 4 hurricane.

Hurricanes of the highest category are rare in the Atlantic basin, but Ian’s maximum sustained winds reached 160 mph in the waters of the Gulf of Mexico, near where it made landfall in the Fort Myers area, on the southwest coast of Florida.

Ian thus became the 38th hurricane since 1924 that reached this maximum intensity of wind, even briefly, about seven hours before its impact on U.S. territory.

In addition to Ian, the four category 5 hurricanes computed in recent years were Lorenzo (2019), Dorian (2019), Michael (2018) and María (2017).

The NHC report also says this system left at least 156 direct or indirect deaths in the United States, making it one of the deadliest hurricanes to hit the country since 1980. continue reading

Also, the damage caused by Ian amounted to almost $113 billion, which places it as the third most expensive hurricane in the United States, only behind Katrina ($19 billion) and Harvey ($151billion), and the most expensive in Florida’s history.

Of the almost $113 billion in damages, most of it ($199 billion) occurred in Florida.

The fourth hurricane of 2022 in the Atlantic basin formed in the central Caribbean and passed through Jamaica, the Cayman Islands and Cuba before entering the Gulf of Mexico and making landfall in Fort Myers, on the west coast of Florida and, later, in South Carolina.

The system made landfall in southwest Florida as a Category 4 hurricane on September 28, crossed the state, entered Atlantic waters and, two days later, hit South Carolina as a Category 1 hurricane.

Of the 66 direct deaths attributed to Ian, all in Florida, 41 were due to the storm surge that occurred in the area where it made landfall.

In central Florida, 12 direct deaths were recorded from the floods, according to the NHC report, which blames the hurricane for another 90 indirect deaths in the United States, including 84 in Florida, five in North Carolina and one in Virginia.

The main cause of death in those cases was lack of access to timely medical care, hurricane-related accidents and heart problems.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The First Effects of the London Trial’s Verdict on Cuba’s Debt

Headquarters of the Central Bank of Cuba. (Flickr/Maxence)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, 5 April 2023 — On January 23, a trial began in the British High Court of Justice for a debt claim of the CRF I Ltd. fund (plaintiff) against the National Bank of Cuba and the Republic of Cuba (defendants). A trial that, as expected, was not going to have a quick resolution, as finally happened on April 4, with the ruling of Judge Sara Cockerill, in charge of the trial. It took just over two months to arrive at a solid document of 94 pages, structured into 41 sections and some conclusions, and whose reading, loaded with legal technicalities as it could not be otherwise, comes to resolve, for the moment, the judicial matter related to a sovereign debt claim.

Rivers of ink have led to this conclusion of the trial, which is expected to become a precedent, and which is interpreted as a win by both parties.

For Cuba, because it will not have to face payment of the debt, at least for the moment. It is already established that CRF is not a creditor of the Cuban state but of the BNC, which means that the Republic of Cuba is out of the lawsuit. From now on, the trial will continue only against the BNC, which will have the right to establish the defense allowed by English law.

For CRF I, because it is not qualified as a “vulture fund,” and the court accepts its ownership of the debt and its status as a legitimate creditor, as well as the conditions under which the entire financial operation has been developed.

It could be assumed so far that everyone is happy and that Judge Cockerill’s decision is very Solomonic, but that’s not the case. Consulted legal experts, who are able to read the contents of the sentence with a much more professional look than an economist, can reach a series of conclusions that deserve attention. continue reading

The ruling, subject to appeal, leaves both parties without achieving their main objectives. CRF I finds it difficult to collect the claimed debt; hence, a director of the entity has already offered to begin negotiations with the regime. For Cuba, the sentence represents an international slap on the wrist for terrible public management of its debt policy and an anachronistic bureaucracy that transfers responsibility to employees to prevent the damage from reaching the top.

It is true that the judge does not investigate in depth the totalitarian roots of the communist regime, and this can make him lose perspective, but he did address economic and financial issues in a comprehensive way, even with that brief historical recourse to the background of the BNC in the times of Prío Socarrás [President of Cuba, 1948-1952].

No one should see in the ruling a document critical of the management of the regime prepared by the democratic opposition. It is a text of an independent judicial ruling that shows the complex mechanisms and bureaucratic tangle with which the Cuban communist regime attends to its financial affairs. First conclusion: it does not seem that the list of investors in Cuba is going to increase.

In addition to the breaches of the debt service, the algorithms of international analysts will be nourished by the information from this ruling, and the Havana regime, no matter how much its spokespeople say, is going to be demoted as a recipient of investments and loans.

The international image of terrible managers, corrupt practices and falsifying ownership of credit institutions to avoid lawsuits which derives from the ruling, should worry the regime, because it entails loss of credibility and trust and will make it even more difficult to access the international financial markets. The proximity to the closing off of credits is more than real. What will probably happen, since the parties have not achieved their objectives, is that they will appeal the ruling and prolong the trial.

In fact, a careful reading of the judgment guides the plaintiff (and many others) how to approach the claim to collect the debt, but the regime has some tranquility in the short term and is allowed to present the result as a triumph.

That is why I agree with my colleague Emilio Morales when he points out that in any judgment about the debt of the Cuban regime, the mechanism of transferring that debt from one entity to another has to be analyzed. That analysis is essential to “determine whether Havana’s assets are today in tax havens or in the hands of foreign entities that could be sued.” He adds, “the genesis of this conflict is to determine how they they were able to remove those assets from the BNC and transfer them to the BCC. There was an act of bad faith in the 90s when dividing the bank.” On these issues, Judge Cockerrill did not want to get involved.

And one last observation. The regime announced last January that the Superintendency of the Central Bank of Cuba, as a technical body with autonomy for the exercise of its functions assigned by the law related to the inspection, surveillance and control over the institutions that carry out financial and banking activity in the country, would be “in charge of reporting the results of the trial in a timely manner.” That has not happened. Instead, a Cuban television journalist has assumed that role.  Even in their statements they contradict each other. Our nerves are on edge.

Translation by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Unattractive Salary Leads Cuban Baseball Player Yasiel Gonzalez To Resign

Since March, baseball player Yasiel González has not been on the Holguín team. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 April 2023 — Yasiel González was one of the eight players who did not appear a month ago on the list presented at the Pernik Hotel by the Cachorros de Holguín team for the 62nd National Series of Cuba. A journalist based in the United States, Yasel Porto, reported on Wednesday that the 26-year-old athlete resigned from Cuban baseball “without confirming the reasons.”

González has been seen in the stands of the Calixto García stadium supporting his former teammates. According to the Facebook site “Colada Power,” the baseball player from Gibara wanted to leave the sport because of “the low salaries.”

Porto stressed on his social networks that behind the departures  of several players and the desertions are “the material conditions within a tournament that grows weaker every day” and where the players of the National Series receive an average of 3,500 Cuban pesos (145 dollars), “a very low figure, which is not enough for almost anything” in a country where the monthly minimum wage is 2,100 pesos (87 dollars).

The figures from 2020 for the players on the Island depend on their category. A member of the national pre-selection who participates in the National Series receives 3,525 Cuban pesos (156 dollars) monthly; while a player from the Reserve of the National Pre-selection and the National Series receives 2,400 pesos (100 dollars), according to Play-Off Magazine. continue reading

The tournament is “managed under the amateur concept,” a source told 14ymedio. “There are baseball players with professions, so what they do is ask for a sports license and the Government covers that amount.” To the money they receive are added the diets they are given and what they get from the products that are shared that they can “sell on the left [under the table],” an example of these being soft drinks.

Like Yasiel González, at the beginning of March, Rafael Viñales decided not to participate any longer with the Leñadores de Las Tunas. “The disappointment of not participating in the World Classic” and his current economic situation led him to leave baseball, according to journalist Gretel Yanet.

“Athletes begin to realize that their salary does not give them enough to support their families or they have housing and transportation problems, like everyone in the country. Then they begin to see other possibilities outside,” warned Juan Charles Díaz, the coach in the pre-selection of Vegueros, in February.

Díaz was clear: “Many athletes are leaving because there is no insurance and they do not have their problems solved.” Figures from journalist Francys Romero indicate that last year at least 120 Cuban players left the Island in various ways.

Iván Prieto decided not to return to the Island after his participation in Team Asere in the World Classic. (Facebook)

Others take advantage of the trips to not return. Cuban baseball player Iván Prieto, who decided not to return to Havana after his participation in the World Classic, signed his contract with the Mexican team of the Campeche Pirates last Tuesday. The agreement was announced by the Leona Sports agency, which represents the catcher, and according to the habanero Carlos Pérez, he has signed for the 2024 season.

A few days ago Prieto told Cuban Pelota that he decided to leave the Island because he saw that his “career was stagnant” with the current level of the National Series. “The decision was first because of sports issues, because I want to improve myself and prove myself in a higher level of baseball,” said the athlete.

This native of Holguín made the decision not to return to Cuba after being in the United States. “I thought about it, I analyzed it, I talked about it with my family and decided to make the decision,” in search of the dream that “everyone has, which is to play at the highest level in baseball.”

Prieto defended the teams of Holguín and Granma in seven National Series. Among his statistics, an offensive line stands out with an average of .287, with 36 doubles, a triple and 17 home runs.

He was the third catcher of the Cuban team in the West Palm Beach Pre-Olympics of 2022, and after his decision he became the first player to stay within the framework of a World Classic.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Faced With the Collapse of State Companies, Cuban Artists Ask for Less Bureaucracy and More Music

The artist Frank Delgado at the Cuban Art Factory (FAC). (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 3 April 2023 — The idea is taking hold in Cuba that musicians could end up working in the private sector, although with limitations. The regime still does not give clear signs about it, but the second part of the report “Do music companies in Cuba represent their artists well?” mentions the possibility of “expanding and diversifying the music business system and offering the artist other alternatives in relation to the market,” although it is clear that the priority is to “strengthen the socialist state enterprise.”

The full report takes up the calamities from two weeks ago and specifies some of the government proposals to reverse the debacle of the sector, including the divorce of the business part from the political but without the second disappearing. Deputy Minister of Culture Fernando León Jacomino tells Cubadebate that some of the conclusions drawn lead them to propose several solutions aimed, above all, at making music companies profitable.

The most outstanding of the novelties is to give autonomy to the mechanism of accreditation of professionalism through the creation of the Registry of Professionals of Music and Musical Shows as “the only method of professional and legal accreditation of artists.” State companies must have profitability indicators, and artists must demonstrate that they can contribute to generating income, which will allow them to remain on the payroll. To do this, they have six months.

“Today, companies have to include in their catalogs all the artists who want to be professionals. If they operate under those conditions, they cannot be asked to be efficient, because they do not choose who they work with,” says the official. continue reading

On the other hand, Provincial Music Centers will be created, which will be in charge of enforcing the “cultural policy in private spaces and attending to subsidized artistic talent.”

From León Jacomino’s words it also follows that there is a plan to open the services related to the area to the private sector, and he gives as an example transport, which currently depends on the provincial companies of the State because there are no rules that allow others to hire a service that they cannot assume. The same applies to hosting, instruments and up to 14 “joined” activities, as the deputy minister refers to them.

“All the entrepreneurs we have are empirical,” adds Jacomino, who considers it essential to redesign the system of attention to subsidized artists, create a system of professional training in cultural management, present a strategy of export and promote attraction of foreign investment and new laws for the protection of artists.

The flexibility, in any case, will be very relative, since the companies will “link” to the provincial governments and must meet “the needs of the territory complying with the policy established by the ICM [Cultural Institute of Music] and the Ministry of Culture.”

Despite the numerous cases of corruption that have occurred in the sector, recognized in the previous report of Cubadebate and reported to 14ymedio also by a Cuban soloist, the section dedicated to this issue is smaller in this Monday’s text. The official newspaper talks about delays and non-payments but tiptoes over them.

“It takes several months before the payment of a performance is transferred to the company, as usually happens with Artex, famous for delinquency despite charging juicy percentages. This means that sometimes violations are incurred in the centers where the presentation is made in the face of the obvious need to guarantee the immediacy of the collection of fees,” confesses troubadour Ariel Díaz about a practice that is an open secret and that he defines as “the migration of musicians to the private sector where there are no papers or rules and they are paid, as is commonly said, ’by hand’ seconds after the end of the performance.”

The statements collected by Cubadebate, mostly anonymous, emphasize that the malfunction is systemic because there are many people who participate as intermediaries. However, they avoid directly accusing the authorities. “The blame is not on the companies but on all the fabric in the background,” reads the text, which dilutes the guilt between a faceless bureaucracy, officials supposedly far from reality and drivers or doormen who keep the money.

Laura Vilar Álvarez, director of the Center for Research and Development of Cuban Music, has participated in the proposal to reform the system and defends that music is profitable but balanced with the artistic side, since each style has a specific reality. However, it leaves the decision of what art is in the hands of the politicians of the Communist Party. “It is a company, but it is also a problem of the governor, of the provincial director of Culture. Music can’t be the last line. The function of the artist is not only to entertain. Art is the background and essence of spirituality of the Cuban nation,” she says.

“We need less paperwork and more music,” demands the artist Mauricio Figueiral. But for now it does not seem that the commitment to privatization is radical, since the control of what is put on a stage is at stake. In the words of Arnaldo Rodríguez, singer and music producer:

“The forms of non-state management can be used to boost this system, but we must not privatize the industry. The country must inject funding to the system to return to the hierarchy in the main public spaces, where today the immediacy and competence of private management prevail, which, to obtain positive economic results, are not promoting the best of our music and Cuban culture.”

Ofelia, the artist consulted by 14ymedio for the previous report, believes that the state system will end up collapsing alone. “Because if they open up now, they will see that everyone is going to leave those companies. There will be only the sacred cows of the Revolution, the devoted ones, and I don’t know to what extent, either, because companies have always been a control mechanism that artists hate,” she argues before ending with a plea for the liberalization of the sector.

“Music should flow freely, without state control and without mechanisms that hinder the creation, work and development of musicians, unless it is to support, not to hinder, which is what these companies do.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A School Without a Roof in San Juan and Martinez Where the Cuban Regime Profits From Tobacco

With a small enrollment that does not exceed one hundred students, classes are taught from preschool to sixth grade. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 1 April 2023 — Between tobacco plantations and in a very beautiful natural setting, the residents of San Juan y Martínez in Pinar del Río continue to suffer the aftermath of Hurricane Ian, which last September destroyed much of the municipality’s infrastructure. To the meteoric winds is added the State’s lack of attention that has left the Modesto Gómez Rubio school without a roof for half a year.

If you look at the educational center from the outside, located at kilometer 5 of the road to Punta de Cartas, it seems that the hurricane barely managed to damage it. But its blue walls hide from view the drama that is experienced inside its classrooms. Hurricane Ian tore off the roof and also damaged some columns that supported the asbestos cement tiles.

Nora Mesa García, mother of three children and a resident of San Juan y Martínez, no longer knows which door to knock on or which official to approach for a new roof to be installed in the primary school where her eight-year-old son is in the third grade. The woman explains to 14ymedio the sequence of winds, willfulness and inefficiency that has led them to the current situation.

After the passage of Hurricane Ian, former spy Gerardo Hernández, National Coordinator of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution, arrived in San Juan y Martínez with an official delegation. “He said that the school year had to start although the parents warned him that the school did not meet the conditions,” Mesa recalls.

Despite the arguments for not restarting classes due to the condition of the building, Hernández ignored the approaches of the neighbors of San Juan y Martínez and said goodbye to the municipality with a triumphalist phrase: “The course will happen!” Six months later, classes continue, but risk and discomfort mark the day-to-day life of students and teachers. continue reading

“What was done was to collapse the parts that were in danger of falling and put two tarps on the roof, with the help of the people of the cooperative,” she adds. “We provided a third tarp so that at least the children could each be in their respective classroom and not have to all be squeezed into a small space.”

With a small enrollment that does not exceed one hundred students, classes are taught in the school from preschool to sixth grade. Mesa describes it as a place with “four small classrooms” of which only three were covered with the tarps, a momentary solution that has already continued for a half-year without a comprehensive repair of the property.

Before the “show” of the elections to ratify the deputies to the National Assembly began, Mesa verbally complained to several of the delegates of the People’s Power of San Juan y Martínez. “It seems unbelievable that you don’t have the courage to say that the priority here is to repair the school so that the children are safe,” she told them.

“Right now there is a lot of wind and the tarps move all the time. You have to enter those classrooms to feel the terror of the teachers and students. A few days ago when I went to pick up my son from school, one of the tarps had fallen, and a piece of debris almost hit him.”

“After that, my eight-year-old son won’t go to classes anymore because it’s a very dangerous situation. Here the little that has been done on the premises is because of the initiative of the parents, the cooperative and thanks to the courage of the teachers and the director of the school who are working despite the risk.”

“They told us that this was going to be temporary and that we had to wait because there were many houses destroyed and tobacco  sheds totally swept away by the winds. But they didn’t do anything about the little school. They only restored the other school that is at the entrance, in the Calderón neighborhood, next to the road, because it is the one you see when you arrive.”

Mesa has not stopped complaining and wrote to several institutions demanding that the property be repaired. She received a response from the national director of investments of the Ministry of Education of Cuba, Francisco Navarro. “He told me that yes, the school is in the investment plan, but that it is not the only one that is affected; in total there are 218. Many justifications but nothing concrete.”

“We feel like we are orphans everywhere. The rainy season is about to begin, and we will not be able to go inside the classrooms,” warns Mesa, who feels outraged because she considers that San Juan y Martínez is one of the municipalities that “contributes the most to the economy of the country” due to its tobacco production, which is sold at high prices in the international market.

“It bothers me because this is an area that provides the main contribution to the cigars, the leaf that is placed on the outside when they are rolled. It must be of very good quality and is not  produced in the rest of the country. What hurts me is that the authorities of the Ministry of Education have not even come to see our situation.

“They shouldn’t play with the parents’ feelings. They can’t tell us that it’s in an investment plan and nothing happens, because it’s our children under those tarps,” she says. “They have a cigar fair, they do auctions and everything under our noses without caring about anything that’s happening here,” she emphasizes. “It’s frustrating because we’ve run out of hope.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

In Cuba, the Private Sector Creates Twice as Many Jobs as the State

Last year, the private sector created twice as many jobs as the public sector. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 5 April 2023 — The private sector created almost twice as many jobs in Cuba in 2022 as did the State. The number of new employees amounted to 226,704, of which 79,912 were government employees, compared to 146,792 in “other forms of management,” according to data offered in the annual review analyzed on Tuesday by Prime Minister Manuel Marrero, who asked for “a different look” taking into account “the challenges imposed by demographic dynamics.”

According to the report presented by the Ministry of Labor and Social Security, more than 4,653,000 workers are employed, although the figure will have to be confirmed pending an employment study announced this Monday that is intended to show “the magnitudes and structures of the economically active population.”

The document clarified that the percentage of employed women amounts to 39%, 34,000 more workers than in 2021. The largest number of female jobs were created in the sector of direct activities in the production and provision of services in the state and non-state sectors, “with a favorable impact of the jobs generated by the private sector.”

The data, however, reveal — as argued by Ariel Fonseca Quesada, National Director of Employment — a gender gap, since 34% of women do not have paid work, especially mothers who take care of children or the elderly, he added, without breaking down the data.

There are now 172,069 people who do not have any type of job, and Marrero indicated that many positions are vacant because of a lack of qualified personnel. He proposed to solve this problem through multi-employment.

The prime minister criticized some other issues that occur in the workplace, including unpaid employment of young people with the argument that they are being trained, and the low penetration of teleworking beyond the pandemic, and informal employment, against which, he insisted, it is necessary to fight. continue reading

“It is not a matter of going after them now, but of identifying them in order to protect the worker and demand that the employer assume his responsibilities,” he said.

At the opposite extreme is Alejandro Gil Fernández, Minister of Economy and Planning, who criticized “underemployment” as an evil that fundamentally plagues the sector that depends on the State budget and gives work to people who receive a salary without a specific task to do. Gil regretted that salaries do not serve to meet the needs of workers. Supposedly, as Minister, he could provide solutions.

At the meeting, other issues related to social assistance were addressed, such as the situation of women with children who cannot enter the labor market because they have no one to take care of their children. According to the prime minister, the expansion of child care through “little houses” has not been very successful, since their coverage is negligible.

In addition, the creation of “social work” as a university career was announced “on the basis of Cuban theory, which in no way resembles that of other countries, because it is part of our country’s model, in which social justice prevails,” an explanation that clarified little about the content and how it differs from the profession in other nations.

In this meeting, Cuban leaders addressed a problem of the first magnitude for the future of the country, which faces low birth rates, greater longevity and a massive emigration of people of working age, responsible for the maintenance of the State and pensions. But Cubans have the feeling that beyond words, what is systematically missing are changes.

“It continues the political discourse, the exhortations, but nothing is said about the fall in the purchasing power of the Cuban peso. Pensioners and many workers cannot cover the cost of the ’basic family basket’ [sold through the network of ration stores] with their income, and there is poverty. So what do we pensioners do who work for our Cuba, defend it, cut the cane and participate in agricultural and military mobilizations? Nothing has been done about these problems that we suffer; they are ignored, and there are no measures to solve them. We support the macroeconomic adjustment that has been mentioned, but its scope has not been made public,” a reader wrote in Cubadebate.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.