Fabian Pena, the Cuban Artist Who Works With Flies and Cockroaches

The artist Fabián Peña, at the Coral Gables Museum, during the interview with this newspaper / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Clara Riveros, Miami, 25 February 2024 —  “In Cuba we didn’t have air conditioning. Flies and cockroaches are everywhere. My grandfather had a hobby of rolling up the Granma newspaper to catch flies, we competed, I was a child, that entertained me.”

The Havana artist Fabián Peña recently won a scholarship from the Cintas de Miami Foundation, an institution that for several decades has supported and promoted Cuban artists and creatives or those of Cuban descent in various artistic branches.

He won the $20,000 visual arts scholarship and these resources are above all a premium in terms of time. The artist will be able to dedicate the time needed to create his proposal and which he plans to complete towards the end of the year. “There will be 20 monochrome portraits of 20 negative characters from the 20th century. The list includes dictators, Stalin, Castro, Hitler, serial killers, terrorists and characters who have defined the history of the 20th century in a negative sense, but they will be represented when they were “children, between 9 and 12 years old. Their faces will be displayed on a canvas, like the paintings, but they will be paintings with cockroaches. They are not exactly paintings, they are collages of cockroaches, of the mosaic type, displayed in a wall installation,” he said in conversation with 14ymedio .

In 20 years working with cockroaches and flies, Peña has been perfecting his technique with these peculiar materials which he speaks about with propriety and expertise.

In 20 years working with cockroaches and flies, Peña has been perfecting his technique with these peculiar materials which he speaks about with propriety and expertise. And what we usually discard and reject as terrifying, repulsive and unpleasant, has been reinvented and resignified by the artist. “It is a very artisanal work and, still, without a defined name,” he says regarding the project on which he is working.

“Cockroaches are our undesirable pets, like flies. Cockroaches are in the darkness, they have a particular light, they are very curious, prehistoric. They create an ethical/aesthetic conflict. They have very particular tones, colors, they are a mysterious universe and with a lot of potential, talking about these as material and color. Here I use them for that red tone that is reminiscent of blood, like the characters that are going to be represented.” continue reading

Peña’s other major project this 2024, for the Puerto Rico Biennial, to be held this coming April 18, is his proposal Por ti yo muero [For You I Die], which outlines an almost religious meaning. The concept of paper in his work suggests that, being a carrier of ideas and ideologies, it becomes a fossil. The Marxist-Leninist ideas and aesthetic references put on paper that were present in the artist’s training process and, now, that same paper transformed in his hands acquires a new meaning, that of obituary material as an implacable metaphor of an outdated ideology already used not only for indoctrination and instruction, but also for destruction.

“We gave solemnity to the banners, it looked like something symbolic, sacred, it was a way of taking dirt to a sublime state” / Courtesy

The artistic commitment for the Puerto Rico Biennial evokes the process of his Embotellados [Bottled] series, exhibited in 2016. “On this occasion the bottles contain 10 fundamental books, including fundamentalist ones, carriers of outdated ideologies and approaches that may well lead to destruction, both on a political and religious level, but there is also a place here for some literary pieces that have managed to earn a place in History.”

Fabian Peña was born in Havana, in 1976. Graduating from the Higher Institute of Art, his artistically inclined training spanned 12 years. A year after graduating, in 2004, he left Cuba for the first time, an exit with no return. “I was born in El Vedado but I grew up in El Cerro, which is a very sui generis place. My neighborhood was not a marginal neighborhood as such, but it was very close. Very poor, but the people, the neighbors, were very cool at that time. That part is greatly missed. I had the privilege of having artist friends close to me, for example Lázaro Saavedra, who was a friend and teacher of mine and lived almost next door to my parents’ house, and Roberto Favelo, Adrián Soca. I felt very motivated by having artists and people from another generation related to art and artistic creation nearby. We would talk about projects and we would end up at a party. All this towards the end of the 90s.”

“We had the office there, that’s what we called it, we were the Enema Collective. We did performances like La Morcilla: 13 of us took blood and made a blood sausage. We also did an intervention at Lázaro’s house, who was in the United States for a scholarship and extended his stay, so we paid him a tribute in absentia because we didn’t know what had happened to him. That place is very symbolic of that time for its energy and as a meeting point.”

That was a fundamental stage, very productive. Later it was not like that, as an immigrant the priority is to earn a living

“Did you have the option of professional development in Cuba?” he was asked. “In a short time of professional life in Cuba we developed many projects and initiatives. There was hunger, difficulties, censorship, but we wanted to take on the world. My work, our work, gained visibility, generated interest and that gave us opportunities that perhaps others did not have so early, because there were many curators who were interested in what we did. Everyone went to the Havana Biennial and we were there. That was a fundamental stage, very productive. Afterwards it was not like that, as an immigrant the priority is to earn a living. Being an immigrant made me see the reality of how it works.”

“The regime has played the cultural card and its bet has helped make the Cuban cultural scene relevant throughout the world. Wasn’t your art intended to transgress the system? Why did your work have greater possibilities than those of other artists?” 14ymedio asked the artist.

“We spoke in metaphorical terms about things that were happening and that allows for many interpretations. If it was done in a very obvious way they would censor it. We did a performance, for example, cleaning floors of cultural institutions in Cuba, with floor rags, and this would wear them out and they would take on shapes. In the so-called Special Period, in some places those rages were cooked like steaks and given to people, deceiving them, of course.”

“After cleaning the floors with those rags, we made banners with that material; we used about 50 rags for each space. At that time we were immersed in Eastern philosophy, we made a kind of abstract painting with those rags, we wrote with shoe ink in Japanese the explanation of the work: “With these rags the Plaza of the Revolution in Cuba was cleaned.” We gave solemnity to the banners, it looked like something symbolic, sacred, it was a way of taking dirt to a sublime state. This work was even taken to the Guadalajara International Book Fair (FIL) in 2002, which had Cuba as the guest of honor. The work, they say, generated strangeness because people were used to seeing another staging, another concept of Cuban art, not to seeing the ‘grime’ of cultural institutions, presented in such a solemn way.” Solemnizing the filth? “It worked very well in that context.”

One of the works from the ‘Bottled’ series, by Fabián Peña / Courtesy

Peña has been busy imagining, producing and creating, guided by intuition. “I like that the result of the work exceeds what I initially thought.” But he has not taken care to keep enough records for posterity to attest to the genius of these performances and creations. When presenting this situation to him, he notes that the initial work was poorly documented, much was lost in Cuba or the photographs that were taken were very poor and with devices that do not reflect the quality of the work in all its expression. Some of what exists was documented by Cuban art historian and curator, professor at the Art Institute of Chicago, Rachel Weiss. But in the United States, Peña has not recovered the memories of all of his work either.

His art left Cuba before him, considering that the installation of the banners was taken to Guadalajara in 2002. A year later, Peña went to Mérida. “Many curators from the United States went to Cuba and bought works. We had some money, not to get rich, but to live with what was necessary and continue producing and living off of art.”

And why did he leave? “Because not having had serious problems with the regime does not mean that we were not going to have them. Or that later it would become impossible to leave. There was an opportunity and we had to take it. Furthermore, the situation between Mexico and Cuba had deteriorated at the level political and diplomatic between Fidel Castro and presidents Ernesto Zedillo and Vicente Fox. We had many friends and contacts in Mexico, that is, the entire platform to stay for a while, but we decided to embark on the adventure to the United States. On that journey a lot of the work was also lost, because they were installations and performances that you will never do again. Mexico was a rewarding and successful experience, artistically speaking, the first time I left Cuba.

He left without saying goodbye. He didn’t tell anyone, not even his parents. His mother’s tears were premonitory of the imminent reality. More than five years passed before Peña saw her again.

“The Cuban artist from Cuba is sexier than from Miami. It is more interesting for the foreigner what the person there says”

The escape was planned from Cuba, always in secret. He left his sister as a teenager and found her in the fall of 2011, dancing ballet at the Guggenheim in New York. She is still in Cuba.

What is it like to be an immigrant? “It is in some way like living a double life. Being an artist. Producing and creating. But in parallel it has also been learning other trades to survive. I have been a social worker, I have worked on golf courses, in stores, in offices, but never “have I given up on art, never have I given up on creating. My work in itself takes a long time to think about, create, produce. It is a very long process.”

After a brief period in Houston, Peña was already working with a gallery here in Miami. In addition to doing performances at Florida International University and in different places, he always interacts with the public. “Miami was the target because we had people here, acquaintances, art historians, curators and colleagues from the cultural and artistic world that we had met in Cuba. People who had noticed, by the way, since the 90s, that contemporary art in Cuba was taking place despite the lack of information and news from the outside world and that it had nothing that detracted from what artists were doing in the 90s in New York,” he notes, while observing the works of Rubén Torres Llorca and José Bedia and touring the Coral Gables Museum to which he is professionally involved part-time. And he points out that it is striking that the regime had not accused the exponents of Cuban contemporary art of “ideological diversionism,” as was usual.

Also from the outside there has been or was the perception that “the Cuban artist from Cuba is sexier than one from Miami. It is more interesting for the foreigner what the person who is there says.” He has seen it there and has lived it here.

In 2007, at Art Basel, five minutes after the fair that was taking place at the Miami Beach Convention Center opened, his work was sold. The buyer, Lance Armstrong, had paid $21,000, according to local media. It doesn’t seem like a bad start on American soil.

Peña continued doing something he had started in Cuba: collages with crushed flies and also cockroaches. With flies, one of his favorite creations is Frozen Flight from 2008, a flag made with hundreds of fly wings that formed a unique fabric like lace or semi-transparent fabric. The work hanging from the ceiling maintained a certain natural rotating movement, which intensified with the proximity of the public. It is a work of a fragile and at the same time resiliant nature.

In 2017 he released Frozen Capital, made with compressed paper of the famous work of Karl Marx, covered in flies and glass. Similar to a popsicle covered in chocolate and nuts. “In 2017 I did the last exhibition with flies. I presented it here at the David Castillo Gallery, Frozen Capital, it represents Marx’s Frozen Capital. I compressed the pages and made a popsicle, an ice cream, the cover was not chocolate, but flies and the nuts were the glass of the bottles with which I compressed Marx’s book.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Former Colombian Drug Trafficker Carlos Lehder Recounts His Meeting with Raul Castro in Cuba

Carlos Lehder and Raúl Castro. (Collage)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Clara Riveros, Miami, 14 January 2023 — The complicity between drug lords and the political leaders of Latin America and the Caribbean, particularly Cuba, was key to the rise, positioning and expansion of the Colombian cartels in the decade of the 1980s, as extracted from Vida y muerte del cartel de Medellín  [Life and Death of the Medellín Cartel], the book published by Penguin Random House, with the memoirs of one of its former bosses, Carlos Lehder.

At just 24, Lehder had resources and capital beyond money, that is, education, culture, command of other languages, an American visa, and the ability and knowledge of how to move internationally. After almost 50 years, including 33 years in a United States prison, the Colombian with a German father now resides in Frankfurt: “contrite, rehabilitated, obedient to the laws and, at last, free,” he says.

Carlos Lehder, one of the most visible actors in the Medellín cartel, gives an account, for the first time, of the million-dollar economic relationships that he and his partners established with the Governments of Cuba, Panama, Nicaragua and the Bahamas. The leaders of these nations did not hide their desire for dollars and their eagerness to participate to some extent in the great drug business and its benefits. The cartels bought the revolutionary complicity of Castro’s Cuba and Sandinista Nicaragua. continue reading

Carlos Lehder reports, for the first time, on the million-dollar economic relations that he and his partners established with the governments of Cuba, Panama, and Nicaragua and Bahamas

The young drug trafficker understood early on the importance of relationships with power to expand the business and extend the criminal empire through the conquest and domination of territories through “drug diplomacy” and the seduction of political power. Lehder had his kingdom in the Bahamas and Pablo Escobar in Panama. Later, Nicaragua became a better destination, much safer thanks to the emerging revolutionary government.

For almost eight years, Lehder was the master of drug trafficking in the Bahamas, according to the memoirs of the one time narc in the Colombian magazine Semana. It was President Ronald Reagan’s declaration of war on drugs that fractured his alliance with the authorities of that archipelago just 170 kilometers from Miami. He returned to Colombia and advanced with Fidel Castro’s Cuba. In Havana they opened the doors for him and, practically, spread out a red carpet for him: “we need dollars,” they told him.

The Cuban power was associated with Pablo Escobar and Gonzalo Rodríguez Gacha, alias El Mexicano, thanks to the negotiating skill of Lehder, who narrates that “the Castro dictatorship, through the intelligence and special operations agency of Havana” extended him “a formal invitation to visit the island, with all expenses paid by the Government.”

He was greeted on his first “business” trip by “a group of plainclothes officers.” He says: “In a waiting room we met the heads of this mission, led by Colonel Antonio de la Guardia, head of the Cimex Corporation, the ’special operations’ agency of the Castro dictatorship.”

Lehder clarified that he needed Cuba to smuggle drugs and the response was immediate. They opened the door for that immense business: “For now, I can only confirm that we need all the dollars we can get,” Tony de la Guardia supposedly told him.

They authorized him to use “Cayo Largo, an island twenty kilometers long, with a good landing strip, located forty kilometers from the port of Cienfuegos.” Cimex “needed to receive five million dollars in cash to cover the Government’s expenses.” In exchange, they offered him “the rooms required on the second floor of the hotel to reside there with your workers; in addition, we will open the kitchen. We do not know how much cocaine you will bring to the island, but the more, the better; we would only have to negotiate the price per kilo landed.”

Lehder wanted a direct relationship with the Castros and asked to be introduced to Raúl, then Minister of Defense. Before the meeting he received instructions: “Protocol requires strict respect for time. There are four minutes maximum for handshakes, a courtesy phrase and farewell. You will not mention your own name.”

They took his passport, took him to a room and, after being announced, “a man with glasses appeared who, looking at me shrewdly and intently, said: ’Nice to meet you, welcome to Cuba Libre’, greeted me and extended his cold hand to me.” with the glacial gesture of the potentate who greets a shoeshine boy,” Semana quotes.

Raúl Castro’s laconic words, which apparently had nothing to do with the business, closed the mafia deal. “Here in Cuba we have achieved many advances in education, medicine and agriculture. Our trade is growing, despite the Yankee blockade; the Cuban Revolution is invincible. Enjoy your stay. You can leave,” is an extract from Lehder’s memoirs.

Raúl Castro’s laconic words, which apparently had nothing to do with the business, closed the mafia agreement

Many shipments were made to the Island. Colonel De la Guardia transported them from there to the Bahamas. Lehder maintained contacts and complicity with political power in both places. The business flourished with the direct participation of Fidel Castro’s entourage, until the suspicions of the United States intelligence services forced the regime to suspend these operations. The dictator himself decided to prosecute and execute, in 1989, four of the officers involved, including General Arnaldo Ochoa and Tony de la Guardia.

Ten years earlier, Lehder began to take an interest in Nicaragua, where the Sandinista guerrillas, led by Daniel Ortega and supported by Havana, took power. In Managua he was given diplomatic treatment at the highest level. He was received by Tomás Borge, one of the nine commanders of the Revolution and powerful Minister of the Interior.

Later, in 1987, Pablo Escobar betrayed Lehder and facilitated his capture by Colombian authorities, who extradited him to the United States.  He was sentenced to two life sentences, but served only 33 years after negotiating a reduced sentence in exchange for his testimony against former Panamanian dictator Manuel Antonio Noriega in a drug trafficking trial in 1992 in federal court in Miami.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Hamas and ‘Che’ Guevara, Icons of Western Progressives

The Committee of Solidarity with the Peoples and the Inter-Peoples Association in a demonstration of support for the Palestinian people. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Clara Riveros, Bogota, 19 November 2023 — A lot of blood and ink have flowed in the Middle East since the terrorist attack on Israel, on October 7, by the Palestinian Islamist group Hamas, supported by Iran. Many images that are difficult to process and forget. Hundreds of civilians brutally murdered. Women kidnapped and raped; young people who were at a party surprised and sprayed by bullets; minors sleeping in their homes with their families, taken out of their beds, kidnapped, remain missing, many orphaned children, and parents killed.

All of them were civilians. What came next, with the civilian population in Gaza, at the mercy of all the fireworks, has been no less devastating and painful.

In the meantime, various demonstrations, celebrations and even claims of barbarism have taken place. They consider it another act of Palestinian resistance against Israel. It is naive to expect something different when entire generations have grown up indoctrinated in fanaticism and hatred, daydreaming of the annihilation of Israel. Hence the applause for the actions of the terrorists and the glorification of martyrdom and Islamist barbarism.

Palestinians and their supporters scattered around the world have resisted condemning such an abominable massacre and, instead, have shown themselves ready to give unsolicited lessons from an alleged moral superiority, embedded in religiosity no matter how progressive and atheist they say they are. continue reading

Meanwhile, various demonstrations, celebrations and even claims of barbarism have taken place. They consider it another act of Palestinian resistance against Israel

How to define and conceptualize the self-styled progressive left, feminism or LGBT groups that have been supporting, in the name of the Palestinian cause, a terrorist and fundamentalist group? Activists have participated in meetings and waved their flags, banners and symbols accompanied by slogans such as “Allah loves equality.” A pathetic but efficient postcard of reality and the world in which we live and that recalls the cult of Che Guevara by Western progressives.

The staging of Hamas is, without further ado, the crystallization of the thought and doctrine of the Argentine guerrilla leader and revolutionary – who served as a model and inspiration for Arabs, Africans, Asians and Latin Americans – whose ideology reads: “Hate as a factor of struggle, intransigent hatred of the enemy, which pushes beyond the natural limitations of the human being and turns him into an effective, violent, selective and cold killing machine.” Wasn’t the operation of the Hamas Islamists an implementation of that manual combined with their religious extremist mission that induces martyrdom and annihilation?

Everything goes for the cause, a cause that, increasingly, raises questions about its viability. Does the world need a new Islamist dictatorship? Hamas’ mission proves that it is not just a land conflict. It is a bet on all or nothing, via the combination of all forms of struggle. At the bottom is the religious conquest and destruction of Israel. Islamist obscurantism and its proven capacity for devastation are not only out of the question but are already felt all over the planet.

Islamist obscurantism and its proven capacity for devastation are not only out of the question but are already felt all over the planet

Anti-Semitism in the world today is more unveiled, without makeup, without nuances to confuse; on the contrary, it has more verve and power after the October 7 massacre. “Progressives” in Europe and the Americas have filled the streets endorsing the instrumental character of terrorism, naively calling it (or not) “resistance.”

These facts coincided with my reading of The Shipwreck of Civilizations, by the Lebanese writer and prolific thinker Amin Maalouf, who analyzes and explains different events that occurred during the twentieth century, on that side of the world. It’s a remarkable essay for understanding that the facts transcend his homeland, the Levant, and that the repercussions go beyond the Arab Islamic world. As he had already shown a few years ago in Identity Killers, the author is forceful in rejecting the community, identity and/or religious specificities that promote totalitarianism and destroy universal fundamental values that dignify humanity.

“In a world in which an identity hotbed prevails, we are all necessarily traitors to someone, and sometimes to all parties at the same time (…). Homogeneity is an expensive and cruel chimera. You pay a very expensive price to get to it; and in the event that it is ever reached, it is even more expensive (…). I will never stop opposing the idea that populations that have different languages or religions would do better to live apart from each other. I will never decide to admit that ethnicity, religion or race are legitimate foundations for building nations (…). How many regrettable failures, how many butchers and ’purifications’ will we have to witness before that barbaric approach to identity issues ceases to be considered normal, realistic and ’in accordance with human nature’?”

Hopelessness and the Arab option for self-destruction, says Maalouf, became evident in 1967: “It was on Monday, June 5, 1967, when Arab desperation was born

Maalouf recalls that the Arab world was not always what we see today; there was a time when countries such as Lebanon and Egypt were epicenters of cultural effervescence and liberal life. Sadly, these processes were truncated and failed over the years. Also there were heroes with feet of clay in the style of the Peronists and Chavistas, keeping the proportions of time and space. Contingency, personalism, leadership and populism allowed them to take power and a place in History, while other names were forgotten and relegated by their openness, moderation and vision of Western modernity, freedom and democracy.

Hopelessness and the Arab option for self-destruction, says Maalouf, became evident in 1967: “It was on Monday, June 5, 1967 when Arab desperation was born.” The Six-Day War, with the consequent Arab failure, marked the decadence and state of mind of both the victors and the vanquished. If the Arab power was liquidated and struck down in less than a week, the Israeli has not been able to manage and administer its victory properly and magnanimously, says the author. “A peace of the brave can only be agreed between adversaries who respect each other.” Consequently, “the road to peace, which was already narrow and very rugged, is now blocked.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.