Night Protests in the Midst of Blackouts in Pinar del Rio and Havana

Protest in El Curita park, in Centro Habana, early Friday morning. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 15 July 2022 — The state telecommunications monopoly, Etecsa, kept the internet cut off for at least half an hour in Cuba, coinciding with two protests that took place almost simultaneously, in the early morning this Friday, in the capital and in the west of the country.

In Los Palacios, Pinar del Río, the population showed it was fed up with the constant blackouts and power outages they have been suffering for months, aggravated by the summer heat. A group of people took to the streets in the middle of the night banging pots and pans and shouting “we are hungry” and “Díaz-Canel singao!” [motherfucker], as could be seen in videos broadcast on social networks.

In front of the Party headquarters, the people of Los Palacios left their fear in the drawer.
– The Engineer (@El_IngenieroCu) July 15, 2022

Shortly after, official accounts published images of the streets of the same area in complete calm to deny not the information, but that the protests had been significant.

The same operation occurred in Centro Habana, where a woman who was protesting in El Curita park, for being homeless, was joined by dozens of mothers who showed solidarity with her cause. “11:54 at night, a Cuban mother with 2 girls and one in a wheelchair claims that they have nowhere to live because their house is in poor condition,” said a Facebook user.

According to a social network account related to the regime, La Página de Mauro Torres, the protest was dissolved when the first secretary of the Party in the municipality attended the woman personally. continue reading

“You need to have kettledrums and be on the people’s side in order that, when there is a protest, a government official comes forward and looks for solutions. Good for her, she is a short woman, but with a tremendous heart. And also for those who, in their eagerness to solve problems, can find a light in the attention,” said the page owner.

Next, they posted several photographs of the place located between Galiano and Reina street, all calm.

Despite their apparent transience, the protests confirm the pressure cooker that the Island has become, whose citizens no longer hesitate, despite everything, to go out and complain to the rulers about their situation.

The internet outage was also brief, as was confirmed by the page Inventario, with data from Internet Outage Alerts, with a graph showing a sharp drop in connectivity, although the connection has been intermittent in the hours since, according to different people in various provinces of the Island. The service interruption, which was not announced for any technical reason and for which Etecsa has, so far, given no explanations, shows the regime’s commitment to control information, as it fears a new outbreak like the one of July 11th last year, commonly called “11J”.

Translated by Andrea Libre

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July 11th (11J) Was a ‘Bright Day’ Three Cuban Priests Agree

Three Cuban Catholic priests offer ’14ymedio’ their experience of the 11J (July 11th) protests a year later. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Xavier Carbonell, Salamanca, 14 July 2022 — The oldest man in the cells wears a clerical shirt and a bandage on his head. Four stitches have been sewn over the wound. In the midst of the tumult of 11J in Camagüey, between the sweat and the cries for freedom, a hitman unloaded a bat on his forehead. With the same impetus, the aggressor returned to his group: it is not for nothing that they call this stampede of enraged proletarians rapid response brigades.

Dizzy, hungry – he had not been able to eat lunch – with a bloody head, the man called for help. Police, who take his reputation as a saint and a Samaritan seriously, escorted him to the hospital. There they patched up the wound as best they could and took him, of course, to prison.

That night, Cuba understood that the government was willing to go where it had not dared to go before in order to punish the 11J protesters: attack and imprison a priest. It was not until the following day – and with much pleading from the archbishop – that Castor Álvarez was released.

“That day everything was a party, all that was missing was the drum,” the priest tells 14ymedio, without rancor, a year after the protests. “There were many young people and the elderly came out of their houses astonished, to see that, as if to say: ’Is it true?’.”

When it all started, Father Castor was at the home of actress Iris Mariño. Seeing the vehemence with which that woman accepted the news, he fell to his knees and begged for a little enlightenment. He had to leave.

He walked three hours with the young people until the encounter with the military. “I told them no, that they weren’t there to hit the people. They had to let the people speak.” The police, he assures, were not as aggressive as the furious “cordon” of civilians, who were already wielding sticks to carry out Díaz-Canel’s “combat order.” continue reading

In the dungeon, the boys – of all colors, religions and ages – asked him if God had crossed Cuba off the map. “I told them that the opposite was true, and we began to pray together and talk,” adds the priest. “I was able to understand those young men, what they were risking. And I knew from their expressions that they would not stop risking.”

From the Special Period, the Cuban began an unstoppable “path of liberation”, reflects the priest. However, the most urgent challenge is “to believe in politics, to believe that a human association can be made with certain rules. We cannot think only of the family, which is perhaps the group to which Cubans advance in association, but also in the country.

For this priest, 11J was a “bright day,” which awakened the old happiness of Cubans. However, some hope gained in the protests “was frustrated by what happened around 15N [15 November].”

“We cannot despair,” he adds, “because the path through violence may be quick, but less durable. The peaceful path is slower, but having the conviction of the hearts and the agreement of men and the wills of all is more successful, more harmonious.”

In Havana, another priest, Jorge Luis Pérez Soto, was also moved to walk with the people during 11J. “I remember that afternoon I left the streets for an hour to go celebrate mass. It was a mystical moment, because spiritually accompanying this people is also urgent.”

The social networks, the growing burden and the generational change are transforming the Cuban reality, he thinks. In addition to light, 11J brought a lot of pain, both for those who “did not know how to peacefully claim their rights,” and for those who were supposed to be “guarantors of citizen order” and ended up calling for “brother against brother” violence.

Several photographs show the priest standing at the entrance to the police stations in Havana, demanding proof of life from the disappeared. Many of the prisoners were Catholic lay people, people of faith and culture, and minors, people about which the establishment in which they were detained was not even known.

It was decisive then, recalls Father Jorge Luis, that the Conference of Religious Men and Women of Cuba organized an accompaniment service for prisoners and their families. In a year of work, the Conference has provided numerous legal, psychological and counseling resources to families who have felt helpless in the face of the harsh sentences of 11J. This service has put the Catholic Church, regularly monitored at all levels, in the sights of State Security.

However, “the repression has been very harsh. Certainly international and media pressure have managed to reduce some sentences, but even so, they continue to be unjust and morally unacceptable for the most part.”

Father Jorge Luis agrees with his colleague from Camagüey that “the Cuban people must learn to listen and welcome each other. Individual agendas must be postponed by common agendas. Violence cannot be viewed in any way as a way to solve anything. The civic education of the people is urgent.”

11J surprised Alberto Reyes outside of Cuba, but this priest would have liked to “experience the protests in the first person.” It is no secret that the G2 has a particular viciousness towards him and that his surveillance file must be extensive and thorough. Despite this – and many other misunderstandings, even within the ecclesial environment – ​​Father Alberto is a voice of resistance and radicalism.

“From a distance, I experienced 11J with a mixture of emotions, with joy and hope that the demonstrations would open a path of definitive change,” he tells 14ymedio. Then came the “profound sadness,” “concern and anger at the repression that was unleashed, and at the opportunity that the government was once again missing to start a dialogue with civil society that would lead to change.”

Although it does not publicly acknowledge it, the power leadership is also experiencing “a situation of continuous wear and tear.” According to the priest, this political system “has more than demonstrated its inability to build a society that is not only prosperous, but also capable of responding to the most basic aspirations of human beings.”

“We are a tired and worn-out people,” he continues, “we are a people whose life is running out in the struggle for survival; we are a people who have learned to defend ourselves as best we can and who go out to parade and applaud energetically while preparing our definitive emigration from the country. We are a people submerged in misery and precariousness where it becomes increasingly difficult to cultivate the values ​​of the spirit. And we are a people who no longer believe in the empty promises that their rulers insist on repeating.”

A burning issue around 11J has been the attitude of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Cuba, accused of weakness in the face of government pressure. Father Jorge Luis, however, assures that “the bishops have interceded a lot, from silence, to help the detainees; they have also spoken in various messages. Their action has been discreet, from anonymity, but they have been present.”.

“In my case,” Father Castor agrees, “my bishop was there both days to get me out of prison,” adding that “many of our laity were also arrested. Many people have expressed approval of our attitude in confronting the authorities in favor of justice, respect, freedom of expression.”

In these three priests a critical spirit and civic roots coexist that they share with many priests and nuns, such as Rolando Montes de Oca or the superior of the Daughters of Charity in Cuba, Nadieska Almeida.

“It is true that not all the pastors have been involved,” recognizes Father Castor, “but you also have to understand the charisms. I believe that there has been a light within the pastors of the Church towards the people. And the people know that they can always find support there.

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Leonardo Padura: ‘I Don’t Escape Censorship, I Look for it’

Leonardo Padura offered a press conference this Tuesday in the Canary Islands. (Angel Medina/EFE).

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Las Palmas de Gran Canaria (Spain), 14 On Tuesday, the Cuban writer Leonardo Padura, literary father of the detective Mario Conde and winner of 2021’s Princess of Asturias Award for Letters, said that throughout his career he has never had the feeling of escaping from censorship, but rather rather of looking for it.

“I don’t escape censorship, but rather I look for it,” said Padura at a press conference in Las Palmas (Canary Islands), where he is participating in the “Literature from the Islands” meeting at the Maspalomas Summer University.

He addressed the publication of his next novel, Gentes decentes, in which he reprises detective Conde, which will hit bookstores at the end of August.

Padura said that the situation in Cuba is “economically very tense and socially very complicated,” because added to the effects of the pandemic on economic assets such as tourism, there is a series of economic deficiencies “carried over for years.”

The writer, who has Cuban and Spanish nationality and resides in Havana, was critical of the “severe trials” of people who demonstrated to protest against the Cuban government just a year ago in Havana.

“I believe that the judicial extreme of such high sentences should not have been reached for many of these people. The Government had the possibility of having a much more humanistic gesture,” he said, and insisted on the “fight for survival” that the most people on the island. continue reading

“I have the sense that the themes and manners of Cuban society have an international projection, but always starting from Cuba and returning to Cuba. I need to hear people speak in Cuba, to be able to know their hopes and frustrations and that is a process that is always in progress,” reflected the author.

For Padura, the best place to follow these processes of transformation of society and assimilate social changes is his neighborhood in Havana, where he has lived since he was born, surrounded by people “who are not even interested or care that he is a writer.”

On why he chose the noir novel as a mode of expression, he said that it seems to him a “generous genre” that allows a lot of freedom.

“I think that the most radical political documents that have circulated in Cuba are probably my novels. There has always been a critical look and I have touched on very deep, very complicated issues. I am interested in everything related to the search for utopia,” he assured.

Regarding the difficulty in finding his novels in Cuba, he believes that it relates — more than to censorship — to the economic situation since, in general, the books in his country “circulate little and poorly… there is a policy of not promoting them and not making my work visible,” he said, although he does not consider himself politically persecuted.

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The 94 Workers on a Farm in Las Tunas Have Not Been Paid For Two Months

Workers from the Jobabo Urban Farm, in Las Tunas, during a meeting in which they demanded their salaries. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 14 July 2022 — The workers at the Jobabo Urban Farm are beginning to tire. After two months without pay, the employees ask why they should pay the union and what is it doing for them.

“They constantly tell us that we have to demand more from the administration for their interests, and yes, we do, but these problems are not resolved,” says Adriennis Vega, union representative of this agricultural farm, located in Las Tunas. The 94 workers that make it up have not received their salary for May nor are they expected to do so for June. All that is expected is that it will be until after the middle of this month when they can access credits that allow them to start catching up.

“We work to harvest and support the family. We understand the situation of the company, but this problem has to have a solution,” one of the employees told Radio Cabaniguán. A debt of almost seven million pesos was transferred to the farm from the Empresa Integral Agropecuaria [Comprehensive Agricultural Company], which, in the words of the official press, made it possible to foresee “this tense wage behavior.”

Iryás Arenas Buitrago, director of the farm, explained that everything is due to the combination of two factors. On the one hand, the transferred debt prevents them from accessing bank loans, which makes it impossible to carry out any operation that generates income with which to support the workers’ salaries. continue reading

And then comes the other important question: the orchards produce, but they are far from supporting the almost one hundred employees. “We maintain the Base Business Unit [UEB] with marketing,” explains the official.

The factory, he continues, has 16 workers and is in the investment process, so they need the workforce, but there are no profits to generate wages. In addition, the fuel shortage has led to barely 145,000 pesos from sales instead of half a million.

The official maintains the hope that the reconversion of the farm will allow him greater independence to make his decisions, being of municipal subordination, a recipe, that of decentralization, that the Government is promoting and that, conveniently, helps them to distribute responsibilities.

The case, says Esteban Ajete, president of the League of Independent Farmers of Cuba, is not isolated. The farmer tells 14ymedio that solvency problems affect all kinds of companies, not just agricultural ones, and he even claims to have recent news of at least two businesses in the field of forestry whose employees are not paid. “They don’t have raw materials and poor business management has caused them to go bankrupt,” he says.

Ajete recalls that this is linked to the non-payment of the stimulus in MLC (freely convertible currency) which the Government promised to the farmers and that has not arrived. “They tell them that there is no solvency on the part of the bank,” he maintains. According to the farmer, part of the freely convertible currency that is collected in the country through tourism or hard currency stores goes to a bank in national currency that is completely impoverished. As a consequence, there is none of the promised money nor are there credits for the harvest.

“Sometimes, the farmer has to play it by ear, selling things to be able to plant.” According to Ajete, the loans, when they exist, are also suffocating the farmer. “They have to repay the credit, it’s for supplies, and when the harvest ends the government keeps the amount to repay the loan, from the money they should receive. That’s why many are committed to the bank,” he adds.

The farmer also reveals that one of the worst examples is tobacco. If the harvest spoils because the farmer does not have fertilizers or any other necessary input, the Government harvests it and sells it, not as first class tobacco, but as a lower category. “The government takes something out of him, but the farmer is pawned.”

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Every Day 2,000 Migrants, Including Cubans, Cross the Rio Grande in Piedras Negras

On Wednesday, a group of 250 migrants was gathered in an orchard in Eagle Pass (Texas) (Twitter/@BillFOXLA)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 13 July 2022 — Hundreds and hundreds of people in a line, from one side to the other of the Rio Grande, in an incessant flow like the waters that cross. The images, recorded on the river border of Piedras Negras (Mexico) with Eagle Pass (Texas) and shared this Monday by the American journalist Bill Melugin, illustrate the cold numbers.

According to the Fox News reporter, last week there were more than 13,000 illegal crossings in the same area: “That’s almost 2,000 a day.” A federal source told him that 2,258 illegal immigrants arrived on Wednesday. Matías, a source from the Mexican prosecutor’s office in Coahuila who prefers not to give his last name, told 14ymedio that between Sunday and Tuesday more than 8,000 people crossed the border strip of about 90 kilometers between Ciudad Acuña and Piedras Negras, among them, “several families”.

The official also says that the Northeast cartel has taken over the traffic of Cubans, Venezuelans and Nicaraguans in the place. “They have hawks – children, vendors, bartenders – who inform them about free points to cross migrants through the Rio Grande,” he details.

Two coyotes were seen in the images shared by Bill Melugin, revealing the way they operate: once the coyotes leave one group, they return to Mexican territory to guide another.

The arrival of Cubans in the US has reached unprecedented numbers during the Joe Biden Administration. Data offered by the Department of Customs and Border Protection show that in the last eight months a total of 140,602 Cubans have entered the United States by land, an number that already exceeds the Mariel Boatlift exodus of 1980, when 125,000 people reached the United States in seven months. continue reading

Matías knows that the undocumented immigrants who come in a caravan “reach their limits and some residents near Rio Grande support them free of charge so they can reach their American dream.”

Those who arrive by bus are “detected by the hawks, who notify the coyotes about the places where people are. Either under threat or extortion, but they end up agreeing to cross the river with these smugglers,” says Matías. “They charge them between 600 to 1,000 dollars to pass them and they leave them there.” This network also brings migrants from Tabasco and Yucatan.

The Northeast cartel – a split from the old Gulf cartel – is a bloodthirsty group that is not only dedicated to transporting drugs, but also to extortion, kidnapping, homicides, fuel theft, bank robbery and human trafficking.

The Cuban Francisco Torné Martínez is not part of the group filmed on Monday, but he could have been. He stepped on US territory this Wednesday. “They took names and divided the group of more than 200 people, the Peruvians and the Guatemalans were put on a bus to return them over the bridge,” he refers to this newspaper.

Torné was taken along with 22 other Cubans, 39 Venezuelans and 9 Nicaraguans to a church. “Texas is returning those from El Salvador, Honduras, Haiti and Guatemala, but this could change as a result of Texas Governor Greg Abbott intensifying his campaign,” says official Matías.

Translated by Andrea Libre

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

They Challenge the Political Police and Demand Freedom for Their Children

The mothers of the 11J prisoners are not going to give up. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 July 2022 — “State Security visits us and harasses us, but we are going to continue asking for the freedom of our children.” The words of Migdalia Gutiérrez Padrón, mother of a 21-year-old young convicted because of the 11J protests [July 11, 2021] without even proof that he was there, explain why among more than 1,500 detainees in the anti-government demonstrations a year ago, there are barely only about twenty families who dare to raise their voices.

Warned and threatened, the mothers, wives, and sisters of the prisoners have become the weakest links for State Security, the easy target to ask for silence not to make things worse. But the political police did not count on the fact that links are also iron made. The political police lack the necessary expertise to understand that they would not be the first mothers in the world who fought for their children and managed, sooner or later, to bring genocides, traffickers and murderers to the dock.

Over several months, with the patience required to gain the trust of those who feel fear, the director of 14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, was able to interview the mothers of some of the 11J prisoners and the wife of one of them, who also suffers the consequences of having a son now fatherless. continue reading

These women agreed to tell where their loved ones were that Sunday, when the demonstrations began, how their arrests and grotesque trials took place, the painful days in prison, and the frustrated hope of a useless appeal. Some affirm that their children did not even participate, others claim that they marched peacefully asking for freedom, others cannot believe that even if they had thrown a stone, they have been sentenced more harshly than murderers and rapists.

They have all suffered having to bring food and clothing to their children and seeing them locked up in unworthy conditions. And although they all know that their fight is almost against a wall, they do not plan to abandon it. María Luisa Fleitas, one of our interviewees and the mother of a young man sentenced to 21 years in prison, wrote: “A son in prison is a dead mother.” But they are alive enough to keep fighting.

See also:
‘It Is Not a Crime to Ask for the Freedom of our Children, They Will Not Silence Us’

Barbara Farrat, Mother of 17-Year-Old Imprisoned for July Protests in Cuba, is Arrested and Released

Translated by Andrea Libre

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana, a Dead City with ‘More Police Than People on the Street’ and Without Lines

El Faro, one of the state stores that was completely empty this Monday. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 11 July 2022 — The harassment of independent activists and journalists since last week already foretold that this Monday, the one-year anniversary of the historic 11J demonstrations in Cuba, would be a day without disturbances. This is the case, at least in Havana, where numerous police officers, uniform and civilian, are deployed in the streets of the center. In their effort to maintain order, the authorities have even done what seemed impossible: they made the lines disappear.

“There’s nothing available in the neighborhood stores that always have lines in front, such as El Rápido, the Cupet de Infanta or Maisí. It seems that they’ve chosen to avoid the food lines today,” a neighbor of Central Havana tells this newspaper, surprised by the empty shops, the semi-deserted streets and the environment of surveillance.

In the Maisí store, located on Infanta Street, two other women commented that “there’s nothing for sale because, you know, today they don’t want people on the street.” Nor was there anything to buy at H. Upmann, on Zapata and Infanta, and Las Columnas, on Galiano.

At the doors, of course, there were individuals with an inquisitive attitude, who were clearly not there to buy, since nothing was offered. “Today there are more police than people on the street,” a boy murmured when he saw them. continue reading

The police operation was especially visible on Carlos III Street, which was full of officers. In the Plaza of the same name there was one business operating, with chicken and detergent for sale in pesos. On any other day, the line would have been massive; however, on Monday, there were only three people waiting.

Uniformed and civilian agents guarded the streets of Central Havana. (14ymedio)

“Here, here’s the line, they replied to an old man who asked, surprised by the low number. “And why are there so few people?” he asked. “They’ve only allowed the bodegas (ration stores) to be open today,” they explained.

On the door, a sign announced the distribution of the bodegas for the People’s Council of Pueblo Nuevo, the only one that has been open from June 22, without any modification to the rules of last May 20. Since then, purchases have been restricted by municipality and “cycles,” a controversial measure not only to distribute scarce products but also to avoid turmoil in the lines.

“It’s a shame there isn’t even one place open, not even one line, in all of Havana. It’s incredible,” exclaimed a boy also from Central Havana who, in vain, was looking for a place where he could shop paying in national currency.

The strategic points of that neighborhood, one of the emblematic scenarios of last year’s 11J demonstrations, were full of officers on Monday. A woman summarized the situation when passing a group of four Black Berets [Special Forces] walking along Boulevard San Rafael: “Not even one fly is flying here today.”

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuban Opponent Ariel Ruiz Urquiola Hospitalized on the Eighth Day of His Hunger Strike

The biologist and Cuban activist Ariel Ruiz Urquiola, this Monday in front of the offices of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva.

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Geneva, 11 July 2022 — On Monday, the Cuban biologist Ariel Ruiz Urquiola, an environmental and LGTBI activist, completed eight days on a hunger strike in front of the headquarters of the UN Office for Human Rights in Geneva, which he is demanding intervene to stop the harassment suffered by his family in Cuba.

“The only thing left for me is to ask the high commissioner (Michelle Bachelet) to adhere to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has been violated against my sister [Omara Ruiz Urquiola] and me through medical torture and crimes against humanity,” the Cuban activist, resident in Switzerland since 2019, told EFE.

Ruiz Urquiola accuses the Cuban regime of having expelled him and his sister from the University of Havana for their political activism, of trying to confiscate the land they work, after not being able to dedicate themselves to teaching, and now of preventing his sister from returning to Cuba after traveling to the US to treat breast cancer.

In addition, the activist affirms that Cuban authorities inoculated him with the HIV virus in 2019, when he was on another hunger strike, and that they have given his sister placebo treatments on several occasions instead of the medicines she needs against her cancer. continue reading

“Now that my sister is prohibited from entering Cuba, my mother is left alone and they are going for her: they want to confiscate our farm,” said Ruiz Urquiola, who has been sleeping outdoors in a Geneva square since July 4, and assured that it will remain there “as long as the body lasts.”

“The Geneva medical services and the police have been very concerned about my health, but my choice is to continue,” he said, and blamed the UN Office for the medical consequences that the current strike, the fifth it has carried out in almost 20 years of activism.

The Cuban expert added that just one person in charge from the office headed by Bachelet has been interested in his health these days, for which he considered “disastrous” the response of an institution before which he had already done a shorter strike hunger in 2020.

Translated by Andrea Libre

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Law Presented in Cuba to Require Press to Support ‘The Goals of the Socialist Society’

The regulation says that “freedom of the press constitutes a right of the people”, yes, but that this is exercised “according to the aims of the socialist society.” (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 July 2022 — On Tuesday, the Cuban government presented a preliminary draft of the Social Communication Law and opened, according to the official Granma newspaper, a “specialized consultation process” to support “the knowledge and study of the population regarding this norm.”

The 32nd version of the law was signed on April 15, but it was made public one day after the anniversary of the historic 11J (July 11th) protests throughout the island. Although the official press posits the law as an instrument to “regulate” the content in the press, already from its preliminary dispositions it makes its character clear: it says that “freedom of the press constitutes a right of the people,” yes, but that this is exercised “according to the aims of the socialist society.”

The text does not recognize any other type of ownership of the local media that is not state, as indicated in the 2019 Constitution.

At a press conference, Onelio Castillo Corderí, vice president of the Cuban Institute of Radio and Television (ICRT) and member of the document’s drafting commission, highlighted as the most important aspect of these consultations “being able to collect the opinion of the citizens, who constitute the core of all the communication processes that the standard describes.” continue reading

The document will go through a consultation starting this Tuesday that should end in September, commented the vice president of the state Union of Journalists of Cuba, Jorge Legañoa, without offering more details about the legislative path prior to its eventual approval. For the consultation an email address as been established an email, as well as “telephone numbers and other channels, through social networks, in many communication media, in organizations and institutions in the country,” Granma said.

The journalist, accompanied by two other press and social communication officials, stressed that the regulation covers the institutional, media and community spheres, and that it is the result of several months of investigation.

Legañoa described the preliminary project as “unprecedented, robust and as an opportunity to educate the public in matters of communication.”

The  regulation announced this Monday, which contains 69 articles, includes a regulation that prohibits the use of content “to make propaganda in favor of war, of a foreign state hostile to the interests of the nation, terrorism, violence and the apology of hatred among Cubans, with the aim of destabilizing the socialist rule of law,” among others.

It also points out that the country’s social communication system has the purpose of “fostering consensus and national unity around the Homeland, the Revolution and the Communist Party of Cuba.”

It also recognizes the income generated by advertising as one of the ways for the economic management of the media, as long as it does not go against “the principles that govern” the “socialist society” of the Island.

There is no recognition of independent media critical of the government and operating in a legal vacuum.

Last May, Cuba approved its new Penal Code in which, among other things, it sanctions with one to three years in prison “whoever spreads false news” with the purpose of “disturbing international peace, or endangering the prestige or the credit of the Cuban State.”

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

For Diaz-Canel, ’11J’ Protest in Cuba was an ‘Unpleasant Event’

Miguel Díaz-Canel doing “voluntary work” this Sunday with young people on an agricultural farm. (@PresidenciaCuba)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — The official Cuban press has also made an 11J [July 11th] “special.” It is a series of opinion and analysis pieces, including an editorial, dated this Monday to talk about what it calls a “soft coup.” The roll-out began this Sunday, with a conference dedicated to young people, supporters of the Government. “We have full confidence in the Cuban youth, and we feel the shows of support every day in the fight against the media war and the active participation in the development of the country,” said Miguel Díaz-Canel.

The president, guataca [hoe] in hand, appeared at an agricultural farm in Bauta, Artemisa, to participate in “voluntary work” and talk about the demonstrations of a year ago. The demonstrators were, for the most part, young people, many of them today in prison, many others in exile, and the few that remain, warned so that today they do not think of repeating the feat.

“I want to remind you that it is true that (on July 11) we experienced unpleasant events, which we do not want to happen in our country. There were acts of vandalism, some with cruelty and with tremendous vulgarity and aggressiveness,” Diaz-Canel said.

However, the president celebrated that day that “the people took to the streets to defend the Revolution, the young people took to the streets to defend the Revolution, and in less than 24 hours, in much less than 24 hours, there were no more disturbances and the acts of vandalism and totally denigrating crimes against facilities, against people, had been extinguished.

Surprisingly, the leader decided to appropriate the spirit of 11J stating that “if there is something to celebrate this Monday, it is the victory of the Cuban people, of the Cuban Revolution, in the face of the attempts of those who wanted to turn (that) into a soft coup.” continue reading

The message plays in the editorial this Monday in the official newspaper Granma, entitled Un Girón en Julio*, although it contradicts a certain tone with Díaz-Canel. The president gave a long dissertation in Bauta on how love is always in the essence of Cubans and the Revolution loves love. Amid so much sweetness, he identified the J11 (July 11th) protesters and those who supported them with hate and evil. “Now, from the call they make, they are also calling for ruptures from positions of vandalism, from positions of events against citizen stability, against the stability of life in the country.”

In its editorial, the Cuban Communist Party’s newspaper, however, contemplates July 11 as one of the many battles that, according to the text, the Revolution has faced since its birth and against which it emerged victorious. “Because the dangers are true,” it says, “it is that the Cuban people have always been in the throes of combat. This was demonstrated on July 11, when they crushed that skirmish in a few hours,” it says, without being very clear if, finally, the prevailing belief is that the demonstrations were a serious coup attempt or an insignificant disturbance.

The newspaper also believes that there is an interest in “generating the false idea that material shortages and difficulties respond to inefficiency in the management of the revolutionary government, and to cover up its real cause: the inhumane economic siege of the United States.”

For its part, the official website Cubadebate opens full page with an analysis in which several specialists participate to address the “skirmish” or “soft coup.” In it, reference is made to how the complicated circumstances that Cuba was going through a year ago — and which now are far from having improved — were used to “intoxicate” and “thus generate citizen mobilization in the street.”

There is also space on the web for Reinaldo Rosado Roselló, responsible for logistics at the University of Informatics Sciences, who suffered a wound to the forehead on July 11 and has become a preferred witness of the ruling party, which uses him as a victim of “violent” protests.

There is no mention of Diubis Laurencio Tejeda, killed by a police shot. Nor to the hundreds of detainees, many of them sentenced to more than twenty years, nor to the combat order of Miguel Díaz-Canel to take to the streets to defend the system, with weapons if necessary.

*Translator’s note: Un Girón en julio — A Girón in July — references what the US calls the ’Bay of Pigs.’

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The Cuban Police Should Have Protected Him, But They Ended up Killing Zidane, Age 17

Zinédine Zidane Batista with his father Yosvany Batista, in a photo taken in May of last year. (Facebook/Yosvany Batista)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 12 July 2022 — When Zinédine Zidane Batista Álvarez was born, 17 years ago, his own father, Yosvany, wrote his name, that of the renowned French footballer, on a piece of paper, so that they would not make a mistake in the certification. “Then it turned out that he liked baseball more than football.”

Yosvany Batista, 43, speaks to 14ymedio with bitterness and without fear. He has been devastated since his son’s life was taken from him on July 1 in the El Condado neighborhood, in Santa Clara, where the family lives.

The images, which immediately spread through social networks, are brutal. The young man lies on the ground, handcuffed and with blood oozing from a gash in his thigh. A policeman approaches and kicks him in the abdomen. Then he fires a second shot into the chest, and the body stops moving.

Zidane had been experiencing an intense neighborhood conflict for months in which the authorities had hardly mediated, despite the complaints made by the family. His father is blunt: the uniformed men who should have protected him ended up killing him.

“That same morning, July 1, my son and I went to the 5th police station because we had a citation,” recalls Batista. The family was immersed in a dispute that had escalated in recent months, with occupants who broke into the house where the young man, his wife and his children had sneaked in some time before. “It is a house that has been empty for five years because the owner left for Spain and died there,” explains the man.

They spent two hours at the police station with the prosecutor who was handling the case. Upon returning, the man lay down for a while and his son played video games. “Around half past two in the afternoon we got the news that that other family, with whom we had already had many problems, had attacked the cousin of my son’s wife, who was in the La Latina store,” he says. continue reading

They immediately returned to the police station to report this new attack, but they were told that they could not do anything “against these people who entered the house one day when they took advantage of the fact that my son went to take one of the girls from his wife to the hospital, and after that they didn’t want to go out anymore.”

Faced with what he denounces as inaction by the authorities, he urged his son to resolve the conflict on his own. “I told the occupants to get out of the house and that this problem had to be resolved and we stopped in front of 217 Rodolfo Valderas Street, in El Condado,” he details ,with the Batista address.

“After about 20 minutes waiting for the other family,” he recalls, they started down the road in another direction, when, suddenly, “they hit us from behind. They threw stones at us and we also responded with stones. I received a flat blow with a machete and a stone on the forearm. When the police arrived, more or less an hour after the conflict began, everything was more of a verbal fight.”

Batista says that his son had a machete and he himself had a knife, and that he gave Zidane both weapons when he heard the sirens of the patrols, telling him to return to the house. And he insists: “The police did not try to calm the situation, but rather intensified the violence. When they arrived, they immediately went upstairs to beat me. My son was already leaving, seeing me on the floor he comes back.”

The policemen who pounced on Yosvany to hit him took the young Zidane out of sight. “I only heard him shout that no one was going to hit me and then I felt the shot. It was the second, because I didn’t hear the first one. I got the strength from I don’t know from where and got up, but I already saw him handcuffed on the ground and bleeding while they continued to beat him.”

Yosvany tried to help him, carrying him, but he couldn’t: “He was already almost dead.” The forensic report confirmed after one shot entered through the thigh and the other through the upper left area of ​​the thorax. “They took him to the hospital because people started yelling at them to help him. His wife’s cousin was the one who put a tourniquet on his leg.”

“I started chasing the policeman who had shot him and he fired two shots at my feet. Luckily, none of them hit me.” At that moment, says Yosvany, his youngest son, 11 years old, crossed his mind, and that was what prevented him from killing the agent: “Now I would not be doing this interview, but in the cemetery.”

Batista believes that, since he was already wounded and could not flee, the second shot was not necessary. “When he was already on the ground, handcuffed, they shot him again. That’s the image you see in the video. They finish him off on the ground, without having any chance of defending himself. I saw the blood on his pants, but I I thought it was a small wound.”

Zidane Batista’s parents have been married for 19 years and have five grandchildren, they are pastors of the Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry. (Courtesy)

The man continues: “The second shot lodged in his lung and by the time he got to the hospital and they tried to revive him, he was already dead. My wife didn’t have the courage to dress the body when it was handed over to her for the funeral. Now we’ve been told that there is an investigation. I am going to make statements this week to see if we can prosecute the police officer who killed him.”

Zidane, recalls his father, was born on Calle Martí, in El Condado Norte. “He liked horses and he was a good son.” He loved animals and raised pigeons. Both Yosvany and his wife, who have been married for 19 years and have five grandchildren, are pastors of the Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry.

“When she and I met we had housing problems and we occupied an empty Medical Office, we lived there for almost ten years,” he details. “Later we moved to Camajuaní as shepherds. Zidane was asthmatic, also very intelligent, although he did not like school very much. He had a great memory for historical events.”

“When Zidane met his partner, she was already pregnant and he gave the baby girl his last name. He adored that girl,” he says. “They have told many lies about my son, but most of what they say about alleged crimes is false. He was detained because he witnessed the July 11, 2021 protests and they fined him 2,000 pesos for violating sanitary measures*.”

On the day of the historic demonstrations last year, Batista insists, Zidane “went to bathe in the river and then to get some yogurt for the girl. They stayed as spectators looking at the people who were protesting and for that he and his wife were fined. They arrested him, mistreated him, beat him up and only released him after seven days. From then on he had to go sign in at the fifth police station.”

Although the father insists that Zidane was surprised by the protests on the road, “I told the police that if he shouted something, at least he had the courage to express what he felt, because Cuban youth have no choice at all, no possibility of developing themselves. Parents spend a lot of work to be able to support them.”

The pain, now, is unbearable for him. He could not go to his son’s funeral because he was detained at the time after the fight. “I haven’t been able to go to the cemetery because I don’t have the courage to see his grave.”

*Translator’s note: “Violating sanitary measures” most likely means not wearing a facemask.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Pope Francis Confesses: ‘I Have a Human Relationship with Raul Castro’

From left to right, Pope Francis, Raúl Castro and his grandson, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ’El Cangrejo’, son of the recently deceased Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja. (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 July 2022 — Pope Francis avoided referring to the protests of July 11, 2021 in Cuba this Monday, when the first anniversary of that historic day was celebrated. Journalists María Antonieta Collins, from Univisión, and Valentina Alazraki, from Televisa, specifically asked him about this in an interview. However, the pontiff did not want to mention the demonstrations and the current situation on the Island and diverted his response to the 2014 “thaw” between the US and the Island.

“I was happy,” he said, “when that small agreement with the United States was made, which President Obama wanted at the time and Raúl Castro accepted… It was a good step forward but it has stopped now,” the pontiff said, adding that he is aware of new “narratives” and “probing dialogues” to “shorten the distance” between Havana and Washington.

“I confess: I have a human relationship with Raúl Castro,” said the Pope, who said he felt, as expected, “very close to the Cuban bishops.”

“Cuba is a symbol. Cuba has a great history,” concluded the Pope, who in 2016 had described Havana as “the capital of unity,” during the signing of a controversial joint declaration between the Vatican and Patriarch Kirill of Moscow at the José Martí airport.

Pope Francis was one of the main actors in the restoration of diplomatic relations between the island and the United States. The late Cuban Cardinal Jaime Ortega described the Vatican mediation between Obama and Castro as a process characterized by “extreme discretion, secret conversations, quest for access to key personalities, hidden encounters, tenacious overcoming of obstacles.”

The Pope’s sympathies towards the Cuban Government have remained intact since those years. During the 11J protests, many expected an expression of condemnation of state violence and closeness to the people, but on that occasion he was no less evasive. continue reading

After a long silence, during the Angelus prayer on July 18, he listlessly mentioned the situation on the Island: “I ask the Lord to help you build an increasingly just and fraternal society in peace, dialogue and solidarity. I urge  all Cubans to entrust themselves to the maternal protection of the Virgin Mary of Charity of El Cobre. She will accompany them on this journey.”

To this was added that, in October 2021, the Vatican authorities and the Italian Police prohibited a group of Cubans from demonstrating in Saint Peter’s Square, under the pretext that they could only enter as pilgrims and not to make political demands. The demonstrators recalled, in turn, that in 2008 several Italian citizens entered the same place, with a banner demanding the release of the five Cuban spies detained in the United States.

Collins and Alazraki also asked Francis how he felt about being accused of being a communist by different figures and the media. “I’m not worried. I see it as something outdated,” was his response.

“Certain media groups dedicate themselves to ideologizing our position. Sometimes they do not know how to distinguish what communism is from what Nazism, populism or popularism is. So with the communism thing, I say: this is outdated, those accusations are over,” he added.

The interview, which has already been applauded by the Cuban official press, also addressed the rumors about the pontiff’s resignation due to his health problems. “I don’t feel that the Lord is asking me,” he said, although he did not rule out that in the future he could leave the papal seat, which he has chaired for 9 years, if it became an “obstacle.”

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To Speak of Tourism in Cuba Requires More, Much More

Several tourists take pictures in the Havana’s Plaza Vieja. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, June 22, 2022 — Not to rain on your parade, but tourism in Cuba deserves a more respectful podium, and one more in tune with the economic and social reality of the island, new economic actors and the global environment. Cubadebate titled a report in the following manner, “Tourism is transitioning to a new era, a new traveler and an economic challenge,” referring to sessions at the XV International Journalism and Tourism Seminar, which was held recently in Havana, at the  headquarters of the José Martí International Journalism Institute. This activity was organized by the Tourist Press Circle, UPEC, and the José Martí Institute, and highlights diverse issues related to tourism and the transformations in this sector due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the global economic crisis.  I insist they should be more ambitious.

The underlying thesis of some participants who presented at the seminar is that, following the pandemic, the world will shift “toward a new tourism, a new traveler and toward a new era,” and also, “a rebirth rather than a recovery of tourism,” taking into consideration the very negative impact the pandemic has had on tourism which we hope to put behind us.

This vision seems relevant and coincides, in general, with that which we have put forth in this blog when analyzing why tourism in Cuba continues, in 2022, to be below the levels seen in 2019, the last normal year. Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Cancún and even Honduras, are reporting more favorable estimates and are preparing to reach historic numbers of travelers and income this year.

Why is Cuba falling behind while others gain a competitive edge? A good question which has not been answered during the seminar. If communists would allow themselves to be advised, they’ve received the first kick in the nose, when they say we are facing a new tourism, a new traveler, and a new era. But not only has demand changed, which is true and will require directing financial resources to research the new market and identify its preferences and needs, but also Cuba has changed the supply and no one seems to have noticed that. A new network of private actors has emerged and are betting on offering all kinds of tourism in an efficient and competitive manner, adding value to the product. continue reading

But the communist leaders don’t give a damn. They’d need to recognize that the exploitative model of Cuban tourism (hotels owned by the state and Spanish management companies) have barely changed since Fidel Castro authorized tourism as an economic activity some time in the 1990s. They’ve been doing the same things for 30 years, and as was said in the seminar, everything has changed.

They spoke of the Caribbean, without a doubt one of global tourisms privileged zones, with an increased dependency on this activity, a surface of 300,000 square kilometers and a population of 52 million, similar to that of Italy. The Caribbean Sea is 2,763,800 square kilometers and as stated during the seminar, is divided into two large zones, an insular Caribbean reached by plane or ship and the other, continental, reached by train or road, which has allowed the Caribbean to maintain supply chains.

There are 30 tourist destinations in the Caribbean which compete for market share; the tourist who goes to Jamaica does not come to Cuba and one who goes to the Dominican Republic does not go to Jamaica or Cuba. In the insular Caribbean, known as the Antilles, a decline in tourism of more than 50% was reported, but it was not clarified that the decline varies notably among the different destinations. Cuba has experienced a decline of 75% but the Dominican Republic, for example, has surpassed pre-pandemic levels. It was reported that the Antilles contain 380,000 rooms in more than 2,000 ranked hotels. The region includes 51 international airports and 97 ports, 15 of which are equipped to berth cruise ships.

The Caribbean tourism supply expo did not serve to highlight that these destinations do not only compete amongst themselves, but for years the Caribbean as a region has competed with other areas of the planet, even far away regions such as East Asia, because air travel has allowed globalization of those destinations. We must begin to view the Caribbean as an integrated zone, and align tourism policies, or things will not go well.

To this point, someone in the seminar asked, “For what are all these hotels being built?” comparing the vertiginous pace at which the hotel supply was expanding, as in Cuba, with the decline in tourism. They justified themselves by saying that this is an international practice and that in Cuba, few are being built relative to the global scene. Which is not completely true, if you take into consideration the source of funding, which in Cuba is public. This requires neglecting other items and social needs. In contrast, at the international level hotels are built using private funds.

Another statement which did not align with reality is that the hotel sector actually belongs to the real estate sector and not tourism as such. This is only true when hotels belong to a proprietor who leases them, but in most cases, the hotel belongs to a chain that manages them and the property rights, valued in the accounts, is a very important factor in obtaining financing and the consolidation of budgets. This is not possible in Cuba since hotels are state property. What do they intend to do, convert the Cuban communist state into a lessor of hotels?

There is also a significant preoccupation with the buying and selling of islands and islets in the Caribbean to transform them into luxury destinations. It is said that this could create governance issues on the islands in the future, which any prospective analysis would conclude. However, this is an option to take into consideration, for which a potential market exists, willing to invest in this type of operation and it is inconvenient to lose the potential of these keys which exist in Cuba, which in many cases remain on the underutilized.

Then, betting that Cuba will consolidate in sun and sand tourism, with the sole aim of accounting for the 77,809 existing hotel rooms, does not seem appropriate, taking into consideration the trends of the tourism sector. Mature European destinations have been abandoning this model at a quick pace, and betting on quality and service, incorporating elements of value in tourism for the new traveler of the new era.

Contrary to what was said, the tourism sector in Cuba has little potency when faced with tourism’s challenges, motivated by its concentration: 44% of hotel rooms are five star, which influences the comparative price of travel packages, and 48% of lodgings belong to Grupo Gaviota, another 22% to Cubanacán, 18% to Gran Caribe and 12% to Islazul. On the other hand, about 50,000 rooms are managed by foreign hotel companies, mainly Meliá, Iberostar, BlueDiamond, Roc, Barceló, Blau, Kempinski, Accor, NH, Axel, Be Live and Sirenis. There was no reference made to private individuals who provide tourist accommodations in their homes or other properties, which in some urban destinations compete directly with hotels.

And what can be said of the marketing and tourism campaign with the “Única” [“Unique”] message presented at the seminar? Well, another failure. They reassured that the campaign aims to associate the destination of Cuba with the people, Cubans, “primary ambassadors of the attractions.” We caution against that message, which could raise expectations that cannot be confirmed later by tourists upon reaching the Island, with increasing misery and desperation; and this can have a devastating impact on the tourist. There is no doubt that Cubans are hospitable people, happy, supportive, but at this time, there must be a prudent glance at the social reality to see whether those patterns continue.

During the seminar they will also cover other topics, such as climate change and tourism, resilient tourism in Cuba, the impact of tourism on local development, the role of travel journalism, and with the Be Epic conference, there will be featured sessions dedicated to Meliá, Vive y Punto and Blue Diamond, the Canadian hotel group. We’ll see where this all ends up.

Translated by: Silvia Suárez

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

11J (July 11th) in Cuba: ’14ymedio’ Was Here and Will Stay Here

People demonstrate in front of the Cuban Capitol, in Havana, on July 11, 2021. (EFE/Ernesto Mastrascusa)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — That July 11, the 14ymedio reporters were in the streets of Havana and Santiago de Cuba, anonymously, like almost all Cubans who went out that day to demonstrate peacefully. They were unable to immediately transmit the photos and videos they had collected. That same day and for the next three, the state telecommunications monopoly Etecsa cut off telephones and the internet, in an attempt to prevent the example of San Antonio de los Baños from spreading to the rest of the country.

Etecsa did not succeed and it did not manage to prevent this newspaper from continuing to work. El Cafecito Informativo, the podcast that is published daily with the most important news of the day, did not miss a single one of those days. Through a small thread, the Editorial Office in Havana managed to send the information.

It was confusing, at first. The networks spoke of deaths and injuries everywhere and of thousands and thousands of detainees. One thing was certain: the “combat order” given by Miguel Díaz-Canel on the afternoon of 11J had materialized in violent repression.

The next day, in La Güinera, a police officer killed a young man, Diubis Laurencio Tejeda, from behind, in a case that still has no clear explanations. The detainees, whose names were compiled little by little by Justice 11J, a group of women sponsored by the Cubalex legal organization, number 1,484 as of today, of which 701 are still in prison and 622 have been prosecuted.

The trials, this newspaper has also reported, were pantomimes and the sentences were excessive. Hundreds of Cubans – mostly young, some under 18, and poor – sentenced to prison terms as if they had raped or killed. Their crime: shouting “freedom,” “down with the dictatorship,” “Díaz-Canel singao [motherfucker],” “Patria y Vida” [Homeland and Life].

One year after the historic protests, 14ymedio pays tribute to them. First, offering its readers a special PDF that brings together the interviews conducted by our director, Yoani Sánchez, with several mothers of 11J detainees.

We also publish a first-person chronicle by Alejandro Mena Ortiz, one of our seasoned reporters who documented the demonstrations in Havana. A testimony from within the Island, from the heart of the protests.

But, outside of it, the hearts of thousands of Cubans in exile also beat, in suspense, between surprise and the hope of seeing, for the first time in 62 years, a people challenge the dictatorship. For this reason, we wanted to ask several of them, artists, writers and historians, what they make of 11J.

The conclusion is bittersweet. After the protests, the country is experiencing the greatest exodus in its history, repression has increased notably, several independent projects have ceased to function and the idea has settled in the minds of many Cubans that “if it wasn’t on 11J, then it can’t be.” However, the causes that brought thousands to the streets are still valid. The next outburst will be different.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: 11J (July 11th), the Day We Swallowed Our Fear

A group of demonstrators in Havana during the protests on July 11, 2021. (Marcos Evora)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 11 July 2022 — No one foresaw it, no analyst included it in their forecasts, and even the most optimistic had put aside, years ago, the possibility of a popular protest in Cuba. “People have gotten used to it,” “young people prefer to jump into the sea than to demonstrate in a plaza,” “their civic-mindedness has been amputated,” “they have become meek and docile,” were some of the phrases repeated to us from all sides, but the day of 11 July 2021 was enough to destroy all those diagnoses that made us seem like a people unable to raise our voices.

That Sunday morning, the spark did not even catch fire in the two largest cities in the country, but in the streets of San Antonio de los Baños, in the province of Artemisa, a community that until then we associated in our minds with the Ariguanabo River, a good-humored town with its international film school and long blackouts. The first images of the popular outrage reached us through Facebook and Twitter, but our own skepticism dampened the enthusiasm and many of us thought that it was just something momentary and small.

Then the demand spread through Palma Soriano in Santiago de Cuba, Cárdenas in Matanzas, different points of Havana and many other regions. What no one had predicted was happening. For many, that was one of the most important days of their lives, to the point that everyone on this Island remembers what we were doing when the demonstrations began. Like the day a child is born to us, a parent dies or a natural catastrophe occurs, 11J has left a mark on our lives.

And then came the repression pushed and propelled by Miguel Díaz-Canel and the “combat order” that he issued before the cameras of national television, a summons that could one day take him before a court to be tried for inciting violence and launching the military against unarmed people. Not only did we see the uniformed officers viciously beat young people and teenagers, but also the official press – which had initially been left without a script and did not know how to react to the people in the streets – begin to try to create a different story, one parallel to the reality.

In that narrative, dictated by the Plaza de la Revolución, the protests were small, violent, carried out by criminals, vandals and the marginalized. To impose this fiction they appealed to the monopoly of television, radio and printed newspapers, but the truth of 11J had already crept into the retinas of millions of people thanks to social networks and the independent press. In the images that came out of hundreds and thousands of mobile phones, we can see a citizenry that once again, after being gagged for decades, proves its civic voice. It was the day we swallowed our fear, chewed it for a long time and realized that we, the dissatisfied, greatly outnumbered the repressors.

After those bright hours, in which the protests showed their libertarian and massive character, the long night of repression arrived, and we continue under it now. But it is enough to remember that Sunday last summer to conclude that Cubans are no longer the same. We have shouted in the streets, we have chanted freedom and we have shown the world that we are neither cowards nor bowed down, just that a calculated dictatorship has prevented us from taking our places for a long time. The next outbreak will also be neither announced nor predictable, but it may be the last time the regime can crush the unrest and respond with punches, gunshots and trials. On 11J we also learned that fear changed sides.
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Editor’s Note: This text was originally published in DW in Spanish.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.