The ousted Freemasonry leader has the support of the Cuban authorities

14ymedio, Havana, June 12, 2025 — A new document signed by Mayker Filema Duarte, dismissed as Grand Master (GM) of the Grand Lodge of Cuba (GLC) on May 25, was made public this Wednesday, June 11. During an extraordinary assembly that brought together more than a hundred Masonic representatives from all over the country, Juan Alberto Kessel Linares was elected in his place. Filema had already issued a statement calling those who stopped him “traitors” and announcing a purge within the Order.
In his new statement, he confirmed his intention to remain at the head of the GLC and disqualified his provisional successor, Kessel, whom he branded as a “self-styled leader by and for a group of brothers,” and someone who, according to him, “does not have institutional recognition.” He also denied the legitimacy of the session where his dismissal was voted, which he referred to as a “so-called Upper Chamber session.”
Those who removed him are organizing a meeting for June 14
The main reason for the statement is to oppose a meeting of those who removed him, scheduled for June 14. He accuses them of “promoting and instigating the plan” as well as violating “the sworn principles of discretion and reserve.” “Once again they intend to use our headquarters,” he added, “to offer a message to the world of instability and ungovernability.” He called the scheduled meeting a show and accused the organizers of being responsible for “total destabilization.”
Cuban Masonry is now going through its worst crisis since the 1921 schism. Filema himself has described the situation as an “insurmountable break,” reflecting the depth of the conflict, which combines corruption scandals, internal divisions between the GLC and the Supreme Council of Degree 33, and a growing and undeniable interference of the Cuban State, particularly the Ministry of Justice and State Security. Tensions have been catalyzed by episodes such as the theft of $19,000 in 2024, the imposition of government-like figures and the exclusion of members critical of officialdom.
In its statement, Filema also attacked the independent media, especially Cubanet, which it accused of “extreme bias.” Without naming her directly, he also criticized the journalist Camila Acosta, stating that “one of the media collaborators,” based in Miami, “maintains close relations with brothers opposed to our principles of Fraternity.”
“Only in dictatorships is it a crime to take sides or defend unofficial positions,” said Camila Acosta
Acosta replied from her personal Facebook account: “The ’bias’ has a viable argument, which is not a crime, but part of the freedom of expression that we defend. Only in dictatorships is it a crime to take sides or defend unofficial positions.”
The “opposing brother” referred to by Filema is none other than Ángel Santiesteban Prats, writer, screenwriter of the film ‘Plantados‘ and partner of Acosta, who was expelled in April from the symbolic degrees of the Order, but not from the philosophical degrees (4 to 33). Santiesteban has repeatedly accused Filema of serving the interests of the Ministry of Justice and has denounced the support he receives from state official Miriam Marta García Mariño, Director of Associations.
To this is added the repetition of the narrative on “economic and logistical support from foreign sources”
Filema’s accusations against the Masonic dissidence and the free press reproduce with disturbing similarity the official speech of the Cuban regime. His constant appeals to “the laws of the country,” “the competent authorities” and the denunciation of “acts of public disorder” do not distance him from the “political nuances” that he himself condemns. According to his critics, these expressions reinforce the perception that he acts as an operator within a state strategy of institutional control. To this is added the repetition of the narrative about “economic and logistical support from foreign sources,” an argument used by the Cuban ideological apparatus to delegitimize any dissident voice.
Government interference has been even more evident in the case of the Supreme Council of Degree 33. The Ministry of Justice not only refused to recognize the re-election of Commander José Ramón Viñas – an uncomfortable figure for officialdom – but also tried to impose Lázaro Cuesta Valdés, a Freemason and Babalawo (Santeria priest), linked to religious structures controlled by the State. Cuesta has been noted for his role in the “moderation” of the Letters of the Year issued by the Miguel Febles Commission, in order to avoid clashes with the government’s narrative.
In 1921, despite the intensity of the conflict, a definitive break was avoided
The intervention of the Ministry of Justice in the interpretation of the internal rules of the Order has been strongly rejected by large sections of Freemasonry, who consider this a violation of their autonomy and a threat to their founding principles.
Cuban Masonic history offers an illustrative antecedent: the schism of 1921. At that time, the GLC experienced a break when it decided to incorporate 16 lodges from the east of the country. However, despite the intensity of the conflict, a definitive break was avoided. Thanks to the publication of manifestos, fraternal debates and the strengthening of institutional mechanisms, the crisis was resolved without external intervention. That episode is remembered as a lesson in maturity, in which Cuban Masonry showed that it is able to overcome its divisions by appealing to its own values, without submitting to political impositions.
Translated by Regina Anavy
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