Most of Maduro’s bodyguards were linked to Cuban State Security and came from the east of the island, especially from Granma and Santiago.
14ymedio, Havana, 5 January 2025 — Official information regarding the 32 Cubans killed in Venezuela during the US operation to capture Nicolás Maduro remains scarce, fragmented, and marked by silences. However, in recent hours, social media, private messages, and partial confirmations from local authorities have allowed for a preliminary reconstruction of who some of these men were and what kind of roles they played in Venezuela.
What has been emerging consistently points to personnel linked to Cuban State security organs and the Armed Forces, many of them integrated into rings of direct protection of the Chavista power, and mostly from the east of the Island, especially from the provinces of Granma and Santiago de Cuba.
The Cuban government declared a national day of mourning after acknowledging that the deceased were “carrying out missions on behalf of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior,” an admission that contrasts sharply with years of official denials regarding the presence of Cuban troops in Venezuela. However, no official lists with names, ranks, or roles have been published, nor have clear details been provided about the circumstances of each death, leaving fertile ground for speculation and secondhand accounts.
The first secretary of the Communist Party in Granma province, Yudelkis Ortiz Barceló, acknowledged that six of the deceased were officers from Granma.
One of the first confirmations with institutional backing came from Granma province. The First Secretary of the Communist Party in Granma, Yudelkis Ortiz Barceló, acknowledged that six of the deceased were officers from Granma, without specifying their identities. Subsequently, specific names began to circulate. Among these is Fernando Báez Hidalgo, 26, a native of Río Cauto (Granma), linked to the Personal Security Directorate of the Ministry of the Interior and identified as a direct bodyguard of Maduro. His name has been mentioned in several concurring publications, although without official confirmation.
Also from Granma, Erduin Rosabal, a native of La Rinconada, has been identified, indicated in messages and publications as a member of the first security ring of the Venezuelan president.
Landy Osoria López, originally from Baire, Contramaestre, is from Santiago de Cuba. He has repeatedly been described as a member of Cuban State Security and part of the team deployed in Caracas. Several publications place him among the deceased, even citing family addresses, although this information has not been corroborated by a single official source.
Independent journalist Yosmany Mayeta Labrada reported the death of 33-year-old Alejandro Rodríguez, a resident of the Boniato neighborhood. According to testimonies gathered by the reporter, the family received conflicting accounts from authorities regarding the location and removal of the body. A relative recounted that they were initially told the body was missing, then that it had been located and they would be notified. According to this source, both Rodríguez Royo and his brother were allegedly linked to State Security structures.
Also from Santiago is Yordenis Marlonis, who was identified as a member of the Venezuelan president’s and his wife’s direct security detail. According to various publications, he was the son of parents from the town of Dos Caminos and leaves behind his wife and young daughter in Cuba. Sources cited by La Tijera indicate that prior to his assignment in Venezuela, he had been a bodyguard for Lázaro Expósito Canto, the former first secretary of the Communist Party in that province, a fact that reinforces his affiliation with high-level security forces. Officials from the Ministry of the Interior reportedly informed his family of his death, although without providing specific details.
These names are in addition to images and messages posted by profiles linked to veterans of special forces, such as the Black Wasps.
Other identities have emerged from Pinar del Río, including Yoel Caraballo, a native of Consolación del Sur, whose death was reportedly officially confirmed to his daughter by the Personal Security Directorate of that same ministry. His case stands out as one of the few so far in which a direct and formal notification to a family member is mentioned.
The case of Yandri, whose last name is still unknown, also falls within the family sphere. His death was announced by his cousin Moraima Rodríguez on social media. In her message, the woman expressed pride in his “duty fulfilled” protecting Maduro, a statement that, regardless of its tone, confirms the deceased’s role as a bodyguard.
These names are in addition to images and messages posted by profiles linked to special forces veterans, such as the Avispas Negras [Black Wasps], who have disseminated photographs of alleged unidentified fallen bodyguards, accompanied by slogans of loyalty and sacrifice. Although these types of posts have a strong propaganda slant, they all point to direct protection duties.
The absence of a complete official list, the opaque handling of information, and the reliance on leaks and private mourning reinforce the feeling that the truth about these 32 deaths is still incomplete and continues to trickle out, from the margins, rather than from institutions.
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