The Jealous Fridge / Regina Coyula

Near the house there is a store in CUC where after closing it seems they turn off the refrigerators and then turn them back on in the morning when they open again, such that when they open the frozen food is thawed with an unpleasant look and a horrible smell. Just in case, I never buy at the store, but the other day I went for a bottle of oil and I heard this surreal dialogue:

Compañera! Why are the hot dogs always soft? (An older gentleman with a baseball cap that has left a bag with groceries in the door.)

Compañero, it’s that the fridge is defective.

– What do you mean by defective!!!

– Defective, it doesn’t freeze well.

– Are you sure?

– What do you mean am I sure, Compañero?

– Yes, young lady, because it seems the refrigerator is neurotic, or Mr. Fridge is giving her a bad time, because if I come in the morning the products are thawed, but in the afternoon they have solved their problems and everything here is frozen.

– Ay Compañero, you talk so weird…

Translated by: L. Rodriguez

April 29 2011

The Silent Re-Evolution / Angel Santiesteban

Photo: Reuters

MANY FRIENDS HAVE written me to ask why my posts are postponed when the always turbulent Cuban reality, unfortunately for us, requires direct and constant attention. My closest friends demand a commitment to my readers. Others, most of them strangers, have approached me in the street to tell me that they are aware of my blog and miss new writings.

On reading the emails or hearing the words I couldn’t help but feel a certain irresponsibility and, at the same time, an infinite pleasure, because to demand my opinion is a sign of recovery of the social health so lacking in our society, the need for information, and the search for it no matter what.

Something is changing in the minds of Cubans, perhaps because we have begun to lose our fear, others because the blinders have fallen from their eyes. They know they were misled. There is nothing left, now, of what was so much promised in exchange for the sacrifice of several generations. They have been cheated of their lives, and the only thing left is to search for the truth, then to tell it to those close to you, because they need it, and urge them to share it and to feel the relief provided by it. Knowing the truth is like a virus that, after an incubation period, runs through our bodies, and at the instant of filling them, is contagious.

I owe my readers an explanation: my work as a writer, these days, occupies all my time and I don’t believe I’m able to write all the literature that, emerging from within me, kick with anger because it is the moment of their birth. I finished two books of short stories, started a novel, halfway, and happened to have another almost finished. I am preparing an anthology of my stories to be published in Europe. A publisher asks me for a noir novel that a wrote for amusement some years ago and haven’t looked at again, and so I have taken it up again lately.

I have also been regularly summoned by and met with the police authorities of the country. Since I haven’t received any new denunciations after their accusing me of being a “rapist,” “assailant,” “thief,” “murder suspect,” “threatener of a stranger,” “running over a child with my car,” etc. without any victims nor witnesses coming forward; in short, the years the Prosecutor is asking for these supposed crimes, exceed fifty.

As I wrote in a previous post, after the presentation of a hidden camera video where a supposed “witness,” who never came to testify against me, confesses the pressure and offers made to him to agree to discredit me, that haven’t continued this line of government blackmail.

Now there’s a new variant. They’ve referred me the Havana Psychiatric Hospital (Mazorra),where they make me write, draw cartoons, answer questions from doctors who tell me secretly that they like my books. In a way, there’s nothing for it but to enjoy it, I know that in some way I have to collect this experience, and it is a post I have to write, because I looked for the pavilion where, last year, they killed the elderly left unprotected.

At this time I add my duties to a fraternal organization which I have belonged to for twenty-three years and which I love with a passion, where I hold positions of importance. Add to that, due to an accident, I lost the phalanx of a finger. But all is well now, the rest of the fingers type. Anyway, I have lost other spiritual pieces that were more important to me.

But nothing is overwhelming when I think that “something is changing,” I’m sure that’s the salvation of our country. This is a silent “re-evolution,” an insubordination in the minds of people that leads to postponed resolutions.

These days I write the posts I owe, it’s my duty, because “something is changing” in the Cuban population, and it’s for the better.

April 29 2011

Cuba: Selective and Controlled Internet Access / Laritza Diversent

Yordanka uses the internet to look for friends and to find ways of escaping the island. However, she believes the arrival of the fiberoptic cable will not improve her possibility of freely accessing the web.

Laritza Diversent

“I don’t think that the cable connection will improve internet access for Cubans, and I also don’t believe that it represents more freedom in Cuba”, assures Yordanka Rodriguez. The young 23 year old navigates the web at midnight by using her house phone line and logging in through one of the accounts belonging to a state institution. In the online world, she tries to make new friends.

“In the internet I look for invitations or weddings. I want to live like a person, without having to think that I’m going to get in trouble every 5 minutes. To live like that, I have to leave here,” Rodriguez confesses.

In 1996, Cuba officially connected to the internet, and the government declared that “access to information networks with global reach will be selective and will be regulated”. In 2000, the government established a single access point to the international network in order to control the connections of national users.

According to the Ministry of Information and Communications (MIC), international software “raises the service costs and reduces reliability”.

“I have to use proxy software to access certain pages, none of which are made up of political content, because if that’s the case then I will seriously get myself in trouble,” affirms Yordanka.

One of the constant worries of the government is that the information found on the internet must be “worthy” and that all of the information which is actually allowed be “in correspondence with ethical principles and that it will not affect the interests or the security of the country”.

In 2000, the government also regulated the access of entities onto the internet as well, in order to avoid any compromise of official information. From the very beginning, the government’s policies have been aimed at prioritizing only those “connections, lawful people, and institutions of superior relevance for life and development of the country”.

For more than a decade now, the directors of the State Central Administration Agency (OACE) ask, by way of a letter to the Ministry, authorization for certain workers to access the internet from their homes.

“Web access is solely for those who are politically committed to the system and for those who have enough money to pay all the expenses associated with it,” the young woman says. In her own case, for the monthly payment of 150 convertible pesos (CUC), the Internet Administrator of a specific work center provides her with internet access.

“The account I use belongs to a business, which, in other words, is something illegal. It is dial-up services, so I have to find ways that they cannot find my telephone number,” Yordanka explains.

The government also authorized the Telecommunications Company of Cuba S.A (ETECSA) to use all the necessary technological means to impede phone lines which operate with national non-convertible currency from accessing navigation systems.

These measures intend to prevent password theft, “intentional degradations, and fraudulent and unauthorized means of accessing this service”. This was not applied, however, to the authorized phone numbers of the OACE chiefs, meaning that they can access the internet.

Despite the restrictions and the excessive control, the islanders view the internet as a means of broadening their horizons — starting from anything like leaving the country, to the promotion of certain services, and or merchandise. “Internet offers Cubans a new life, and that’s why access to it will continue to be selective and tightly controlled”, concludes Yordanka.

Translated by Raul G.

April 30 2011

The Mansion, The Country / Yoani Sánchez

She has a five-bedroom house that is falling to pieces. She got it in the seventies when the family for whom she worked as a maid went into exile. At first she went through all the rooms each day, the interior patio, caressed the marble banister of the stairs to the second floor, played at filling the basins of the three bathrooms just to be reminded that this neoclassical mansion was now hers. The joy lasted for a while, until the first bulbs burned out, the paint started to peel, and weeds grew in the garden. She got a job cleaning a school, but not even six salaries for such a job would have been enough to maintain the ancient splendor of this house that seemed increasingly larger and more inhospitable.

Thousands of times, the woman in this story thought of selling the house inherited from her former employers, but she would not do anything outside the law. For decades in Cuba a market in housing was prohibited and it was only possible to exchange properties through a concept popularly known as a “swap.” Dozens of decrees, restrictions and limitations also arose, to regulate and control this activity, making moving an ordeal. An all-powerful Housing Institute oversaw the completion of a string of absurd conditions. With so many requirements, the procedures were strung out over more than a year, such that before families could go live in their new homes they were exhausted from filling out forms, hiring lawyers and bribing inspectors.

Such anxieties raised hopes that the Sixth Communist Party Congress would raise the flag for real estate. When, in the final report, it said that the purchase and sale of homes would be accepted and all that remained was to legally implement it, hundreds of thousands of Cubans breathed a sigh of relief. The lady with the mansion, at the moment it was announced, was sitting in front of her television avoiding a drip falling from the ceiling right in the middle of the living room. She looked around at the columns with decorated capitals, the huge mahogany doors, and the marble staircase from which the banister had been torn out and sold. Finally she could hang a sign on the fence, “For Sale: Five-bedroom house in urgent need of repairs. Wish to buy a one-bedroom apartment in some other neighborhood.”

30 April 2011

Childhood Indoctrination: an Institutionalized Crime / Miriam Celaya

Nursery school children. Photo taken from the Internet

Readers, allow me to tell you a recent anecdote. Zamira, a close friend whose son started attending Kindergarten just a few months ago, was very alarmed when she received guidance from the director to teach her four year old toddler who Fidel, Raúl and the “Five Heroes” are. Appalled, Zamira flatly refused, to the amazement of the director, who did not understand how a mother could refuse to comply with what was stipulated. “You will make me look bad with the inspectors” insisted the teacher, and to convince Zamira that it was not a personal whim, the good lady (she really is) showed her the teaching agenda for three and four year olds, a worthy rival of the Surrealist Manifesto, that – indeed — makes clear that indoctrination is a goal of educators in order to instill “patriotic values” in kids who only yesterday opened their innocent eyes to the world, little people who will leave their place in line in pursuit of a toy, candy or ice cream, who do not have the faintest idea of ​​the meaning of the word homeland, and whose main ambition is to play and romp. But Zamira would not budge an inch, “Look, ma’am, try to have the inspectors ask another child and not mine, because I want him to be a child, not a political laboratory mouse.”

This was at a Kindergarten in the capital, but it also goes on throughout the Island. All is needed is to visit any of these centers to notice the presence of wall murals of leaders of the revolution, many dead celebrities, the yacht Granma and even violent scenes of the assault on the Moncada Barracks. A recurring image is that of the Sierra Maestra guerrillas with guns raised and faces fierce with screaming expressions, subliminally encouraging violence as part of the revolutionary culture. A real crime.

The fact is neither an exception nor a novelty. The fierce indoctrination to which children are subjected in Cuba since the early years of their life is widely known, as it’s endorsed in primary school textbooks, including those textbooks with which students in first grade, only six years of age, learn to read.

Unfortunately, almost no mother is as courageous as my friend Zamira. It is common for parents to tolerate in silence the violence of the doctrine and the implementation of methods, because “What the heck, children do not know about that. Back at home we will make sure they think about other things”. And that’s when a dramatic clash of values ​​in which the children receive twice the impact of a controversial discourse: Fidel Castro and the “Five Heroes” in the morning, in daycare or at school, and Mickey Mouse, Donald and Spiderman on video in the afternoon, upon returning home. No need to clarify which of the messages is more attractive (and appropriate) for children. In fact, in private life, all children want to be like Ben 10, like Superman or Zorro, never like Ché. No one has ever seen a child in a private costume party dressed as the legendary Argentine guerrilla fighter, as Camilo or as Fidel Castro. These “heroes” do not belong in the children’s repertoire, but are only used to meet the requirements at the official venues.

But, simultaneously, without adults trying, they are planting in very young children the hypocrisy of the double standard that the system has fostered, the false belief in something that even they don’t believe, thus supporting a process that our friend Dagoberto Valdés has defined as anthropologic damage, whose harmful effects will long survive the regime that produced it.

For my part, I think that even protesting sectors in the country have ignored for too long the relevant details of the rights of Cuban children. We have prioritized our rights to freedom, democracy, to participate fully in our own individual and collective destinies, but we have neglected the most vulnerable sector of society: children. We assume that, by giving our children our love and guaranteeing them food and material wellbeing, we are doing our part. We are thus committing the same error as our own parents: we are allowing the State to carry out the sacred mission of educating our children morally and completely instead of doing it ourselves, as we are able to and as we can freely choose to. We thus prolong in our children the saga of slavery of thought, of pretense, and of corruption of spirit of which we were victims, and which we so condemn.

Children are born with the right to be educated, but it is a flagrant violation of their rights and those of their families to plant an ideological doctrine in their minds. It is an appalling distortion of human nature and it should be denounced in the strongest terms, so that we may finally banish the collective consciousness of violence, submission, and lies that half a century of dictatorship has sown in Cubans.

Translated by Norma Whiting

April 27, 2011

Watching Foreign TV: A Decade of Debt / Laritza Diversent

Jesus still believes that he should not have to pay off a debt for enjoying foreign television.

The restless Jesus Martinez approaches and asks them if they can help him. He was staring all over the place with his thick glasses while he whispered something about his grandmother being at the verge of a depression crisis. They had to pay a fine for the possession of a satellite antenna.

Jesuito, as they call him in his neighborhood, felt guilty. He had begged his grandmother so that they would ask their uncle, who lived in the United States, for money so that they could buy the equipment. Their relative also contracted the services of the satellite company, Direct TV, so that they receive television programs through a system of magnetic cards which provide a satellite signal, as well as an extension which allowed them to enjoy the shows in Havana.

In Cuba, foreign television programs are considered to be limited services and are mainly aimed at the tourist population, the diplomats, and certain people authorized by the Ministry of Information and Communications (MIC).

In an inquisitive tone he said, “it was the snitch from the CDR”, referring to the president of the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution. “The other day, my mouth slipped and I told him I had seen the boxing match with Yuriorkis Gamboa through cable”, Jesuito said. Martinez confessed to being a fan of the Cuban boxer who is now a champion in the United States.

The Official press considers such programs to be “avalanches of commercial propaganda which showcase the essence of capitalism” and they are classified as political. “In the case of Cuba, part of the programs received through that route are full of content which is destabilizing, interfering, subversive, and increasingly encourages the carrying out of terrorist activities,” assured a reporter from the Granma Newspaper.

Now, neither he or his grandmother had the nerves to ask their relative for 400 dollars to pay the 10 thousand peso fine imposed on them. “I work as a librarian, earning 375 pesos monthly, while my grandma receives a 215 peso pension, and our uncle sends us monthly remittances,” the 39-year-old man explained. “Where are we supposed to get the money to pay for the fine?” he woefully asks.

In Cuba, the average salary of a worker is 412 pesos. However, the installation of satellite antennas, as well as the reception and distribution of the television signal without a license, is considered a violation of the law which is punished, under provisions of the MIC, with a 1,000 peso fine for individuals and a 10 to 20 thousand fine for organizations or entities.

“I know that it’s illegal, that’s why I’ve cut out articles from the newspapers which deal with that subject, and each of them state that the fine can go up to 30 thousand pesos. In fact, there are various crimes which can be committed,” says Jesus while he shows an article written by the journalist Lurdes Perez Navarro, published in Granma newspaper on August 8, 2006.

Both the inspectors from the MIC who are in charge of applying the administrative norms and the official press have said on countless occasions that the amount of the fine ranges from 10 thousand to 20 thousand pesos for anyone who violates the law, whether they be individual citizens, organizations, or entities.

Jesus had the right to protest against the measure but the law only gave him 5 work days to present his appeal, and those days had now passed. Now, his only option is to have the authorities charge him the fine in monthly fees. Perhaps for the next ten years of his life he will have to pay off a debt simply for watching foreign television. “It’s absurd. If I tell anyone about it, they won’t believe me,” he concludes.

Translated by Raul G.

April 28 2011

Letters (Unencripted) From Cuba / Ernesto Morales Licea

Fernando Ravsberg, BBC correspondent in Cuba

It’s not the first time an article by Fernando Ravsberg, Cuban correspondent for the honorable BBC, left me feeling frustrated, bittersweet, as a result of, in my judgment, certain skin deep and inconsistent analyses established by him.

But it is the first time I’ve decided to comment in writing. Now, after reading his last blog post, I break the ice.

Of course I knew the wide acceptance “Letters from Cuba” has among some readers in my country, including among my personal friends; and I knew, also, the notorious discredit this journalist has among the community of independent bloggers, and among many Cuban intellectuals who, in addition to exercising their right to disagree with official dogma, take the written word as a fundamental means of expression.

His well-read blog, also followed by those who see in him an approach different from the national daily’s, is criticized by others who brand it complacent and vaguely hypocritical, the velvet glove with which Fernando Ravsberg draws the reality of the Island for the world. Let no one doubt it: a blog hosted on the BBC has readers of course, and this implies a responsibility in capital letters.

In which of these two factions — if that is the split — do I include myself? Well from time to time I pass through his website, “hearing” his particular view of the facts, agreeing or disagreeing, and always I respect, as a colleague, the intellectual exercise implied in wanting to reflect a country as convulsed as Cuba, in just a few paragraphs.

To be perfectly strict I have to say, also: I’m sure that the BBC could find better professionals to send to the Caribbean nation. Fernando Ravsberg is not a significant journalist in our language, today, and serves in one of the most complex and challenging theaters (Cuba) that can be found in the world today.

On my personal scale, he’s a craftsman of words, someone with an academic style, grammatically correct, but without something inherent in every practitioner of memorable journalist: a refined style. His writings, even the best and most poignant, exude a clerical preparation, that of the report. Fortunately they always have the virtue of brevity.

However, this is not so now, after reading “Honeymoon, the virtual war, real life,” compels me to write about the Uruguayan journalist who has wandered, for a long time, slowing and with pen in hand, among the ruins of our singular Havana.

Fernando Ravsberg does not understand why independent bloggers, or classic opponents, need to encrypt their messages to send them off the Island, or even to communicate within its walls.

To this I, a Cuban as he is not, add: not only the disaffected, millions of ordinary citizens also need to compress and encrypt their communications, if they want to keep a minimal personal privacy.

I quote Ravsberg unfortunate text, “The dissident bloggers have reason to say that in Cuba privacy is not respected and so encryption techniques are criticized. It could be, but I bet that in these times encrypted messages raise suspicions even in the most democratic nations of the world.”

And then he adds, “Maybe it’s that I know few people but there isn’t a single one of my friends who uses encryption keys to communicate on the Internet.”

Carefully considered, analysis such as this is what generates my lack of confidence in the intelligent thought of this communications professional. Or, still worse, his commitment to the truth.

Because supporting such a thesis, Fernando Ravsberg forgets, doesn’t know, or hides, a great truth: in democratic nations individuals not only don’t encrypt their dissident messages, but they wrack their brains looking for ways to make them public.

I will never forget my fascination, three days after stepping on American soil, seeing an old man at a stoplight with a sign — Republican — that read: “How much more will it take for Obama to understand he’s not eligible to be President, let alone for a Nobel Prize.”

In democratic nations, only those who place bombs in metro stations, smuggle organs and drugs, or harm society with their criminal acts, need to protect their electronic or telephone communications. Not law-abiding citizens.

And if the BBC colleague says that not one of his friends uses encryption keys to communicate online, his statement leads to two possibilities:

1. The man chosen by the British to sniff out the essence of Cuban society, doesn’t have among his acquaintances a single “ordinary” Cuban, of those who set passwords for their archives using WinRAR to communicate privately with a family member living abroad, or to arrange a trip to escape.

2. The man chosen by the English doesn’t have the slightest idea of what it is to use a clandestine Internet connection with protective passwords or anonymous proxies to hide the sites he wants to visit.

And he doesn’t know for a key reason — the essence of my disagreement as a colleague and as part of the burdened nation he has decided to recreate — because Fernando Ravsberg seeks to establish well-informed judgments about a country which, in its essence, he does not know.

To give him the benefit of the doubt, to not tar him with the brush applicable to so many journalists who, in order to continue their stay in this Jurassic and exotic scene which is Cuba decide to use the soft tones of a tourist watercolor to paint their written portraits, I prefer to call him a poorly integrated foreigner. Not an opportunist.

But the same tropical Cuban oxygen isn’t breathed by the person who emerges from a debate sponsored by the magazine “Topics” in the narrow Strawberry and Chocolate room in the capital and runs to his page to post cheers to a perceived tolerance, to progress on freedom of expression, on the same day that Stephen Morales was expelled from the Party for criticizing corruption and I lost my job for dissenting from the national information policy.

Serious in a journalism of respect: shortly after a new post, backtracks from his raucous joy, and admits the gag imposed by the organizers of the civic debate, which banned him if he wanted to continue attending, from writing about what happened there.

More serious still: Week later, the correct Ravsberg accepts the rules of the game, and in order to preserve his permission to enter the little debate in the capital room, he publishes a post as a wink, about “nothing happened” there. The wink is this: “It’s agreed that I say nothing, they don’t close the doors, right?”

Above and beyond my very personal opinions, above and beyond my true respect for his way of exercising our so complex and subjective trade, and above and beyond my transparent evaluations with regards to his basic handling of the journalism tool, the written word, Fernando Ravsberg posits an ethical and moral view that, if he is an honest man — which I think he is — needs to be addressed very soon, and sharply: “The Cuba that I describe, is my Cuba — that of a semi-assimilated and well-favored Uruguayan, or is it the Cuba that a demanding and truthful journalist should write about?”

There is no intense journalism without conflicts. Anyone who wishes to remain on good terms with God and with the Devil should change their profession. Or, merciful alternative, move the context and write a blog entitled “Letters from Switzerland.” I’m sure that there they will not know citizens who need to protect themselves from the great eye that sees everything, encrypting their messages.

Pardon the absolutism, but writing about Cuba is far too much for them — those who do not respectfully suffer the ailments of an aching country, or those who have not engaged themselves in an extra dose of commitment, ethics, and bravery.

March 23 2011

The Triumph of Euphemism / Luis Felipe Rojas

Photo: Luis Felipe Rojas

Halfway between parodies and absurdities, Cuban life can also be described with parables.

This ruinous structure is named “The Impulse”, and during its moments of major splendor (if it indeed ever had any) it provided some sort of gastronomic service. Once, at a pizzeria named “La Fontana de Trevi” I ate spaghetti with pepper sauce and ground…pork? beef? chicken? The water was a bit more than room temperature — I would say it was nearly warm. The forks and knives were tied down to the table by a small string. A lady would come and clean them in a tray, to later place them back on the table. I have seen stores named “Prague Fashions”, “Moscow Restaurant”, “Hotel Pernik” (a Bulgarian flower), and “Leningrad Theater”. The participation of foreigners in any daily Cuban event ups it to “world-wide” range, not just international. Debuts of any sort of dance, theater, or musical works are always w-o-r-l-d-w-i-d-e debuts.

Though we still have no rights, we are still referred to as citizens and our society is described as civic and civilized. Groups of paramilitary soldiers who respond with beatings when they are called upon by whistles, and always ready to dish out savage beatings with sticks and clubs against anyone who expresses themselves differently. Those are the ones who make up the supposed “civil society”. A federation of women with very little rights, committees of citizens who keep watch and snitch on each other, and farmers who dedicate themselves more to shouting government slogans than to working the land. These are the profiles that make up a sick country.

Translated by Raul G.

29 April 2011

Almond-Shaped Eyes / Yoani Sánchez

They travel in groups around Havana neighborhoods. Hundreds of Chinese students who learn Spanish in Cuba and add color to a reality where other foreigners barely stay a couple weeks as tourists. Thanks to them, the city once again has those Asian eyes that were so common in the first half of the twentieth century, that Asian gait which gives the impression of feet barely touching the ground, has returned, for a time. They crowd around Chinatown, giggling in front of some restaurants with paper lanterns and red curtains where the menu offers more local and Italian food than plates of spinach and noodles.

One morning, I met several of them lost near the Central Rail Station. They had empty bags, tired faces, and walked slowly. One of the girls asked me, after consulting a small dictionary, where they could buy lettuce. It was one of those hot months where the only green on the market pallets is cucumbers. But there they were, waiting for the agricultural miracle that would put some soft leaves on their plates. I explained that the sun was very strong and the vegetables were harvested just in roofed areas, that the lack of packaging hampered their arrival in the cities, and when they appeared it was at very high prices.

After a few minutes, those almond-shaped eyes rounded in consequence of my strange explanation. “Lettuce! Lettuce!” they insisted, and one of them translated it into every language he knew, “lettuce, laitue, Kopfsalat, alphas ….” I smiled, it’s not about not understanding the word, I said, it’s that I don’t know where, right now, where they could find vegetables to eat. It was clear, they didn’t believe me. “Go to Four Roads Plaza and see if you can find them there,” was the final thing I thought to tell them, so as not to kill hope. And off they went in that direction, their steps already exhausted, empty bags blowing in the wind, with their oriental elegance faded somewhat, lacking vegetables to revive them.

27 April 2011

Necessities / Claudia Cadelo

If you don't eat all the potatoes I'll take you to the Internet. Image: Lázaro Saavedra

Since that time on one of the campuses of the University of Havana when I raised my hand to express a doubt about the Marxist categories of necessity versus chance, the concept surrounds me. I have come to the conclusion that human needs are complex enough that the specialists must abrogate the right to “suppress” some of them in our lives.

We have Elaine, Cuban blogger, who assumes her grandfather doesn’t need the Internet. Sadly, she’s not alone. The other day someone assured me that for a Cuban farmer the Internet is not a priority. What is the priority? Undoubtedly in the Middle Ages electricity was not one, and for Cro-Magnon man what we now call “staple products” were in short supply. Why do we insist on establishing boundaries to human welfare? I wonder why it’s a problem to assume access to the Internet as a 21st Century human right. Whether the farmer is connected so he can study the market for new fertilizers for the earth, or so he can chat on a boy-meets-girl site is immaterial; what matters is his right to access the World Wide Web and what it represents for his personal life. Any “supposition” about what a farmer should do on Google, or in the furrow, is called control over the free actions of another, personal choice and individual freedom.

Of course reducing world poverty is an imperative, but I honestly don’t see the connection between that and the right of Cubans to have private accounts for Internet access. Social inequality in the world does not justify Raul Castro getting to decide that I can’t open my Facebook whenever I want. Isn’t it obvious? Or am I going crazy?

26 April 2011