Heavy Police Deployment Throughout Cuba and a Cordon Around the ‘14ymedio’ Newsroom in Havana

The regime is mobilizing all its security forces with the order of “zero impunity” for the demonstrations

Yoani Sánchez, director of ’14ymedio’, with a State Security agent, in the basement of her building in Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, March 15, 2026 — The regime has gone on high alert and increased its deployments following the intensification of protests in Cuba, especially the massive demonstration in Morón. Police are mobilizing operations throughout the country to prevent the demonstrations that have been taking place for more than a week.

This Sunday, Yoani Sánchez, director of 14ymedio, is surrounded by a State Security police operation that prevents her from leaving her home. In a video she recorded herself, an officer, dressed in civilian clothes and with his face completely covered, explains the prohibition to her without giving a concrete reason.

“Tell me right here in front of the camera,” the journalist snaps, to which the man replies, “Is it necessary?” She continues, “Yes, it is necessary, because you’re violating my rights. I’m a citizen who hasn’t committed any crimes, hasn’t been tried in court, doesn’t have a restraining order or house arrest, so why won’t you let me go out? Taking all tha into account, what’s the reason? Why can’t I leave?” The officer, nervous, responds, “All I can tell you is that you can’t leave.”

When Sánchez asks him if he might be a thug or a criminal, the subject affirms, and to the question who is sending him, he answers: “You know who it is.”

When questioned about his identity, the individual refuses to answer, and when Sánchez asks him if he might be a thug or a criminal, the subject affirms, and to question who is sending him, he answers: “You know who he is.”

President Díaz-Canel’s response to the protests has been to label them “vandalism” for which “there will be no impunity.” Today, the National Police clearly illustrate these intimidating words—they do have electricity, fuel, and resources, as their own publications show—with the arrogant display continue reading

of their operations, which, without euphemism, aim to “maintain public order.”

In Villa Clara, Díaz-Canel’s home province, a “reinforcement group for surveillance and patrols” has been formed to “guarantee order.” The official publication shows that this reinforcement includes the feared ” black berets,” the Interior Ministry’s military units trained for “high-risk” situations, who have been at the forefront of violent repression during civil protests.

Videos circulating on social media show the deployment of police patrols in the streets of Havana and also report Black Berets in Old Havana.

Official institutions are echoing the attempts at intimidation and repeating the president’s threatening rhetoric. The state-run chain Tiendas Caribe (TRD) denounced the attack and vandalism of one of its stores’ windows during Friday’s protests: “Cuban society demands zero impunity for those who threaten public peace and collective property. A severe legal response is essential.”

Despite the deployment of security forces, new demonstrations took place yesterday, Saturday, for the ninth consecutive night.

Despite the deployment of security forces, new demonstrations took place on Saturday, for the ninth consecutive night. This newspaper reports loud pot-banging protests in the Nuevo Vedado neighborhood of Havana during another prolonged blackout. The sounds of similar protests reached the 14ymedio newsroom in Cerro, Playa, and, with greater intensity, in the Boyeros and Tulipán area. Finally, the authorities restored power, possibly fearing that the unrest would escalate, as is happening in the less privileged areas of the island.

In the provinces, where the energy situation is much worse – reaching only a couple of hours of electricity per day – strong protests were reported last night in neighborhoods of Santiago de Cuba and Holguín.

[See a collection of videos here #ProtestasEnCuba ]

The authorities acknowledge that there was an incident between the police and residents of the Micro 9 neighborhood in Santiago de Cuba, although they describe the information disseminated on social media as “manipulation.”

The official statement describes the protest as “a very small group of people” who “decided to gather to express their dissatisfaction with the problems related to the electricity service.” It adds, referring to the police response: “As is completely normal […] law enforcement authorities arrived at the scene, engaged in dialogue with the residents, and the situation was resolved.” However, it continues: “Some chose the path of disobedience, something that will not be tolerated by those responsible for guaranteeing public order and tranquility.”

The testimonies also relate that the protesters shouted “Down with the dictatorship!” and “Freedom!”, which the government describes as “dissatisfaction with the electricity service”

The denial refers to a version circulating on social media in which, according to testimonies received from residents involved in the protest, the authorities’ response included a large-scale operation with patrol cars, armored vehicles, plainclothes State Security agents, and officers in black berets with their dogs, who blocked access to the neighborhood. According to these accounts, there were arrests and physical assaults by the authorities, including an assault on a young minor who was beaten while defending her father, and an assault on a pregnant woman.

The testimonies also relate that the protesters shouted “Down with the dictatorship!” and “Freedom!”, which the government describes as “dissatisfaction with the electricity service.”

The official statement concludes with a moral lesson that emphasizes the regime’s stance on public discontent: “We once again denounce the fact that individuals opposed to the values ​​and principles of the Revolution and Cuban society are exploiting incidents like these to sow confusion and hatred through lies and manipulation, in order to foment conflict and undermine the people’s trust in the highest authorities of the country and the Ministry of the Interior.” The statement does not explain what these “values ​​and principles of the Revolution” consist of, nor why they should be shared by all of “Cuban society.”

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana Chronicles: “Be Like Water”

Living in this city comes with water anxiety.

The plumbing system is one of the most affected in these buildings, which copied Eastern European architecture in this tropical Havana. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, March 12, 2026 –  We will have two days without water pumped in Havana. The news, barely announced in the official media, is confirmed by the dry pipes and silent sinks. In my building, most apartments have a storage tank to last when the lack of electricity prevents pumping from the cistern. But this time it’s different. There is a sense of the end and of living through an extreme period in which we may never again hear the roar of the motor that pumps the water up to the rooftop tank.

I don’t remember a single moment in my life in Havana when water wasn’t a concern. Living in this city comes with water anxiety. I, like every Cuban, am obsessed with saving every last drop. Under the kitchen counter, I have all sorts of containers. Bottles, buckets, jugs, and even a basin that always has to be full. If I could, I would turn anything into an artificial reservoir for when the pipes break down, the aqueduct shuts off, and fuel shortages paralyze the pumps. Years ago, we also created a rainwater harvesting system on the terrace of our apartment.

“Be like water,” Bruce Lee, one of my childhood idols, used to say. I was about seven or eight years old and would rush home from pushing a wheelbarrow with a tank from a street corner in Central Havana to sit in front of the television and watch that small man move like a wave, powerful and effective. There he was, silent and clean-shaven, in a world that, for me, was full of authoritarian beards and slogans shouted at the top of one’s lungs. “Take a bath, Yoani, and don’t waste the water you use; we have to flush the toilet,” my grandmother would tell me from the kitchen. “You have the bucket and the little pitcher ready,” she would emphasize.

The smell of burning garbage has returned after a few days’ respite.

Then I went to the school in the countryside and took with me a photo of that martial arts expert. With his narrow waist, he looked at me from the hostel locker as we counted the days when the water didn’t come and the reddish earth accumulated under our fingernails and on our sheets. He, with his gesture, called me to fluidity, and I was stuck in a social experiment where fungus multiplied on my feet and hunger gnawed in my stomach. “Take the shape of what surrounds you,” he seemed to suggest from his jet-black hair, already fading from the sun streaming through the blinds.

“Be like water,” I told myself, when they closed the hostel bathroom, overflowing with filth, because for a whole eleven days the precious liquid hadn’t reached that fourth floor. The day I left, I placed the Bruce Lee poster near my bunk and walked a good stretch along that Alquízar road, surrounded by parched fields where Fidel Castro’s latest folly, the Food Plan, was trying to materialize: the planting of bananas with a microjet system that sucked up the water meant for our showers and the sweet potatoes of the local farmers.

This Thursday in March, I woke up humming a song. “I’ll tell you, I came from a strange world,” I said to myself, the moment my feet touched the floor in the middle of a blackout. The smell of burning garbage has returned after a few days’ respite. Last night, we heard the echoes of a pot-banging protest in the Lawton area. The wind carried the clanging and the sound of continue reading

shouts from a completely dark area. Noise, like water, has strange ways of spreading. Sometimes it arrives intermittently, and other times it seems as if the pot is only a few meters away, even though someone is banging it in another municipality. During the protests of 11 July 2021, those roars of euphoria continued to reach us even in the dead of night.

A team came to assess the damage and estimated that repairing the building’s water tank will cost at least three million pesos. / 14ymedio

The water tank in my building is falling apart. When the cistern on the ground floor is full, it can fill the rooftop tank two and a half times. But the imposing structure, which sets this concrete block apart from others in the area and gives it a certain air of an airport control tower, is crumbling. It has supplied water to more than 140 apartments for four decades, and in all that time, it hasn’t received a single repair. Now the steel is exposed on its exterior, and the ship’s ladder that led to its top has lost some of its steps to rust.

The last one to go down that structure was my husband, Reinaldo. As he descended, the steps crumbled beneath his feet. Later, a crew came to assess the damage and estimated that repairing the building’s water tank would cost at least three million pesos. That was a couple of years ago, so it’s surely worth double… or triple that now. In that time, it has continued to leak fragments. A multi-family building has large “no man’s land” areas that the Cuban state long ago abandoned, and the residents can’t afford to maintain them. The plumbing system is one of the most affected in these buildings, which copied Eastern European architecture in this tropical Havana.

My neighbor says it won’t be long now, that we have maybe two weeks left until the whole regime collapses and things “start to get better.” I’m not as optimistic as she is. Sometimes I have nightmares about the rooftop water tank cracking like a pumpkin, and I don’t manage to warn the people walking down below in time. Other times I dream that I’m searching for and can’t find any more jugs, basins, or buckets to fill. An unexpected leak empties all my supplies, and I can only manage to store what fits in the palm of my hand.

“Be like water,” Bruce Lee repeats to me from somewhere deep within my memory. But how can I take shape and adapt to a world as strange as this one we inhabit? How can I endure in this city when the pipes are dry and the hum of the pump that fills the decaying colossus above our heads is no longer audible?

————————-

Chronicles
What Does Collapse Smell Like?

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba Chronicles: What Does Collapse Smell Like?

Burnt garbage, sewage, lack of cleanliness: finding a treat for your nose is a difficult task these days in Cuba

Shipping containers in Old Havana, in a photo taken this Thursday. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, March 7, 2026 —  I take a mint leaf from the balcony and squeeze it between my fingers before adding it to the water I am going to drink. On my hands lingers a fresh and hopeful aroma. Entertaining the nose is a difficult task these times we are living in, in Cuba. The country’s collapse smells of burning garbage, sewage water, and a lack of cleanliness. Every pleasant scent is a rare and invaluable reward for the senses

It’s four in the morning and I jump out of bed. The electricity has returned after a blackout that began the previous afternoon. As soon as I get up, I head to the rooftop. My two dogs, the stars, and me. The city sleeps, and I scan the horizon. Havana no longer smells the same. At this hour, I’m hit by the stench of the garbage that piles up everywhere, and from the nearby Zoo on 26th Street, I hear the desperate roar of a lion. It must be hungry.

When I was a girl and would visit my relatives in the small towns of Villa Clara and Cienfuegos, when I returned to the capital the smell would hit me. This city always had a particular aroma. The manufactured gas service installed in many homes, the countless vehicles that traveled its streets, and the waters of the bay mixed with the oil that spilled into it, made the place where I was born and raised smell of industrial oils and tar. I never thought I would miss that stench.

Even the money smells of misery. It has a musty stench, as if it had been stored in a dark, filthy cave.

Havana now has another “olfactory signature.” A doorway I used to pass through when walking along Reina Street in Central Havana has become a public urinal that makes me hold my breath whenever I walk by. from the Ultra store wafts a stench, the foul odor of abandonment. The city is dotted with these places that once closed their doors and began to decay rapidly. Large markets, banks, cinemas, and motels that used to smell of freshly brewed coffee, fried food, and air conditioning now only exude a foul odor.

Even the money smells of misery. It has a musty stench, as if it had been stored in a dark, filthy cave. People line up for hours in front of ATMs to withdraw a little cash. Often the machine breaks down or shuts down continue reading

due to a power outage before customers can get their hands on those devalued, colorful bonds that make up the national currency.

Those with more resources pay for the money. Buying pesos has become, for many, the only way to have cash in hand. But what you get is a mess of dirty paper. A friend told me that in the country where he lives, they put some euros in a lab and found traces of drugs, feces, and saliva. I fantasize about someone taking a sample of Cuban pesos to be analyzed. The results wouldn’t surprise me.

Miasmas have taken over the entire spectrum of smells wherever we go

The 1,000-peso note, bearing the face of Julio Antonio Mella, might have traces of gasoline, of perfume and of the liquid that oozes from a box of chicken quarters as it begins to thaw. The 200-peso note, with the image of Frank País, will surely show traces of vegetable oil, tears, and horse manure from the many coachmen who ferry passengers here and there in Cuba’s nearly paralyzed cities. The piece of paper, with its red tones and the face of Ernesto Che Guevara, would bear the marks of a past when it served to pay for something that cost up to three pesos. A remote time when, on the streets of Old Havana, this paper with the guerrilla fighter’s stern expression would be offered to tourists, who came en masse to see this dilapidated social experiment in which we live.

But nowthe money smells like poverty. It also smells of the bureaucratic offices, the once air-conditioned premises of the powerful telecommunications monopoly Etecsa, and even the lobbies of the ministries all feel the same. A miasma has taken over the entire spectrum of smells wherever we go. The elevator in my building smells like urine. At the nearby clinic, someone has sprayed disinfectant to mask the pervasive smell of disease and filth. The dental office no longer exudes that mixture of antiseptics and dental materials.

I press my nose to my armpit. After a whole morning of walking, I too smell like Havana, a combination of hardship and despair.

————————-

Chronicles:

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Death Throes of ‘Granma’, the Mouthpiece of a Regime Cornered by Crisis

The print version of the Communist Party newspaper will be published only once a week

On Ayestarán Street, a closed and rusty newsstand has lost the stickers that advertised the magazines that were sold there a few years ago. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 2 March 2026 — I leave my house and come across a woman placing food for a stray cat on a page of the Granma newspaper, a scene that will soon disappear in a country where the official organ of the Communist Party is now printed only once a week. With its few pages and triumphalist headlines, the Cuban regime’s main propaganda outlet is the latest victim of the energy crisis hitting the island. But its reduction, more than a loss of information, is a sign of the end of a model of indoctrination

I leave Rancho Boyeros Avenue behind and approach the Havana Printing Plant, one of the main printing facilities for periodicals in Cuba. Several windows are missing from the upper floor, and neglect seems to pervade a place that was once the heart of the country’s information policy. The facade is dirty here and there, and from inside, the sounds of the machines where paper and ink once combined to give shape to official statements, lengthy speeches, and calls to resistance are gone.

For a system that has based its control primarily on repression and propaganda, the current state of its official media represents a rapid loss of social influence. My curiosity leads me to walk around the building, and I don’t see a soul entering or leaving. The nearby institutional parking lot is filled with broken-down cars. Some vehicles have been sitting out in the open for years, never driven on the streets of Havana. The nearby headquarters of the newspaper Juventud Rebelde, which resembles a fish stall, also shows no signs of activity. continue reading

In a few months, the enthusiasm faded, the presses stopped, and the fuel to carry the dogma of the Central Workers’ Union of Cuba to every proletarian ran out.

The faded poster for Bohemia magazine catches my eye. The entrance is dark, and a nearby garbage dump has begun to encroach on the building’s access ramp. A fence in the vicinity has lost its color, and others have simply vanished, leaving only the metal scaffolding from which, until a few years ago, we were bombarded with slogans. I’m just a few meters from Revolution Square, where ideological propaganda should be more prevalent, but what I find are a few neglected and outdated posters.

At a nearby bus stop, across from the Ministry of Communications, a homeless man has improvised a place to sleep. He has some blankets and pages from the newspaper Trabajadores. I manage to read a few headlines printed on its pages. They are phrases that sound like they came from a distant land, where plans were made and victories were celebrated. But, in just a few months, the enthusiasm faded, the presses stopped, and the fuel to carry the dogma of the Cuban Workers’ Federation to every proletarian on the island ran out.

On Ayestarán Street, a closed and rusty newsstand has lost the stickers that once advertised the magazines sold there a few years ago. Further down the street, another newsstand has been handed over to a private vendor who, instead of official publications, offers small tubes of instant glue, colored pencils, and school supplies, all imported. Along the way, I don’t encounter a single newspaper vendor, a nearly extinct occupation in Havana.

A herbalist wraps a sprig of basil for me in a page of Tribuna de La Habana. The printed version of the official newspapers will also be missed in home repairs, where they were used to avoid getting paint on the floor, and in toilets throughout the country, where they replaced toilet paper. Now, with their reduction, what’s lost is not just a news source, but a practical resource for cleaning windows or picking up dog waste.

Provincial media outlets, with few exceptions, copy and paste the articles written in Havana.

A friend’s son is about to graduate with a degree in Journalism, but classes at his faculty have been suspended due to the power outage. The young man began his studies full of passion, eager to become a reporter, investigating stories, gathering testimonies, and compiling sources. Along the way, however, he lost hope of practicing his profession in Cuba and now only wants to obtain his diploma and emigrate. While waiting for in-person classes to resume, he writes for an independent newspaper that pays him in foreign currency.

The worst situation is that of the older journalists. In my neighborhood, a photographer for an official magazine complains that he’s no longer given gasoline to ride his motorcycle out to take photographs of events. Coverage on-the-ground is at a minimum in media that, until a few decades ago, enjoyed abundant resources and priority in receiving perks. Credentials to attend festivals, welcome cocktails at exhibitions, and even the occasional “little gift” upon completing a report on an industry with foreign investors were part of the profession’s allure. However, being a state reporter today brings more headaches than benefits.

My neighbor complains that his newsroom is empty. “The last few times I’ve been there, I’ve only seen the security guard,” he tells me. Provincial media outlets, with few exceptions, simply copy and paste the articles written in Havana. Some news headlines go days without updating, while others survive by rehashing posts from social media where a resident reports a water leak or thanks a bus driver for stopping at the bus stop. Instead of those powerful, tireless voices, publications controlled by the Cuban regime have become clumsy digital spreadsheets with hardly any well-known bylines, in-depth reports, or news.

Next to me in line for the elevator, a neighbor is looking at the front page of a Miami-based newspaper on her phone. The headline that catches her eye speaks of “economic collapse” in Cuba, and the photo shows the gaunt and sad face of an elderly man. Granma has not only lost the battle for print media, it was defeated long ago in its attempts to monopolize the Cuban audience. The elderly woman neither informs nor persuades, and from now on, she’s no longer of any use in Cuban bathrooms.

Chronicles:

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Havana, in Critical Condition

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Anxiety of the Disconnected Cuban

Nothing that depends on internet access is guaranteed on the Island

The phenomenon known as FOMO (fear of missing out) is causing people to climb water tanks to see if they can get a 4G signal. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, February 28, 2026 – I walk to the corner of the rooftop, raise my arm, and lean forward. A signal bar appears on my phone screen. All the accumulated messages begin to appear, and just as many struggle to come in. The only sound is the hum of a nearby generator in a ministry. The neighborhood falls silent in the blackout, heavier and denser than the peace of the graves.

Nothing that depends on internet access is guaranteed in Cuba. Local mobile apps, which until a few years ago organized food deliveries, passenger transport, or contact with construction workers, are useless most of the time. Only in the early morning hours does web browsing seem to loosen up somewhat and flow, but who would think of ordering a pizza at four in the morning? What’s the point of hiring a plumber shortly after midnight?

There are neighborhoods and then there are neighborhoods. A relative who lives in Vedado tells me I can go to her house anytime to check my email. Hers is a privileged zone. There are hardly any blackouts because it’s connected to a “hospital circuit” that ran out of fuel a while ago to power its generators and must maintain the lights in the surrounding houses, even when all of Havana is in darkness. I do the math: about a forty-minute walk there, another forty minutes to get back. Almost an hour and a half just to download my emails.

Sometimes I miss the days of telegrams. When the postman’s booming voice called out a name in the tenement where I lived, we all knew it was something brief, quick, and probably urgent. People wrote short sentences, without prepositions or compound verbs. Every word cost money, and you couldn’t waste it on embellishments. “Aunt dead, funeral tomorrow”; “Born, eight pounds”; “No wedding, groom left”; or “Send money for the wake.” That’s how we found out about the most important things.

But now, no. Now there are memes to watch, emails loaded with multi-megabyte images sent from all over the world, Valentine’s Day cards that take minutes to download, audio recordings a friend made on the Madrid metro, taking his time, forgetting that we envy the speed at which smoke signals travel. There are reels, heated debates to follow on Facebook, discussions where everyone wants to have the last word, and videos, with faces practically glued to the lens, filmed inside cars parked outside enormous shopping malls in Miami or Tampa.

Anxiety is growing. We’re not aware, nor could we be. The so-called FOMO (fear of missing out ) has people in this city climbing water tanks to see if they can get a 4G signal and those blessed Facebook posts will finally load on their phones. It was one thing when we didn’t know what we were missing, and quite another now, when the abysmal telecommunications service robs us of the internet users we’ve become, that we have constructed through years of social media presence. More than a deficiency, this is an amputation. continue reading

Infanta and San Lázaro Park in Central Havana is one of the few remaining Wi-Fi hotspots in Havana. / 14ymedio

An architect friend has arrived in Cuba after more than a decade living in Europe to bury her mother. Now she has to arrange for someone to care for her father, who has serious mobility issues and is almost 80 years old. But most of her contacts with possible candidates for the position, which she will pay in euros, are through mobile phones and WhatsApp. Having lost all experience dealing with Cuba’s slow internet speeds, my friend curses at her phone screen every time she dials and gets the recording that says “the number you are calling is switched off or out of coverage,” one of the many ways the state monopoly Etecsa masks its inefficiency.

The architect, who emigrated, has to finish and deliver a project she was asked to complete on the other side of the Atlantic. Her employers can’t seem to understand that, by boarding that plane to this island, she’s entered a kind of Faraday cage where communication is either unreliable or impossible. Her finished sketches are stuck in Havana, waiting for the longed-for bars of connectivity to appear on her phone. But my friend has lost the capacity to wait. She says that time is worthless here and that every minute that passes is money lost.

I can’t help her much. The Wi-Fi hotspot closest to our house no longer works. After the initial excitement surrounding these wireless parks, the arrival of mobile internet and the lack of maintenance have little by little shut them down. Mobile internet service began in December 2018, and we thought it was time to abandon the hard benches in public squares where the darkness and the threat of muggers forced us to keep one eye on the screen and the other constantly scanning our surroundings.

This Wednesday I visited several of those Wi-Fi hotspots. Some lost their antennas a while ago, and in others, the limited bandwidth has been absorbed by nearby residents who installed antennas that extend the wireless signal into their living rooms, collapsing the service for everyone else. However, the biggest problem now is getting the recharge cards that allow access to the Nauta portal with a username and password.

“Do you have Wi-Fi access cards?” I ask a telecommunications agent who, until recently, made a living selling mobile phone top-ups and other Etecsa services. “No, those haven’t been available for a while now, except that they’re selling them at some main offices,” he tells me. To offset the drop in sales, the man has set up a makeshift stand where he also sells soft drinks, beer, and cookies. If you can’t get online, at least have a drink and something to eat, seems to be the new motto of his tiny business.

At the Etecsa office on Obispo Street, they tell me they’ve run out of Wi-Fi cards. My relative from Vedado isn’t home so I can sit on her sofa and download my emails, so I decide to go back home. On the stairs, I run into my architect friend who is, quite literally, climbing the walls in despair. She hasn’t been able to check her LinkedIn account for over a week.

I go up to the rooftop. I put my phone in a corner and get to work in my little garden. An hour later, I hear a familiar sound. I’ve just received my first WhatsApp message of the day. Faraday, this time, I’ve beaten you.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Washington, Havana and the Evidence of Real Change

Until we manage to free every last prisoner of conscience remaining behind bars, any dialogue will remain a charade.

Recent action to demand the release of prisoners in Cuba. / Armando Labrador Cuba Primero/Facebook

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, February 26, 2026 — Rare is the day with no new speculation about supposed negotiations between Washington and Havana. The rumor spreads through digital portals, seeps into conversations at the bodega, and resurfaces, with embellishments, on social medio. On the streets of Cuba, people ask if it’s true that the two governments are talking and that a roadmap for a democratic transition on the island will soon see the light of day. However, the rumors advance on one track while stubborn reality only regresses on another.

We Cubans have learned to be wary. Not out of cynicism, but out of experience. Too many times, a new process of transformation has been announced when that ends up being merely a change of tone, a reversible concession, or a promise that evaporates in a few weeks. If real talks are taking place, if these aren’t just trial balloons floated to gauge reactions, then they should be accompanied by clear, visible signs and, above all, irreversible steps toward freedom.

Rumors advance in one direction, while stubborn reality only retreats in another.

The first of these necessary movements brooks no embellishment or euphemism: the release of all political prisoners. More than a thousand people are currently imprisoned in Cuba for thinking differently, demonstrating peacefully, or publishing an inconvenient text on the internet. This is not about temporary releases, parole, or disguised exile, but about a full amnesty, without threats or subsequent surveillance. Until every last prisoner of conscience remains behind bars, any dialogue will be nothing more than a charade.

Another indispensable proof would be the genuine decriminalization of dissent and the dismantling of the political police apparatus. Cosmetic legal changes are not enough if citizens continue to know that expressing an opinion can cost them their job, career, or freedom. Without this framework of fear, built on summonses, acts of repudiation, and coercive legal proceedings, there is no honest transformation, only a charade. continue reading

We must also address the core of power: the end of the Single Party and the calling of pluralistic elections. Not as a distant gesture, promised for some vague future, but as a commitment with a clear timeline and rules. A transition cannot be constructed with only one player on the board. And for these elections not to be an empty charade, public media must open itself to divergent voices, allowing different political options to campaign before the citizens. The day we see an opposition candidate explain their platform on state television, we can begin to say that something is truly changing on this island.

We must also address the hard nucleous of power: the end of the One Party system and the calling of pluralistic elections. Not as a distant gesture, promised for some imprecise future.

On the economic front, an irreversible step would be to end the absurd prohibition that prevents doctors, lawyers, and other professionals from practicing freely in the private sector. No country can rebuild itself by tying the hands of its human capital. Similarly, the practice of politically motivated immigration “regulations,” which turn the right to travel into a privilege conditioned on obedience or silence, should be eliminated.

Finally, no Cuban transition will be complete if it ignores the exile community. Calling on those who left, and their children, to rejoin national political life and the reconstruction of the country is not a concession, it is a necessity. Cuba is also that diaspora that sends remittances, contributes ideas, and preserves our memory.

If conversations are happening and aspire for more than just gaining time, these will be the signs. Everything else, however seductive it may sound, will remain mere noise amidst a prolonged stagnation.

Editor’s Note: This text was originally published on Deutsche Welle in Spanish.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

One Mella, Three Mellas, Life in Cuba Is Measured in Thousands of Pesos

Until a couple of years ago, a Cuban thousand peso bill was a rare sight.

One Mella, two Mellas, three Mellas… life measured by the speed at which we hand over a banknote bearing the face of a communist leader. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 24 February 2026 — Until a couple of years ago, a thousand Cuban peso bill was a rare sight. We saw them only a few times, and vendors would shake their heads if they had to give change for such a large sum. But on the island of inflation, handing over the face of Julio Antonio Mella now to buy something no longer surprises, impresses, or much less is synonymous with high purchasing power. Paper is just paper.

This Monday I’m venturing into Calzada del Cerro. I’ve been told that a shop selling ornamental plants also has fertilizer that I can use for the garden I’m preparing on my terrace in anticipation of the “zero option.” It is a row of still-tiny plants that could add some flavor to our food if garlic and onions stop arriving at the market, if life is paralyzed in Havana to the point where a bit of cilantro becomes an unattainable dream, or if people start fighting over a head of lettuce.

I will have what I can grow. Which is very little, given that apart from the schools-in-the-countryside I attended and the pre-university course I took in a dilapidated building in the middle of the fields of Alquízar, now in the province of Artemisa, my agricultural knowledge is very limited. I know how to weed and pull up the plants when they’re ready to be harvested. All that training to become the “New Man,” who could be self-sufficient, was nothing more than a caricature of education. We pretended we could survive on our own two feet, and we couldn’t even survive without the Soviet Union.

On the corner of Rancho Boyeros and Calzada del Cerro, there is a broken electric tricycle. Just because these vehicles don’t need gasoline doesn’t mean they’re immune to the constant potholes and uneven surfaces of Havana’s streets. The man tells me his name is Roly, and that he delivers packages for one of those agencies that brings goods from Miami. He says that due to a lack of fuel, they’ve lost almost their entire fleet of cars continue reading

for deliveries. While some have seen their livelihoods disappear, others can’t keep up with the number of customers who call them to move a box or a suitcase. Roly was one of the latter, until a pothole brought his business to a halt.

There was a time when taking a Calixto García (50 peso) out of your wallet was a sign of financial ease

“This repair won’t cost less than 8,000 or 10,000,” he estimates as he tries to pull the vehicle up to the curb, waiting for a friend who’s coming to help him get home. Life is measured in thousands of pesos. That pound of pork costs 1,000, this pack of adult diapers is 3,000, and that dozen painkillers costs 5,000. We add things up in a big way, with zeros growing to the right and bills passing so quickly from our pockets to other hands that we barely have time to make out the faces printed on them.

There was a time when pulling a Calixto García (50 peso) bill out of your wallet was a sign of financial ease. Then, very quickly, the turn came when paying with a Frank País (200 peso) bill marked a difference in social status. It quickly jumped to an Ignacio Agramonte (500 peso) bill making it clear that its owner was no ordinary Cuban, leading to this moment when we measure our existence by the number of bills bearing the image of the founder of the Popular Socialist Party. One Mella, two Mellas, three Mellas… life measured by the speed with which we hand over a bill that has the face of a communist leader on it.

I approach the small shop where they sell seedlings, but it’s closed. I scan the area to see if they have any bags of the fertilizer I need to feed the small plants that have started to grow on my terrace. A man rides by on a bicycle and calls out to me that the nursery won’t be open today, that the elderly woman who runs it is still suffering from the aftereffects of one of those viruses that have become part of our daily lives. I take a deep breath and step back into the street.

The tenement buildings line the street, a polyclinic plunged into darkness by the power outage has patients and medical staff strewn about at the entrance, and at the nearby fire station, the truck has just left, sirens blaring. Rescuers have no life these days in Havana. They’re called when the elevators in high-rise buildings get stuck after the power goes out. They’re called when someone sets fire to a mountain of garbage on a street corner. They’re called when floodwaters can’t drain through sewers clogged with plastic bags and other debris.

Almost all my neighbors are thinner. Some people’s clothes and teeth are so loose they’re practically falling off.

The firefighters have stepped in to replace municipal services, the medical staff who are missing, the electric company technicians, and the police who never show up when they’re most needed. Just recently, one of them went up to the 13th floor of our building to rescue a neighbor trapped in the elevator. He was small and slight. He’d probably only had a piece of catfish with rice for lunch that day, at best. His uniform was too big for him.

Almost all my neighbors are thinner. Some people’s clothes and teeth are loose. An elderly woman has lost so much weight that she wears her blouse tied in a knot at the waist so it doesn’t blow up in the wind. Some people are even thinner than they were during the Special Period. Back then, hunger was different. It hurt, but everyone in the neighborhood was starving. Now there are empty plates and small businesses selling imported ham. In this crisis, some apartments are completely dark at night, while others have generators to cope with the power outages. I have neighbors without soap to bathe with, and others who use expensive perfumes that cling to the elevator walls.

I’m near the old Maravillas movie theater. Smoke hangs in the air, burning my eyes and throat. A pile of trash is burning under a nearby tree. Several vendors are hawking their wares nearby. One is selling a pack of 50 masks for 1,000 pesos. If they keep burning garbage everywhere, we Havana residents are going to have to go back to wearing face masks. But this time it won’t be because of COVID-19, but because of the toxic fumes. I reach into my pocket and pull out a Mella. I walk the rest of the way along Calzada del Cerro with a piece of cloth over my nose, protecting myself from this city that’s attacking us from all sides.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

It Is Forbidden To Leave Home in Cuba Today Because It Is a “Counter-Revolutionary Day”

“It is the day of the execution (sic) of the Brothers to the Rescue planes,” the State Security agent justifies himself.

The State Security agent briefly showed us his ID to warn us that he was there to prevent us from entering this concrete building. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, February 24, 2026 – A man in the basement of our building says that today is a “counterrevolutionary day,” and that’s why we can’t go out. Wearing a hat, dark glasses, and a thick coat, the State Security agent briefly shows us his ID to warn us that he’s there to prevent us from passing through the door of this concrete block. There are likely others deployed around the block and a police patrol car parked nearby. It is bitterly cold, with dry gusts of wind, and sewage is dripping from the roof above the entrance, very close to the security guard. The atmosphere couldn’t be more hostile today for the disciplined repressor.

In the last month, this is the third operation around our building. Although one might think we’ve integrated it into our daily routine, we continue to be surprised that resources are being spent on two peaceful journalists, with no weapon other than words. Just a few meters from where the political police agent is standing stretches one of the four enormous garbage dumps that surround our building. Symbolically, the mountain of waste rises in front of a sculpture that recreates the Cuban flag. Blue stripes here, filth there. A red triangle on this side, stinking garbage on the other.

They have spent resources, gasoline, and manpower to corner two citizens in the middle of a paralyzed city. / 14ymedio

When the agent approached Reinaldo Escobar around eight in the morning, he asked him if he knew what day it was. “An important date in our wars of independence,” replied this sharp-tongued man with whom I’ve lived for 33 years. “No, no, today is the day of the Brothers to the Rescue planes being shot down,” the seguroso [security guard] pointed out with an air of authority . The fear that activists and independent journalists will take to the streets and commemorate the events of 24 February 1996, is the reason we’re forbidden to set foot outside. They’ve spent resources, gasoline, and manpower to corner two citizens in the middle of a city paralyzed by state neglect and fuel shortages.

My neighbors aren’t accustomed to it either. When we have a police operation downstairs, the informal street vendors can barely offer continue reading

their wares on the stairs, and hunger hits hardest those who can’t go out to buy things. When the political police surround this building, the frustration grows among those who would prefer to see that efficiency and energy focused on the serious problems plaguing our community. Two dilapidated elevators, a water tank falling apart above our heads, vandalism that steals light bulbs from the hallways and shatters windowpanes, and pipes clogged with salt buildup and decades of neglect are just some of the serious problems we face every day.

My building and my neighbors need attention, but not this kind. How many elevator parts could be bought with the cost of three police operations? Could the pumps that bring the water up from the cistern be repaired with the expenses of a deployment like this? Would the money from a repressive operation be enough to pay for a new lobby door to replace the current one, which is broken and misaligned? The list of needs and urgent matters is long. But the authorities don’t seem to care that this building is becoming a ruin, just like the rest of the city. Improving the lives of Cubans isn’t their priority.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Vedado, the Heart of Havana’s Nightlife, Is Now Converted Into a Desert

Without transportation and without gasoline, La Rampa, 23rd Street, Coppelia and other iconic places suffer from the crisis affecting the entire country

It’ is the first vehicle I’ve seen after sitting in that spot for several minutes. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, Februay 22, 2016 — It’s Saturday and I’m heading out to Vedado. Just a few years ago, the combination of this day of the week with La Rampa, 23rd Street, and the area around the Hotel Habana Libre and the Coppelia ice cream parlor, for years mean fun, meeting up with friends and ending the night enjoying some shot. But this city no lonver exists. Now, the avenues are almost deserted, the clubs remain closed, and the familiar faces and names that once defined every corner have left. The only ones who remain are those who couldn’t leave.

I head through the La Timba neighborhood until I reach the edge of Revolution Square. Forget about catching a ride to the vicinity of avenida de los Presidentes. I’ll do the whole trip on foot. Paseo Street is deserted at ten in the morning. On a lamppost, someone has dared to hang a sign that says “Gasoline” and a cell phone number. I imagine that if I call, they’ll tell me the price of that liquid which, right now, monopolizes the dreams and anxieties of the entire country. Yesterday, a neighbor told me he had a liter of premium for 4,000 pesos, but it must have gone up by now. I imagine that if I call they’ll tell me the price of that liquid which, right now, monopolizes the dreams and anxieties of the entire country.

I imagine that if I call they’ll tell me the price of that liquid which, right now, monopolizes the dreams and anxieties of the entire country. / 14ymedio

On one corner, several gaudy pink convertibles participate in the filming of a music video. The contrast is brutal. The passengers smile at the camera from the peculiar row of gleaming vehicles just a few meters from a vast garbage dump. As I watch the spectacle, a mosquito bites my ankle, a patch of skin I forgot to treat with repellent. Insecticides have become an inseparable part of our “war kit” before leaving home. We’re in a constant battle to avoid catching one of the arboviruses that are plaguing us.

My husband has been suffering for months from the aftereffects of chikungunya. Swollen hands, joint pain, weakness, and a slow gait that has become the hallmark of those who have had the disease. Ahead of me continue reading

, on D Street, a woman walks with that robotic gait the illness has left her with. I can’t help but recall scenes from the film Juan de los muertos [Juan of the Dead], with a city full of zombies attacking those who are still breathing. But in Havana, there are no living people left to attack; we are all, in one way or another, already cadavers.

I am standing in front of Cuba’s tallest building. One would expect the areas around the Iberostar Selection Hotel, also known as Torre K, would be bustling with the comings and goings of taxis, tourists, and tour guides, but there’s nothing. The completely empty entrance lends an air of abandonment to this ugly block of concrete and glass. Only one man, delirious and shouting incoherent phrases, disturbs the lethargy that stretches along this stretch of sidewalk to what was once Havana’s most vibrant corner: 23rd and L.

Passengers smile at the camera from the peculiar line of gleaming vehicles just meters from a vast landfill. / 14ymedio

I cross to the other side of the left atrium of the heart of Vedado, even though the pedestrian light is still red. It doesn’t matter. I could dance for a while in the middle of the popular intersection and I wouldn’t be in any danger of being run over. Two teenagers pass by on their scooters , and another lunatic waves his arms like the blades of a fan in front of the Yara movie theater. Losing your mind is easy in a reality that challenges us with new absurdities every day. The friends who haven’t left live on pills that anesthetize them. “I don’t want to go crazy,” a neighbor repeats to me while showing me the blister pack of tiny pills she carries in her wallet.

I reach Infanta Street. It smells of urine. I sit down in a doorway across from Radio Progreso. Within minutes, several elderly people file past, begging for money. A nearby business has hired two burly security guards who prevent the beggars from interacting with their customers. A family of tourists, the first I’ve seen on my journey, approaches to read the restaurant menu. The woman asks the employee if he can help her get internet access because the SIM card she bought from Etecsa “isn’t working.” The man explains that the service is unreliable and there are times of day when it doesn’t work. Her face is a poem: she doesn’t understand why she was charged for something that doesn’t work.

A gleaming yellow excavator drives past me. It’s the first vehicle I’ve seen in several minutes of sitting here. Five men are riding on the bucket. I’m going to have to ask my neighbor for one of those little pills to keep from going crazy.

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Havana in Critical Condition

The Cuban capital is living through its worst moments: trash on every corner, empty markets, sky-high prices, streets deserted because of the fuel crisis.

I can’t scan a single square meter without spotting some filth, breakage, or pothole. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 20 February 2026 —  When a cyclone is approaching, the streets of Havana take on another velocity. The pace accelerates, vendors offer their merchandise with more urgency, and the small businesses rush to close before the winds start blowing. This Friday there is no hurricane expected, but the city I’m walking through feels like it is waiting for a monster greater than anything on the Saffir-Simpson scale. The fear isn’t from possible gusts, but from the total paralysis of a country run out of fuel.

At the Tulipán Street market, several stalls are already shut down because of the energy crisis. “Tomorrow I won’t come, we are in critical state,” a vendor shouts into his cellphone, his stand overflowing with goods imported just a few days ago. People prefer food that doesn’t need  refrigeration in fear that the blackouts, which have already multiplied in the last few hours, will keep getting worse until the whole city goes dark.

I put two packages of peanuts in the shell into my bag. They don’t need to stay cold, they’re pretty nutritious and, in case the gas service doesn’t work, it won’t be a great sacrifice to eat them raw. I leave the eggs even though I need them. They’re only selling them by the carton, 30 for 3,200 pesos, and I’m afraid they’ll spoil if the power outages drag on. I add some onions and a bunch of cilantro. The little I’ve bought costs me over 4,000 pesos, more than an average monthly pension.

Above, a tourist-postcard blue sky invites calm and, below, we move nervously amidst squalor and despair. / 14ymedio

A young guy jokes that soon we’ll have to come to the market with a wheelbarrow because the Cuban peso keeps losing value while prices keep climbing. I imagine myself pushing bills in one of those improvised carts that I used when I was a girl to help carry  water to my house in Centro Habana. Life has this way of bringing us back to a point we thought we’d left behind, and doing so in a way that makes us feel nostalgia for the days when we were carrying water instead of useless paper to nearly empty markets.

Every area I pass through gives the impression that a hand, from the sky, has dumped an enormous trash bin. The trash that accumulates on the street corners, forming mountains of cardboard, bags, and plastic, is added to the debris scattered everywhere. I can’t find a single square meter without some filth, break, or pothole. I feel a bit shattered myself. My calves ache from climbing up and down 14 flights of stairs because there is no electricity to power the elevator. I hurt my elbow lifting bags of soil to plant some herbs on my terrace, facing the “zero option,” and I sleep little at night because of the constant power outages, generating buzzing, clicking, and shouts that echo through the neighborhood.

Now, on the outskirts of the market, the rush is palpable. “Grab your last garlic here before I leave,” shouts a shirtless man, accompanied by a teenage girl. It is barely nine in the morning, so his threat to leave has nothing to do with the market’s opening hours. “I’m not coming back, take advantage now,” he emphasizes, in case anyone didn’t get that this is the last day he has transportation to make it to Estancia street, full of potholes and where, traditionally, if inspectors don’t raid it, the stalls sprawl out, selling everything from Chinese ointments to disposable razors to liquefied gas cylinders.

The peanuts don’t need to be kept at low temperatures, they’re quite nutritious, and if the gas service goes out, eating them raw won’t be a big deal. / 14ymedio

But today the movie is playing even faster. It is like those scenes shot in early movies filmed at fewer frames per second that when played back in our time give the idea of wind-up puppets frantically jerking from one side to the other. Now my neighbors and I seem to be “out of revolutions,” never better said. The scene could not be more starkly contrasting. Above, a picture-postcard blue sky invites calm, while below, we move nervously amidst squalor and despair.

A motorcycle zooms right by me because I’m walking in the street. The sidewalks are devastated and dangerous for your ankles. But the driver doesn’t yell an insult or ask sarcastically if I maybe have a license plate. A strange understanding of others, a willingness to empathize with each other in the face of the collapse we’re experiencing, seems to have spread around the market. In my dirty neighborhood, at least these days, “the noble and the villain, the great man and the worm dance and shake hands,” or more accurately: we all suffer together and try not to step on each other.

An old lady sidles up to me while I’m buying some tiny carnations with more leaves than petals. “Give me something to eat,” she says in a low voice. Her facial skin is so tight to the bone you can make out every tendon, every muscle underneath. You don’t even know anymore what counts as a decent handout. If I give her 50 pesos, will she feel insulted because it won’t even buy an egg? A hundred still too little for this old woman to eat something? Even being generous in these chaotic money times is difficult. You don’t know if you’re helping or humiliating someone with these worthless colored scraps that make up our national currency.

Also, there is a gray dust covering everything. It falls on our heads. It’s from the trash piles they’ve set on fire. If I look out from the balcony, I see them smoking here and there, dotting Havana’s landscape. The city smells like a medieval village where flames try to do what modern sanitation services are supposed to handle. A neighbor tells me her asthma attacks have multiplied, her eyes water all the time, and she locks herself in her room under the sheet hoping, the stench and smoke don’t reach her.

My neighbors and I also seem to be “out of revolutions,” never better said. / 14ymedio

I hurry past the nearest mountain of trash closest to our building. Dominating the scene, on the sign over the Ministry of Transportation, it reads “hasta la victoria siempre.” A young guy is digging through the garbage. I wait for him to finish so I can take a photo. If poverty used to be more starkly visible among the elderly, now there’s a whole sector of Cuban children and teenagers whose faces bear the marks of hunger. They have that extreme thinness and yellowish complexion of someone who only eats small portions of poor-quality food every now and then.

I head home and pass a mipyme*-run shop. We’re in a blackout. The old garage converted into a little bodega looks like a dark cave. A customer complains he can’t pay electronically because there’s no power or data connection. The employee shrugs and says: “We’re lucky we’re even open, because who knows if we can be tomorrow.” An atmosphere of goodbye hangs over everything. No one knows for sure if the neighborhood store will open next week, if the guy with the electric tricycle hauling goods will have charged his battery, if the chronic patient in the nearby house will make it without transport to the emergency room. We’re all saying goodbye to each other, too, in fast-forward.

I get to the bottom of my concrete block. I joke with a neighbor who points out it is the third time today he’s seen me climbing the stairs. “I’m training for a marathon,” I tell him. Yes, I’m prepping for a long-distance run, though for the stretch ahead we need more inner strength than steady knees. Finally I make it upstairs. I look out. Smoke from another trash fire has emerged on the horizon. I think it’s coming from over there, from the neighborhood where I used to haul water as a girl.

*Micro, Small, Medium Enterprises [MSME in English; mipyme in Spanish]

______________________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Without Reason, Cuban State Security Is Once Again Besieging Journalists

There is another operation by the political police in the basement of our building to prevent us from leaving our homes.

Police patrol outside the home of Wilber Aguilar Bravo, in La Güinera (Havana). / Facebook

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, Yoani Sánchez, 3 February 2026 — The cold is the talk of the town in Havana. But dictatorships don’t understand low temperatures or freezing winds. This Tuesday, there’s a political police operation in the basement of our building to prevent us from leaving our homes. What’s the reason for this blockade that restricts our freedom of movement and condemns us to not being able to buy food or take out the trash? We don’t know. It is not a significant date on the official calendar, we are not invited to any diplomatic reception, and in our neighborhood, no visitors are expected other than the battalion of flies and mosquitoes that buzzes around the mountains of garbage.

A neighbor told us it might be the Cuban regime’s nervousness in the face of pressure from Washington and the events that have been unfolding in Venezuela for the past month. However, I struggle to define what danger my husband and I could pose on this international political chessboard where we are, at best, tiny, defenseless presences. Is some official coming to inaugurate a project amidst the dirty, dilapidated streets of this area? Is a military exercise about to take place in the trenches formed by the potholes in the sidewalks that surround us? Is the stench emanating from the garbage piled up on the street corners about to multiply in the coming hours?

With the thread of internet we have, we confirm that other journalists and activists suffer the same harassment at their homes.

We have no answer, because Cuban State Security behaves with impunity, failing to explain to citizens the reasons for violating their rights. continue reading

With the thread of internet we have, we confirm that other journalists and activists suffer the same harassment at their homes: Dagoberto Valdés in Pinar del Río, Wilber Aguilar Bravo in La Güinera, and Camila Acosta and Ángel Santiesteban in central Havana. From Camagüey, reports indicate the arrest of Henry Constantín, director of La Hora de Cuba , and Alejandra García, whose whereabouts remain unknown.

When a state blocks defenseless people from walking freely through a city, it demonstrates its fear. That repressive forces must spend hours stationed outside our building, disrupting our daily lives, reveals the fragility of a power that fears a couple of journalists armed only with their words.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba and the Time To Remove the Masks

The numerical disproportion between those who cling to the current model and those who want political openness is overwhelmingly in favor of the latter.

The hope that this difficult moment will give way to “a free Cuba” has taken root in the collective imagination. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 11 February 2026 — Next to me in the shared taxi, a young man is listening to a YouTube video at full volume on his cell phone. The video harshly describes Alejandro Castro Espín, mentions the word “dictatorship” several times, and denounces the repression of the Cuban regime. No one bats an eye. No one tells him to turn off the device. No one confronts him ideologically. A few minutes later, in a long line outside an office of the Etecsa monopoly, a woman is listening to a song by Los Aldeanos that criticizes Castroism. The state employees aren’t even bothered, and some people in line are even singing along to the chorus

When I get home, a neighbor who for years has been an obvious informant for the political police approaches me to say that “something has to happen, because this can’t go on.” On the stairs to the 14th floor, without electricity and with the elevators out of service, another neighbor jokes that the fictional character Cuco Mendieta, a Cuban supposedly a member of the U.S. Delta Force who participated in the capture of Nicolás Maduro, is about to arrive in Havana on a mission very similar to the one in Caracas. We laugh, and the climb becomes easier.

Never before has the Cuban government been criticized so openly. I don’t recall a single moment in our recent history when criticism of the Communist Party was so widespread, so corrosive, or so loud. “Gusanear,” that verb borrowed from official insults, is the daily practice of millions of people on this island. They “gusanear” at bus stops, at workplaces, and in lines to deposit a few dollars onto that Clásica card that allows them to buy what little gasoline remains in the country. They “gusanear” at the rationed bodega, at school meetings where they announce the suspension of in-person classes, and on the bus terminal platform, empty of vehicles and hope.

‘Gusanear’, that verb taken from official insults, is the daily practice of millions of people on this Island.

Defenders of the system are at a significant disadvantage in Cuba. Nothing remains of the ideological fervor they once displayed. Many are silent, scanning the horizon for the change that is inevitably approaching, while others continue reading

have joined the ranks of the critics at a surprising speed. Masks are falling away, medals are being hidden, and patting the neighborhood opposition member on the back is a way of making one’s position clear. The numerical disparity between those clinging to the current model and those who want political opening is overwhelmingly in favor of the latter. We are, in the end, the majority, and “they” know it.

In the face of this panorama, Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel should think twice before asking for sacrifices and calling for “creative resistance.” His ability to rally support is at an all-time low, the Party he leads is experiencing a period of extremely limited backing, and those who until yesterday were preparing for the front lines will no longer answer the call to self-sacrifice. Not only has fear shifted sides, given the regime’s dwindling numbers, but the hope that this difficult moment will give way to “a free Cuba” has taken root in the collective consciousness. “It won’t be long now,” another neighbor tells me from her balcony. “We’ll get rid of them this time,” she adds before hanging up the sheet she washed by hand, amidst the blackout.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

El4tico, the Rebellious Youth That Those in Power in Cuba Want To Silence

The arrest of Ernesto Medina and Kamil Zayas is a warning to Cubans under 40: emigrate before repression catches up with you

El4tico has shown a country where the Communist Party’s unpopularity is growing, patience is running out, and the imposed political model is garnering less and less support. / Facebook/Cultural Rights Observatory

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 7 February 2026 —  My generation has packed its bags. And the few of us who remain on the island have had to learn another kind of heartbreak: saying goodbye to our children. Watching them leave not only with a backpack on their shoulder, but with the certainty that staying means the risk of being silenced, perpetual poverty, or prison. Young Cubans today face a cruel dilemma: remain in the country where they were born, silenced and subjected to a crisis with no end in sight, or leave for places where everything starts from scratch, but where at least one can speak without fear. The arrest yesterday, Friday, of Ernesto Medina and Kamil Zayas, members of the El4tico project, is a stark warning directed at Cubans under 40: emigrate before the repression catches up with you

“If you are seeing or reading this, it is because they have finally found a way to silence me, to try to temporarily muzzle me,” Zayas says in a message written before his arrest and released this Saturday. “I am not being arrested for theft, assault, drug trafficking, or any common crime,” he clarifies. “I am being arrested for the only ‘crime’ that a dictatorship cannot tolerate: daring to look directly and say aloud what we all notice: its egregious failings, its chronic inefficiencies, its systematic injustices, and the oppression that crushes the dignity of an entire people.”

Standing in front of an old blackboard and with a fan that seems more intent on stirring up social inertia than blowing air, Medina and Zayas have connected with an audience fed up with slogans.

This testimony is not mere rhetoric, but rather an accusation. In a country where too many young people are trapped in the clutches of el químico [the chemical], others spend hours sitting on sidewalks with nothing to do, and a majority dream of throwing themselves into the sea or boarding a plane to get them out of here as soon as possible, these two men from Holguín have chosen the most dangerous path: to stay and speak out. With their videos, they have unsettled the authorities because they have abandoned coded language, fear, and self-censorship. In front of an old blackboard and with a fan that seems more intent on stirring social inertia than providing air, Medina and Zayas have connected with an audience fed up with slogans and in need of stories grounded in real life.

While official channels insist on clinging to the tired slogan of “creative resistance,” El4tico has shown a country where the Communist Party’s unpopularity is growing, patience is wearing thin continue reading

, and the imposed political model is garnering increasingly less support. Where Miguel Díaz-Canel takes hours to string together clumsy phrases that provoke a prolonged national yawn, Medina and Zayas have opted for a direct, approachable, even engaging style. Their videos are devoid of posturing and scripted phrasing: they offer spontaneity, irony, and a sincerity that the system doesn’t know how to handle.

“Speak louder. Be dignified. Because history does not pardon those who remain silent out of convenience,” Zayas wrote before a police operation culminated in his and his colleague’s arrest. That phrase resonates today in a society marked by absences, by empty seats at family tables, and by the fear of ending up behind bars for an opinion, a social media post, or a criticism spoken aloud.

Repression doesn’t just imprison bodies; it also forces people into exile, cancels their future, and empties the country of its youngest voices. Every arrest like this confirms that speaking the truth remains, in Cuba, the most dangerous and most necessary act.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Removal of the Photos: Fidel Castro’s Regime Retreats in Cuba

Lacking a sense of humor, vengeful towards anyone who dared to challenge him, Fidel Castro’s image is at an all-time low in the social imagination.

In the centennial year of Fidel Castro, Cuban authorities are doing everything possible to resurrect a legacy that popular will insists on burying. Tet on the fence: “I am Fidel” / EFE

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, February 4, 2026 — Her photo with Fidel Castro hung in the living room for decades, and Rita proudly displayed it. But a few years ago, the frame was used to hold a portrait of her newborn granddaughter, and the snapshot, faded by time, ended up in a drawer. A retired engineer enduring more than ten hours of daily power outages, this 80-year-old Cuban now feels a mixture of shame and annoyance every time she comes across that image where a man in military uniform is pinning a medal on her.

In the centennial year of Castro’s birth, Cuban authorities are doing everything possible to resurrect a legacy that the popular will insists on burying. The man who ruled the destiny of millions on this island has become synonymous with everything that must be avoided in the nation’s future. Uncompromising voluntarism, hatred of those who are different, revolutionary bravado, and contempt for dissent were not only his personal hallmarks but also the defining characteristics that shaped his domestic policy and international diplomacy for more than half a century.

The “This is your house Fidel” signs only remain in the memory of a few, and those diplomas where his signature was written on the paper have been stored away from prying eyes.

Lacking a sense of humor, incapable of even the slightest bit of dancing, vengeful towards anyone who dared challenge him, averse to personal affection, and prone to tantrums when he didn’t get his way, Fidel Castro’s image is at an all-time low in the public consciousness. Despite the display of his photographs in government offices and the calls to celebrate the centenary of his birth, the man born in Birán in 1926 has been more than buried by most Cubans, who avoid even mentioning his name, as if it were a spell that could bring him back to life.

Few family living rooms still display his photographs, the “This is your house, Fidel” signs only survive in the memories of a few, and those diplomas bearing his signature have been tucked away, out of sight. Grandparents avoid mentioning him, emigrants swear they could never stand him, and even those named after him insist their parents actually chose it in honor of an uncle who died young. No one wants that bearded shadow cast over their life. continue reading

A century later, Cubans are trying to completely bury the man who attempted to leave his mark on every second and every millimeter of national life. He’s so absent from public discourse that he’s no longer even mentioned in curses.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban State Security Detains Yoani Sánchez and Returns Her to Her Home With a Ban on Leaving

Cuban authorities follow through on their warning to prevent people from attending a reception at the residence of US Ambassador Mike Hammer

Yoani Sánchez was followed for several minutes by a State Security agent in civilian clothes with his face covered, his back to the camera in the image. / 14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 28 January 2026 — Yoani Sánchez, director of 14ymedio, was arrested in the street Wednesday to prevent her from attending a reception at the residence of the US mission chief in Havana, Mike Hammer. Her husband, Reinaldo Escobar, a columnist for the same publication, who left through another door of their building, was also stopped by two plainclothes State Security agents and forced to return home.

Followed for several minutes by an off-duty officer in his mid-twenties with his face partially covered, Sánchez managed to contact the newsroom in Madrid to explain what was happening. The young man called her by name, and she told him to identify himself, saying she didn’t know who he was, to which he didn’t reply. Instead, he called what sounded like a patrol car or other officers, requesting backup.

However, he couldn’t pinpoint her exact location to give them. It is well known that the Ministry of the Interior often assigns officers to the capital from other provinces, especially from the eastern part of the island, who frequently don’t know the city.

At the intersection of Ayestarán Avenue and First Street, in the Plaza de la Revolución municipality, the director of ’14ymedio’ stopped her walk and was then approached

At the intersection of Ayestarán Avenue and First Street, in the municipality of Plaza de la Revolución, the director of 14ymedio stopped her walk and was then approached by the man who was following her and three other people who caught up with them, a man and two women.

Both men showed Sánchez ID cards bearing the initials DSE (Department of State Security), but the women never identified themselves. Once there, they told her she had to walk back home—”perhaps because they don’t have gasoline,” the journalist speculated—and that she couldn’t leave “until tomorrow.”

The four escorted Sánchez to the ground floor of her building. The agents made it clear that the reason for the operation was to prevent the two journalists from attending the reception hosted by the head of the US mission. “Of course she was going there, where else would she go?” the editor of this newspaper overheard one agent remark to another.

The event to which both Sánchez and Escobar had been invited marked the beginning of the celebrations for the 250th anniversary of the United States’ independence, this Wednesday at 5:00 pm at Hammer’s residence, located in the Playa municipality. The evening’s special guest is Rob Allison, the US State Department’s coordinator for Cuba affairs.

Other dissidents, such as Boris González, Berta Soler, and Ángel Moya, also have operations underway at their respective homes.

Other dissidents, such as Boris González, Berta Soler, Ángel Moya, Manuel Cuesta Morúa, and Marthadela Tamayo, also have operations being carried out at their homes. “This is how the anniversary of the Apostle [José Martí] is being experienced in Cuba today, with police surrounding the homes of activists and arresting others,” wrote González’s wife, Juliette Fernández Estrada  on her Facebook wall to report the police harassment on this day, which also marks the 173rd anniversary of José Martí’s birth. “It’s very cold and drizzling; I’m glad the weather is adverse to those who engage in these despicable actions,” she added, illustrating her words with two photos taken that same morning.

In the case of Soler, leader of the Ladies in White, and her husband, Ángel Moya, they claim to have known nothing about the reception held today at Hammer’s house. Independent journalists Camila Acosta and Ángel Santiesteban are also being harassed this Wednesday. “I’ve been surrounded since early this morning. Several State Security officers, men and women, on motorcycles, in a Lada, and in a patrol car,” Acosta recounted on her social media, denouncing that the officers had also been “aggressive with the neighbors.”

Dagoberto Valdés, director of the Convivencia Studies Center in Pinar del Río, is also under police cordon, preventing him from leaving his home. Last Friday, he was arrested by State Security, as was his colleague Yoandy Izquierdo. Both were interrogated for several hours in an operation led by Majors Ernesto and Manuel, both officers of the political police, who acknowledged that the arrests were motivated by a recent visit Valdés made to Hammer.
___________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.