Translating Cuba

They repeated to everyone that he had a “nurse’s note” and would return to his studies “when he was better.” The boy was studying computer science and got a job at a business months ago working as a network administrator, through the intercession and recommendation of a friend. His occupation facilitates his covert sales of internet accounts — at 100 CUCs a month each — to Cuban users desperate to exercise his right to freedom of information.

Before the baby of the family started the job, the characters in my story lived modestly and austerely, every month they put more minutes on their phone to call the older boy when their missing him was most acute. Despite his putting money on the phone from abroad to boost their balance when ETECSA makes their offers, the cell phone use was exclusive to them. It was the tool of contact with the member ripped from the bosom of the family, the umbilical cord that connected them to their son, the magic apparatus that brings this beloved voice that they can only hear from time to time. Since the younger boy started to work they have video conferences with the first-born almost daily, and it’s common to hear and see them talking on the phone. The battered Lada 1600 make car — 1978 model — was taken apart molecule by molecule and its old iron put to different use.

One of the “eyes and ears” of the neighborhood let a friend of my friends know that because of the visible economic well-being they’ve become a target of member of the Committee for the Defense of the Revolution and malignant cops and bored vigilantes. My friends, meanwhile, now want the son to leave his job — like he did his studies — to avoid “complications” from his facilitating his compatriots accessing one of the rights long-trampled by the state.

They fear, with reason, that an indiscretion could “entangle” him in a process that would affect his criminal history and the impossibility of the reunification of the brothers. But the boy is reluctant to let go of the golden goose and now they, in contrast, call me and ask why the authorities delay in giving citizens internet access. What a sad paradox!

16 February 2013

It is human, and the noble sentiments deserve respect, when a family member is in trouble, but it is unacceptable to lend oneself to political manipulation and be prominent part of it, as if they enjoy it. I would like to be wrong, but this is the conclusion that, adding up the facts, I’ve come to. Contrite faces, an occasional furtive tear, speeches and endless calls to the point of exhaustion, make me think more about the desire for a political-social role (and what this represents in travel, clothing, tours, events, celebrations, etc.), in real feelings.

In short, the four remaining prisoners serving their sentences, after their guilt was proven: violated laws and are paying for it. This childish excuse of “coming to save our neighbor and ourselves in the neighbor’s house” isn’t believed by anyone with half a brain. It’s just one more political campaign (it’s not the only one), to keep the majority of the people entertained, trying to divert their attention from the real and important problems. Many ordinary Cubans now enjoy the conditions enjoyed by these prisoners of the empire.

It seems that those of the Five who remain, plus it sounds better to say Free the Five than Free the Four, because our authorities are quite slow to introduce changes (even their photographs are obsolete, having been taken over twelve years ago), but these are necessary and reality demands them.

15 February 2013

They let nothing stand in the way of their achieving their ends, beginning by confiscating all communications and information media and imposing strict censorship. They also nationalized schools at every level of education, “both lay and religious,” took over the entire economic infrastructure of the country and aggressively confronted anyone who opposed them.

As part of their absolutist strategy they entered into a geopolitical game with the former Soviet Union in order to guarantee a permanent hold on military as well as economic power. They copied their political and ideological patrons, and compromised the very nature of Cuban solidarity under the guise of so-called proletarian internationalism.

Cuba’s first socialist constitution, adopted in 1976, serves as irrefutable proof of their intention to Sovietize even contemporary Cuban history for the benefit of a foreign power. In its preamble the charter recognizes the support of the now-defunct Union of Soviet Socialist Republics — the USSR — in contributing to the success of socialism in Cuba. Later, after the collapse of the Soviet bloc, this preamble was revised by the National Assembly of People’s Power in July of 1992. Acknowledgment then went instead to proletarian internationalism and the fraternal friendship, aid, cooperation and solidarity of the people’s of the world, especially those of Latin America and the Caribbean.

However, the constitution’s legal justification for absolute control by the Communist Party has been retained. In Chapter 1, Article 5; Political, Social and Economic Fundamentals, the Communist Party is proclaimed as the supreme driving force of society and the state. This legitimization of one-party rule precludes any efforts to recognize political plurality and legally marginalizes those might promote it.

Cuba’s authoritarian leaders defend the claim that the Communist Party does not nominate candidates or intervene in the People’s Power elections for any municipal, provincial or national offices.

Nevertheless, electoral law provides for a commission on candidacies, which not only not only participates in the nominating process for 50% of the candidates elected to these offices, but also determines by decree who the other 50% will be. Long-time leaders, distinguished personalities, politicians, government ministers, military figures, close relatives and immediate family members of the new socio-economic class make up the list of candidates.

As a result the National Assembly of People’s Power, the supreme embodiment of state power, is made up of group of appointed figures of whom more than 95% are members of either the Communist Party or the Union of Young Communists. This can be confirmed by the current list of candidates for the 612 delegate positions up for election in February of this this year, which will convene on the 24th of this month in the National Assembly. All will be elected; there will be no surprises.

Martí touched this theme when he wrote, “One cannot be an honorable representative to Parliament if he goes laden with gratuities and favors received, and with tacit or explicit expectations by the chieftain who appoints him. Such servants cannot be in charge of defending liberty.” 3

During the entire process of crafting a dictatorship, which has now lasted fifty-four years, citizens have also been affected by their condition as active political subjects.

Forced ideologization combined with political repression has made the development and realization of a responsible citizenry an impossibility.Yet this is the basis for a democratic foundation, which expresses its interests, preferences and demands through the plurality of political parties. There is no better way. The question is whether peaceful opposition, which arose in the 1980s as an outgrowth of the human rights movement, can coalesce into a multi-party political option in the near future.

In order for realization of the democratic national interest to be viable, it is necessary for the authorities to now set the stage with appropriate respect, recognition and confidence. The legal foundation for this new climate must be adoption of the United Nations’ Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and on the Convention for Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, which have already been signed and now await ratification by the authorities, who must then put them into practice.

Under new conditions and with new freedoms citizens would begin a process of identifying and educating themselves on their rights and responsibilities as full and active members of society. They would begin to visualize ideological and political alternatives in prohibited areas of community life, and Cuban men and women would see the world in light of the freedoms of information, assembly and association, as well as others unknown until now.

Then and only then would citizens be able to recognize their pressing needs and become aware of the political options for confronting them. This could certainly be the possible or probable beginning of a journey of liberation for the nation, one which the authoritarian authorities do not even appear to be interested. For now they continue to hold on to absolute power. Rather than a transition to democracy, they are betting on a dynastic succession.

Implementation of the United Nations’ Convention on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights would create the conditions for convening a Constituent Assembly to draft a new and this time democratic constitution. A new electoral law and political parties could lead to free and open democratic elections, and the nation could soon see a national democratic state based on the rule of law. A road map could be established to specify the timing; the citizenry would determine the form of government through plebiscites. The rest would come later. But politics is, among other things, the art of the possible, and any plan or process of transition would necessarily be subject to an endless number of variables.

Since April, 2011 Cuba’s authoritarian authorities have been implementing a series of reforms, which they call Economic and Social Policy Guidelines of the Party and Revolution. Most of the economic features outlined in these guidelines make reference to or borrow aspects from various programs proposed by national political opposition to the authorities at different points in time.

Notable among them is the Common Platform for the nation from the Table of Reflection of the Moderate Opposition. It is a program for democratic transition to be carried out by various opposition groups with a range of ideological viewpoints and submitted for consideration to the Cuban government at the end of the 20th century.

The issue of governmental controls, prohibitions and restrictions is also touched upon, though with a certain reticence due to the overlap it has with the issue of politics. The new emigration law, which took effect in January of this year and which somewhat liberalizes this activity by restoring certain citizens’ right, is one example. There is still much left to be done, however, in moving towards recognition and respect for the rights of citizens, civil society and the political opposition.

It is in this area where we need to strengthen our appeals. After implementation by the authorities of the aforementioned United Nations’ conventions, there are two fundamental priorities left to be addressed:

1) Recognition by Cuban regime of the alternative political society.

2) Unfettered access to the internet for all citizens.

Achieving the first goal depends on the ability to negotiate construction of the new, democratic nation we all desire. In regards to the second, computerizing Cuban society and providing unrestricted access to the network of all networks are vital to ending underdevelopment and cognitively linking us to the rest of the international community.

“A people’s independence consists of the respect that those in power show to each of its sons,” wrote,”4 wrote Martí.

Among the variables that at this point in time will have the most impact on the process of democratization in Cuba, “which will be able to slow it but not stop it,” are:

First, the political future of the so-called Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela.

Second, a decision to end or not end the American embargo on Cuba.

Third, the new policy of the European Union towards the Cuban government upon its fulfilling the demands of the EU’s Common Position.*

Each one of these issues comes with its own agenda and unique challenges. The complexity and importance of the three must factor into any serious tentative forecast of Cuba’s social and political future.

There is also the issue of the Cuban community overseas. The Cuban regime must decide to move towards recognition of the civil and political rights of those who have permanent residency outside of Cuba and who want to reclaim their status as citizens in order to participate in deciding the fate of our common homeland. Without addressing the legitimate interests of the Cuban diaspora in the nation’s affairs, any change or transition to democracy will be incomplete.

This is why, in light of everything outlined here, it is difficult to predict the future participation of political parties in a post-Castro Cuba. What is certain, however, is the future will see continued pluralist party activity from political organizations allied with present-day civil society.

January 28 will mark the 160 year anniversary of the most universal of all Cubans — José Julián Martí Pérez. We have highlighted here some quotes from this colossus of national thought as a testament to the relevance of his legacy. We conclude with this last quote because what it reveals:
“To be just for all, the Republic must be built by all.” 5

“The revolutionary organization must not ignore the practical needs derived from the constitution and history of the country. Nor must it work directly for the current or future predominance of any one class. Rather it must work for the whole in accordance with democratic methods and with all the active forces of the fatherland, for brotherhood and common action by Cubans living overseas, for respect and assistance from the world’s republics, and for the creation of a republic that is just and open in the confines of its borders, in its laws, in its work and in its cordiality, raised up by all and for the good of all.” 6
Rafael León Rodríguez

Havana, January 2013

2. “Las fiestas de la Constitucion en Filadefia,” El Partido Liberal, 1887. OC. t. 17, p. 47
3. La Nación, March 31, 1883, OC. t. 29, p. 50
4. Letter to J.A. Lucerna, N.Y., October 9, 1885
5. Patria, N.Y. August 6,1892, “Las expediciones y la revolución”
6. Prior resolutions, “Bases del Partido Revolucionario Cubano,” Tampa, November 28, 1891

By Rafael León Rodríguez, General Coordinator for the Cuban Democracy Project and author of the blog El Candil de Rafa.

*Translator’s note: According to the Common Position “the objective of the European Union in its relations with Cuba is to encourage a process of transition to a pluralist democracy and respect for human rights and fundamental freedoms, as well as sustainable recovery and improvement in the living standards of the Cuban people.”

The illness has a very short incubation period “that can last between two to three hours, but which generally varies from ten hours to three days” during which time the infected individual shows no symptoms. One should always bear in mind that cholera can be asymptomatic (which is the case in the so-called asymptomatic carriers of the bacteria) as well as the fact that in a significant number of cases – the majority of cases according to some writers – one does not see the typically severe symptoms, but rather a common and easily diagnosed form of diarrhea. After the incubation period comes the stage during with the patient becomes truly ill. A patient can develop one of five different clinical forms of the disease.

It was just a matter of time before cholera reached Cuba. Large numbers of tourists, foreign students and personnel from Cuba’s Medical Mission and other areas of collaboration in countries affected by the epidemic have for years provided a potential gateway for infectious diseases to enter the country. On this occasion it began in Santiago de Cuba and in recent months has spread to the west of the country, including the capital, in the form of outbreaks that have been quickly treated with varying degrees of success, but which for now have not reached epidemic levels.

The epidemiological situation in the Cuban capital is not homogeneous. Some some urban areas are more affected more than others. But it would be extremely irresponsible to speculate here about figures about which I am not completely certain. Similarly, it would not be prudent or ethical to try to minimize the threat facing the country, even if we are not now facing an epidemiological explosive situation. I am certain, however, that health authorities are making great efforts to resolve the situation and do not doubt that the issue is being treated as high priority by governmental officials. Threatening these efforts are irregularities in drinking water supplies, the unfortunate condition of the distribution network, and the deterioration of drainage systems and sewer lines in many locations throughout the country, “whose repair depends on multi-million dollar investments over the medium and long-term.” Further complicating matters is the lack of awareness among certain segments of the population of the risks posed by a disease that has been unknown in Cuba since the end of the 19th century.

This is a problem that must be assessed appropriately, one that should not be underestimated “since we are facing a potentially lethal disease that throughout history has amply demonstrated its toll in lives lost.” We should not, however, overestimate it either. I have every confidence in the competence of my colleagues to adequately treat each case. Cuban society should make use of its full organizational capabilities to eradicate this scourge and thus avoid its becoming a full-blown epidemic. The Cuban public health system is prepared to achieve this aim. Without being gratuitously over-confident, I am convinced that within a few months the situation will be under control.

Cuban doctors are quite sensitive to this danger and are trained to deal with it. The fact that our government is in debt to us, that it pays us a “salary” that is laughable, forcing us to live in an absurd state of insolvency, that it still pays scant attention to the medical sector, that the old anger over my pending vindication still persists – all this is, as we say, wheat from another sack. This is not the post that I intended to write, but in spite of everything it seems rage is still my most conspicuous vocation.

By Jeovany Jimenez Vega

*Translator’s note: The title – a reference to the novel Love in the Time of Cholera by Colombian author Gabriel Garcia Marquez – is both a joke and a pun. Also, in Spanish the word cólera can refer either to cholera, or can mean rage or anger, as the word choler does in English.

February 15 2013

We Cubans had the chance to experience the pastoral concern of Benedict XVI during his visit in 2012. We know the difficult path of negotiations that led to the first papal trip to Cuba in January 1998. Since the late 70s, when John Paul II set himself the task of being the quintessential evangelist among the nations of the earth, the Pope’s visit to Cuba was always present in the heart of the Pope and his bulging travel agenda.

But the circumstances that preceded and accompanied the collapse of the socialist bloc in Europe made it difficult, almost impossible, for Pope Wojtyla to come to Cuba. All America, and almost the whole world had already received a vicit from the Pope and Cuba remained, unvisited. Finally, in 1998, after lengthy negotiations, the longed for visit of John Paul became a reality for Cubans.

The then Cardinal Ratzinger was an eyewitness to that visit and to its haphazard preparation. Which did not stop him, on the coming of the Jubilee Year of the Fourth Hundredth Anniversary of the presence among us of the blessed image of the Virgin Mary under the name of Charity, from again taking the staff of a pilgrim and returning to Cuba, this time as Universal Pastor. A pilgrim for the Charity and of the Charity. One more among the humble visitors to the Sanctuary, the Basilica of Cobre, who came to honor the Mother, to proclaim and celebrate his fidelity to the Son.

Among the cares and chosen destinations of Pope Benedict, and one of the last, there will have to be Cuba. He came to bear witness to us with his support and to enlighten us with his wisdom, and to make us aware of his condition as a simple worker in the vineyard of the Lord, faithful to Jesus, confirming the faith of his brothers.

Now, to surprise us once again, as he has done in these almost eight years of his Roman pontificate, the final step of the resignation. Before him, Paul VI and JOhn Paul II raised the possibility, but did not take the step. Since Celestine V, in the Middle Ages, it has not happened again. But, faithful to his conscience and as an expression to his service to the greater good of the Church, Pope Benedict leaves his post in the hands of the same Church that chose him eight years ago for this ministry. Benedict XVI, prudent man, gives us testimony that “true wisdom is made of great audacity.”

Thank you, Pope Benedict, for these years of devotion, for your teachings, for your dedication. Thank you for your visit to Cuba, as a pilgrim priest, confirming the brothers in the faith and in Love. Thank you for your courage to recognize your own fragility and to have no fear of breaking old customs when in pursuit of a greater good. Thank you for your audacity and your humility.

Translated from Diario de Cuba

16 February 2013

Suspicion on the street, or common sense, tells us that someone who can’t assimilate that a plane might fall into the sea without leaving the slightest trace, also can’t believe that one of the island’s soldiers who participates in narcotrafficing, and uses at will the resources of the State to back him up, can do so without the knowledge of his leaders.

It is understood that in a regime like Cuba’s the word “innocent” is always in abundance; everything on the island is a part of a culture of corruption that prevails at the highest sphere. But… what can the Commander and the General have in common.

Let’s see. Camilo and Arnaldo, each in his time, were respected, bold, attractive, critical and cheerful men, followed by their subordinates. Leaders that shared, in addition to their limited education and overflowing military merits, that spirit of adventure that is seductive to the masses.

Today, for many, both are heroes; for others they are unruly ghosts hammering at their conscience.

It is time to rewrite our history without falling into passions, and without the excessive display of this strange ability we often have to turn a man into God or a mortal into Lucifer. This as they are: Herod was a dictator, but he was also the largest builder of the ancient world.

Neither the “Famous man from Yaguajay” nor the “Bold man of Cuito Cuanavale,” competed in publicity with the figure of Fidel. On the contrary, they remained loyal to their “boss” and witnesses attest to this.

One a priori and the other a posteriori, the two, always excelled over Raul Castro, envy, a sentiment of mediocre people, and that prevails in the current president of Cuba.

I have heard a lot; but I have no evidence with which one can unite Camilo’s cadaver with Raul’s bullet; but with the body of Ochoa, yes.

“Where you’re sitting, Ochoa sat, and for not telling me ’the truth’, look what happened to him.”

These were the words that, one morning in December of 2003, I received from Raul Castro during his interrogation of me in his office on the fourth floor of MINFAR. You can draw your own conclusions. For me, it was enough.

February 15 2013

And I wonder how the Venezuelans will feel, including the president’s followers, when they realize the farce of his recovery has been playing on the feelings of the people; his own family with double the pain of the imminent loss and the manipulation.

I can’t feel that this farce at his expense is what he would have wanted. This seems to me true especially for the ultimate Chavez, much more sensitive because of his awareness of the gravity of his situation.

The President governed in the majority and won his elections. But the political validation of Venezuela’s current “hard men” is weak. When the time comes, what credibility will Nicolas Maduro, Elias Jaua, Diosdado Cabello have? This, in the face of the population, can be very serious.

Because it was them, not a doctor, not a relative, who issued encouraging news, while in Havana they watched the terminal phase of the illness. Will the Venezuelan people trust these functionaries who kept the real condition of the president secret?

The discredit is so undeniable that one wonders if we will see a conspirinoia to detail whether it would be a good move to get them out of the game in favor of other less visible (but perhaps more opportune) figures from the Chavez camp, and to do all this without appearing to have done so.

Reasons of State will be alleged, but the fissure is there. Something that has become clear to me in the two month absence of Chavez: however much they invoke him, none of his acolytes is Chavez.

February 13 2013