Cuban Televisions Raises the Tone Against the 27th November Collective

Humberto López read Article 4 of the Constitution very slowly, which calls for severity against those who do not respect the socialist character of the Republic. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 30 March 2021 — The Cuban National Television presenter, Humberto López, again dedicated a video in his space this Monday in which he threatens to apply “the most severe sanctions” to the 27N [27 November] collective, the San Isidro Movement and, by extension, to all the nonconformists with the Government and the Constitution.

In a new attack on the opposition from state television, López starts from the premise that anti-government groups are linking actions by the authorities with alleged violations of the Constitution and the laws in force in Cuba. “They are looking for cracks in the law. Soon I will bring you other inventions, but this is one of the main ones. They cite articles to legitimize everything that occurs to them, perhaps because they have finally understood that it [the constitution] was endorsed by 86.85% of the population, “says the presenter.

Based on this idea, the presenter maintains that the intention of the opponents is to modify the Constitution, making the article that declares socialism irrevocable disappear, something that is impossible as indicated in article 229 which states: “In no case can the pronouncements on the irrevocability of the socialist system established in article 4 can be modified.” continue reading

At this time, López went on to read the section to expressly indicate to the critics what they are exposed to: “The defense of the socialist homeland is the greatest honor and the supreme duty of every Cuban. Betrayal of the homeland is the most serious of crimes, whoever commits it is subject to the most severe sanctions. The socialist system endorsed by this Constitution is irrevocable. Citizens have the right to fight by all means, including armed struggle, when no other recourse is possible, against anyone who tries to overthrow the political, social and economic order established by this Constitution,” he recited slowly.

According to López, critics cannot invoke rights enshrined in the Constitution endorsed by such a large majority of the people to subvert them.

The Lopez’s speech begins with a frontal attack on the 27N Collective and the San Isidro Movement, personalized in Tania Bruguera, who is described as a leader and is accused of appropriating the law to launch accusations against Cuban television and ask everyone not to watch it. The video echoes a publication by the artist in which she accuses the News program of falsification for including an invented logo for the 27N Collective. “I acknowledge that we created the logo to make it look nice,” justifies the presenter.

López believes that “those of the 27N, those of San Isidro and the analogical classic counterrevolutionaries do not have prestige here in Cuban society” and they intend to attract social groups that the population respects for being serious and passionate, among them feminists, animal rights activists and LGBTI groups.

In the video, the presenter mocks the alleged lack of convocation of these movements, opposing to a protest action promoted by the 27N (although he calls it “Citizen Articulation”) the images of the official march this weekend to ask for the end of the US embargo. “It seems that it had a tremendous impact because yesterday what happened was this,” says López while projecting photographs of the Sunday caravan along Havana’s Malecón.

The apparent low importance the main Cuban News program attributes to the 27N and the San Isidro Movement contrasts with the time that television program dedicates to it, which in recent months has referred to these groups and their members on multiple occasions to defame them and accuse them of being in the service of “subversion” and the US Government.

“I have much more, I will return very soon,” says the presenter in what is a clear warning that the campaign is far from over.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Hospitals on Verge of Collapse due to Covid and Lack of Supplies

The rebound in Covid-19 cases in Cuba since last January has resulted in a very complicated outlook for people suffering from other diseases. (Collage)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 3 April 2021 — Ambulances that never arrive, Emergency Rooms full of poorly treated patients and the lack of medicines, have the Cuban health system on the brink of collapse; the jewel in the crown of official propaganda. On the island there are growing complaints about patients who die with hardly any attention and others whose illnesses are progressing due to the lack of drugs.

The rebound in Covid-19 cases in Cuba since last January has resulted in a very complicated outlook for people suffering from other diseases and who find themselves with suspended medical consultations, overcrowded hospitals and a tired and under-resourced healthcare staff, a alarming scenario to which is added the lack of antibiotics and analgesics.

The musician and director of the Municipal Band of Concerts of the Diez de Octubre district in Havana, Xander Art, almost didn’t live to tell about it. “Yesterday I almost died,” begins a text on his Facebook account, a text that received dozens of comments of support in just a few minutes, and solidarity for his disturbing story. continue reading

Xander suffered a crisis of intense pain in the scapula, fever and seizures. After calling an ambulance, the artist had to wait more than an hour to be rushed to the Raúl Gómez García University Hospital Polyclinic, on Calle Coco at the corner of Rabí, in the same municipality. But he was rejected because his case “had nothing to do with what they were dealing with there,” he complains.

The band director had to be transferred to the Miguel Enríquez hospital, known as La Benéfica, and “there the nightmare begins,” he says in his publication. “A waiting room full of stretchers, a patient with a transfusion, a man dying, an old woman crying out to be killed, an injured person with a hole in his head, two or three more dying and a man masturbating in front of everyone.”

“It was a horror movie,” says Xander. “The doctor was sick, she went into her office, threw a bag of sodium chlorine on the floor and some nurses went to take her blood pressure. She had collapsed.” The artist had to wait hours for the results of an X-ray and analysis. “He was dehydrated, with chapped lips and almost blind from the pain. The doctor had gone from stress to a Zen stage where she was not listening to anyone.”

“Today I am at home, without knowing what I have, with herbal concoctions as if shamanism had returned to save us.” The musician says he is afraid of “not knowing what is happening, of having a seizure again and not waking up, of having something more serious than I thought at first,” but he has no choice but to “pull out his contacts and wallet and sleep peacefully.”

“This country is dying and I do not see a cure. Please, if you read me, take care, try to maintain a good diet as much as possible, not to stress more than necessary. We are at a level where we cannot get sick from anything because there are no medicines nor hospitals nor even any humanity,” he added.

Among the comments to Xander’s text, some Internet users respond with similar stories that they have suffered in Cuban hospitals and others offer him a medicine that they have saved “for emergencies.” In the last two years, barter and the informal market have become the only way to get hold of drugs that have disappeared from pharmacies and hospitals.

A Twitter user identified as Alex Jorge also denounced this Friday that, at the same Miguel Enríquez hospital, his aunt was discharged because they were unable to amputate her foot. The lady is diabetic and according to the photos shown by the internet user, her left foot is very swollen and has two infected wounds.

“Today my aunt was discharged, because, and I quote, ‘they are not amputating, so do the cures at home.’ My cousin saw how the patients had to take their medicines from home because [in the hospital] there aren’t any,” wrote Alex Jorge.

He added that the justification given by the healthcare workers is that surgery cannot be done because of “a bacterium” in the operating room. At the end of the letter he said that his aunt needs “iodine, nitrofurazone, gauze, growth factor, pentoxifylline for circulation and warfarin… There is none of that,” he said.

Another problem that the Cuban health system faces is that the sources of Covid-19 infection that are generated among healthcare workers and patients. The contagions cause the closure of some medical centers, and therefore, the collapse of others. In the capital, these days, about 700 families are kept in quarantine due to an infection event at the Tomás Romay polyclinic, in Old Havana.

That, together with the shortages of supplies, complicates the situation. At the end of last year, the authorities warned that the severe shortage of drugs would continue in 2021. The country only has “a very tight “basic table of medicines due to” financial tensions,” Dr. Emilio Delgado Iznaga, Director of Medicines and Medical Technology of the Ministry of Public Health, acknowledged at the time.

“Patients come with pain, wounds or infections but what I have for everyone is the same: I tell them to calm down, drink a lot of water and go home to rest,” acknowledges a doctor in the Joaquín Albarrán Domínguez Clinical Surgical Teaching Hospital, on 26th Street, also in the Cuban capital.

“Everything we have is destined right now for Covid-19 patients, anyone who comes with another condition, there is little that can be done,” warns the doctor who preferred to remain anonymous. “Every night that I am on duty, this seems like a battlefield here because patients with very serious problems arrive and they have to be left in the corridors for hours and without the medications.”

“What people are not being told is that they should not only take great care to avoid the coronavirus, but that they should take extreme care to avoid accidents, medical complications of any kind and even diarrhea, because hospitals do not have conditions right now to manage any of that,” advises the doctor.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Farmers: ‘Pretty Soon We’ll Need Dollars to Buy Rain’

The small amount of fertilizer now becoming available “remains in the hands of officials with the National Association of Small Farmers.” (Flikr/kuhnmi)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 30 March 2021 — First it was work gloves, then machetes in foreign currency and now fertilizer. News that the NPK (Nitrogen, Phosphorus and Potassium) Mixed Fertilizer Factory, in Cienfuegos, was being brought back online was accompanied by the bad news that its products will be sold, both overseas in Cuba, for hard currency.

Amid a major shortage of agricultural supplies, this month the country’s largest fertilizer manufacturer began a new trial phase to “see if it can operate at full capacity,” as reported in the local press. The manufacturer, which is a subsidiary of the Cienfuegos Chemical Company, plans to use Indian technology to convert raw material into 6,200 tons of fertilizer.

“We will spend approximately fifteen days conducting performance tests aimed at producing 55 tons an hour, which is the design capacity of this facility,” added the company’s general director, Mario Valmaseda Valle. “The Import and Export Company of the Ministry of Foreign Trade will handle marketing and distribution. It will be sold for freely convertible currency.” continue reading

It did not take long for the director’s statements to generate a backlash on social media and among farmers, who for months have been demanding access to the product, which for over a month has been virtually impossible to find at stores selling goods in Cuban pesos.

“What the government has to do is give the farmer the freedom to produce, to sell, to export, and to reduce or eliminate taxes so that he who works in the field under the hot sun does not also have to be an economist, counting his pesos to make sure he has enough to pay his workers or to buy hard currency,” says Esteban Ajete Abascal, president of the League of Independent Cuban Farmers.

“Before this recent crisis in San Juan y Martinez, in Pinar del Rio [province], the fertilizer would be delivered to warehouses at the train station. From there a fleet of trucks would deliver it to farmers, but all that’s ancient history now.”

The little that has gotten delivered “remains in the hands of officials with the National Association of Small Farmers (ANAP), who distribute it to those who grow tobacco or other high-priority crops. Farmers who once got fifty sacks, now only get ten, two or three of which they sell to others who have not received any. As a result, no crop is receiving as much fertilizer as it needs.”

“We are talking about nitrogen fertilizer and a little bit of urea that is used to help the crops with humidity. Before the crisis a bag cost between 80 to 90 pesos but today you can only get it on the black market, where it costs 400 to 500 pesos. One bag covers about fifteen acres and has to be applied at least a couple of times during tilling,” Ajete adds.

But the compost business is not immune to mismanagement. Ajete denounces “the corrupt fertilizer distribution system” created by ANAP and cooperative farm officials. “They provide it in exchange for harvested crops at prices well below what is mandated. Instead of jacking up the price, they provide it to those who can increase the value by using it for high-demand crops such as tomatoes and taro.”

“The ones who benefit from these shady practices are those who have better land and others who are willing to snitch and work as informants for the political police,” explains Ajete.

“It’s not just about getting hard currency. Around here farmers are still defaulting on their loans. We don’t even have the money for crops that we sold to the state months ago,” laments another farm, who lives in Holguin province and belongs to the Manuel Freire Agricultural Production Cooperative.

“Here we’ve been waiting six months for them to pay us for products we delivered last year. If I had that money, I could at least think about buying dollars, depositing them in my bank account and using them to buy fertilizer. But I can’t even do that because they keep delaying payment.”

“Pretty soon we’ll need dollars to buy rain too. Every day there are more tools we need that can only be bought for a currency in which we are not paid for our crops,” explains one farmer. I don’t understand how they can expect us to produce more food for the public when they make decisions like this.”

The economist Pedro Monreal also criticized the measure, which he described an an “absurd decision” in a Twitter post. “Agricultural production depends on private farmers who have no ’interest’ in buying fertilizers for foreign currency for the simple reason that they have no foreign currency income,” said Monreal, who has previously criticized the dollarization of the agricultural sector.

Last September the Ministry of Agriculture’s  Business Logistics Group (Gelma) began doing things differently. With the launch of a sales catalog focused on the agricultural sector, the state-owned company began offering ox yokes, boots, hoes, horse shoes, wiring for fences and other supplies for sale solely in hard currency.

Gelma justified this decision on social networks, saying that, in the midst of “shortages in distribution networks, the agricultural sector requires a system that will give producers easier access to raw materials, equipment, parts, specialized accessories and other assorted items that can allow an increase in production.”

Heberto Ramos, a farmer from Alquizar, a town in Artemisa province, also does not hide his outrage. “Around here no one has family sending them dollars or has another way of getting them. What will we have to do to buy fertilizer in foreign currency?” this produce vendor asks by telephone.

It’s understandable that some imported products or machines would be sold for dollars. But it doesn’t make sense that a fertilizer made here in this country is sold for anything other than the national currency,” explains Ramos. “The organic fertilizer I use here comes from farm waste. But without a little industrial fertilizer to augment it, it’s very difficult to get a decent crop.”

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Another ‘Great Achievement’ of the Revolution: Havana Turned Into an Urban Garden

As Cuba’s economic situation worsens, citizens are faced the with empty markets. (14ymedio)

14ymedio biggerElías Amor Bravo, Economist, 31 March 2021 — Current attempts by Cuban leaders to solve the problem of self-sufficiency in the capital are giving rise to exceptional proposals, such as the famous ’Marrero patios’. Well, it’s very simple, you have to forget what they say they want to do, before it’s too late. The communists have gone out of their way to propose a series of actions and programs aimed at boosting the food supply for the more than 2 million inhabitants concentrated in the capital. An activity that fails over and over again. It turns out that the idea of turning Havana into an urban garden was brought up and analyzed by Valdés Mesa in a meeting this past Monday with municipal authorities. It seems incredible that there are people who dedicate themselves to these nonsense, with all that has rained in 62 years.

At the event, according to the State newspaper Granma, the results achieved in 2021, consisting of the planting of 600 hectares of bananas and yucca in the capital, were presented as a success. In an urban area, with high levels of pollution, congestion of activities and a high population density, cultivating the land in something other than gardens or parks to beautify the landscape, is a real nonsense. Where have these banana trees, or cassava, been cultivated? It’s scary, just thinking about it.

Based on information from Granma, an important part of the land planted in the capital has its origin in the so-called “program of 800 rustic farming houses by 2023”, of which 85 (less than 10%) have been finished, with a contribution of 64 tons of products, while another 54 houses are in different phases of construction. And later, it has its origin in the “urban, suburban and family agriculture for the planting of vegetables”, at 3.5 square meters per inhabitant. At the beginning of the year it has grown to 4.34 square meters, of the 10 that the country plans to achieve, nothing more and nothing less than 10 square meters for vegetables. continue reading

The meeting also presented the work for the recovery of organoponics, as well as the incorporation of patios and plots for the production of food, the same ones that Marrero said he wants to activate, knocking on the doors of the houses. Of the 113,925 patios and plots, 113,118 are planted. For this there are data.

Various indicators related to the commercialization of agricultural products were also reviewed, one of the weaknesses recognized by the authorities. The municipalities with the lowest amounts per capita were La Lisa (13.2 pounds), Diez de Octubre (15.7) and Boyeros (15.8) due to the closure of leased markets and outlets for self-employed workers during January and February (the repression against the merchants of Decree 30, continues).

It was said that, in the case of the city, up to nine different forms of commercialization of agricultural products coincided and that there was no actual commercialization policy. To reach the plan’s target 30 pounds, it is required to produce more, including through all forms of management, both in production and marketing. Specifically, the authorities insisted that marketing should be reviewed in the different forms of management, so that there is a balance, it is safe and equitable in the territories.

In short, a call was made to grow and plant more in the different areas of the capital, as well as to maintain permanent monitoring of commercialization. It was said that Playa, with a per capita of 17 pounds in January and February, should not only depend on other territories, but has to plant about 60 hectares of banana and yucca. Who was going to say it, convert the luxurious houses of Miramar into rustic farmhouses, with orchards in the patios?

To address the issue of unlocking the commercialization, measures were proposed, such as “the legalization of the various existing routes today (online sales, unlicensed pushcart sellers, for example), as well as the creation of Wholesale Business Units and the lease delivery of agricultural markets. ”Attention was also devoted to reviewing the reasons for Artemisa’s defaults and defaults in provinces such as Artemisa and Mayabeque and the Acopio Company, which resulted in non-payments to producers.

There was reference to the need to comply with the indicators of the plans and ensure that, when the commercialization is arranged and the retail and wholesale networks are stabilized, the benefits of the prices reach the producer, and do not remain with the intermediaries, as if the producers should not have a reward for their work. In addition, it was insisted that agricultural companies must carry out a series of actions to obtain freely convertible currency, citing as an example the Metropolitan Agricultural Company, which continues to inject foreign exchange into the resources that agriculture needs.

They also spoke of the need to complete and dignify the marketing network of agricultural products, ensuring both hygiene and presence, as well as the quality of what is sold and services. Valdés Mesa even spoke of transforming marketing, having products of different quality. It is not only having more markets, but also all these purposes, for the benefit of the population. He also insisted on making better use of the land available in the capital and once again insisted on the need to reach 10 square meters per inhabitant for planting vegetables.

Havana turned into a “fertile garden”. An image that goes back in time to long before the colony. It is incredible that the communists pursue something like this, and, furthermore, they insist on achieving it, dedicating resources and means to this objective. Valdés Mesa concluded by relating his dream that “this wonderful city will be more so when it has all its lands and patios planted,” and all this, within the constitutional precept that points to the need to strengthen the municipalities, with greater autonomy and authority to promote their development. Havana will have to grow yams and taro even in the gardens of the Capitol. At least there are no chickens anymore*.

*Translator’s note: Among Fidel Castro’s many schemes was one to give every Cuban family chicks to raise, as a source of eggs if the chicks turned out to be female, and a source of meat, if male.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

123 Cuban Healthcare Workers Return from Mexico and the Secret of Their Location is Revealed

The sending of Henry Reeve brigades to Mexico has been characterized by controversy and opacity. (Latin Press)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Olea Gallardo, Havana, 30 March2021 –The details of the mission of the Cuban doctors in Mexico continues to be learned drop by drop. This Monday, when 123 medical personnel from the Henry Reeve Brigade returned to the island, of the nearly 500 deployed in that country since December, the official Cuban press confirmed that they had been working in military institutions.

“The aid workers treated a total of 408 suspected or confirmed patients with SARS-CoV-2 in the operational units of temporary hospitalization Chivatito, Campo 1ª and Sixth Mortar Battalion,” reports Prensa Latina, who says that “the performance of these 84 doctors, 38 nursing graduates and a specialist in electromedicine won them the recognition of the Ministry of Health of Mexico, the Ministry of National Defense and the Government of the capital of the country.”

Until now, neither Mexico nor Cuba had specified the hospitals where the health workers who arrived in December were assigned, and the Cuban State newspaper Granma limited itself to saying that they were “in the temporary hospitalization operating units,” without giving further details. continue reading

The first center mentioned on Monday by the official news agency (Chivatito) is the Covid-19 Installation Military Hospital created by the Ministry of Defense on one side of Los Pinos, the former presidential residence, where source who preferred to reserve his identity told 14ymedio at the time that at least 260 doctors were working in Mexico.

According to that source, these were housed “in units without being able to leave them, they sleep in bunks, and were divided into three brigades,” and two of them deserted.

The group that returned this Monday is the third group of those deployed in December to have returned to Cuba: a first contingent (of 160) did so on March 1 and another (of 95), two weeks later.

The sending of Henry Reeve brigades to Mexico has been characterized by controversy and opacity. On March 15, it was learned that the Mexican Government had paid one and a half million dollars more than what it had originally said (about six million) for 585 health workers on the island who had been working between April and July 2020.

The information was provided to the Mexican digital medium La Silla Rota only through a request to the transparency portal InfoCDMX — to which public institutions are, in principle, obliged to respond by law — and after a wait of half a year.

That they have been housed in military institutions has made it more difficult to learn about the ’mission’ that began in December. In theory, the Ministry of Defense is subject to the same rules when it comes to requesting information via transparency, but in practice, the authorities often refuse to provide it, alleging national security reasons.

Another thing happened in June of last year, when complaints about the work carried out by Cubans in hospitals in the Mexican capital came to light both on social networks and in the main Mexican newspapers.

For the rest, it remains unknown how much Mexico paid for the almost 200 healthcare workers that were stationed in Veracruz on the same dates or for the 500 that it imported in December, of which 378 have already returned to Cuba.

It is also unknown which government agency made the disbursement. The response to La Silla Rota, via transparency, named the Ministry of Health of the Mexican capital, but at the time, both the owner, Oliva López Arellano, and the head of Government of Mexico City, Claudia Sheinbaum, emphasized that Cubans were hired “through an agreement with Insabi,” the Health and Welfare Institute created by President Andrés Manuel López Obrador, which has been the target of numerous criticisms in the country.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Young Cuban Commits Suicide in Holguin After Being Fined 5,000 Pesos for Selling Bananas

Small scale vendors like this one display their wares on makeshift platforms (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 31 March 2021 — Just over 10 years ago, on 17 December 2010, in a town in Tunisia, Mohamed Bouazizi, a young street vendor, died by setting fire to himself after the police confiscated his fruit stand. Two days ago, on March 29, in the town of Guaro, in the Holguin municipality of Mayarí, another pushcart vendor, Jorge Cachón Martínez, hanged himself after the authorities fined him 5,000 pesos and seized the bananas he sold on the street.

The activist Teresa Miranda denounced on her social networks the suicide of Cachón Martínez, only 25 years old. The publication was shared by several Internet users who criticized the way in which the Government attacks pushcart and street vendors.

According to the testimony published by Miranda, the young man, who was “orphaned of his mother and father,” was fined for selling food on the street. Cachón Martínez did not have a license to market agricultural products on an itinerant basis, and in addition to the fine, some bananas were seized from him. continue reading

“Here many people are regretting what has happened, and of course, everyone agrees that what they did to him was an abuse,” Miranda told 14ymedio from Guaro. “They found him hanged on Monday and immediately buried him under the pretext of Covid,” he said.

Two independent farmers’ organizations also denounced the suicide, the League of Independent Farmers and the Cuba section of the Latin American Federation of Rural Women (Flamur). “The anti-Cuban mafia that misgoverns the country has thrown tens of thousands of people into extreme poverty and misery, suddenly and dramatically devalued their purchasing power and has ignored their needs for medicine and food,” they said in a statement.

“It intends to economically corral, with exorbitant and repeated fines, any citizen who takes an initiative simply to save their loved ones from this national shipwreck. To top it all, the members of those few mafia families that have taken over the country make a public display of their lives of luxuries and waste,” added the organizations.

In their text, they argue that “the fines finance the repression” and pay the salaries “of the henchmen who impose them in an abusive and arbitrary manner.” The independent farmers demand that the suicide of Jorge Cachón Martínez, “who preferred to kill himself rather than humiliating himself or begging, must put an end to these abuses.”

“No one should pay one more single fine until they respect the people and lift the internal blockade! There are no jails for so many people,” they concluded.

At the beginning of March, several residents of the Luz neighborhood, in the same province of Holguín, prevented two inspectors from seizing several agricultural products sold by a vendor on a corner of Mario Pozo street, as could be seen in a footage released on social networks.

Two videos posted on Facebook record how neighbors banded together to prevent the seizure of the merchandise, which included several products missing in state markets. The inspectors, dressed in long-sleeved blue shirts, demanded the presence of the owner of the stand, but no one responded and they had to leave.

At the end of February in Caibarién, Villa Clara, a sweet seller staged a protest after being fined 2,000 pesos. The man climbed on the roof of his sales cart, in the middle of a public road, and around him dozens of people from the town gathered who showed their support for this self-employed vendor.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The History of the CUC, or How the Dollar’s Bastard Brother Shaped the Lives of Cubans for 27 Years

Dual currency became law in Cuba on August 13, 1993, at the most critical moment of the Special Period. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Carla Gloria Colomé Santiago, New York, 28 March 2021 — The CUC has died and died young, like Amy Winehouse, Jimi Hendrix or Janis Joplin, just 27 years old. The CUC, the Cuban convertible peso or chavito, as it has also been called, would become the substitute actor of the dollar that, at times, has taken the place of an extra or a double, since it entered and left the stage at the convenience of the Cuban economic theater.

The CUC was also a kind of bastard brother of the dollar that sometimes took on a name that did not belong to it. For years we continued to call the CUC a ‘dollar’, we continued to call the coins kilitos en dolar, and openly and crudely we also called them fulas [a word that means a troublesome person].

The CUC always carried with it that lack of identity, always in the shadow of the dollar and, in the end, the legitimate brother ended up imposing himself on the bastard. continue reading

The currency, issued by the Central Bank of Cuba, began to circulate in 1994, shortly after the country bottomed out with the crisis kindly called the Special Period.

The currency, issued by the Central Bank of Cuba, began to circulate in 1994, shortly after the country hit bottom with the crisis, kindly called the Special Period, which made Cubans understand the true meaning of the word hunger.

In December 1991, the Soviet Union disappeared and the following years were particularly hard for Cuba, when important economic sectors, such as industry and agriculture, collapsed.

The Cuban Government printed money to pay wages, although many workers stopped having real activities to perform. The result was galloping inflation, which reached 200% that year and evaporated the population’s consumption capacity.

Since the Cuban peso had the capability to buy less each time, those who could replaced it with the dollar, which reached exorbitant values in the informal market. A dollar reached a cost of 150 pesos, when before it had been priced at just five. Five pesos.

The Government then decided to legalize the dollar, and a few months later, in 1994, they invented a national currency that would have parity with the US currency. For every dollar that entered the Cuban economy, a CUC would be issued, and both currencies would be used in the economy that was beginning to emerge, dependent on tourism, remittances and foreign investment.

In this way, the Government tried to isolate the dead parts of the old economy, in which the peso was used, from the new, more lucrative activities, dominated by the dollar and its bastard brother, the CUC.

Both could be used in the new Hard Currency Stores, where it was possible to find everything that did not exist in the rest of the stores.

But, true to its role as a supporting actor, already in these early years the CUC was reduced in importance against the dollar.

Tourists, who began to arrive in the millions, could pay with dollars. State companies linked to tourism or foreign investment could maintain bank accounts in dollars and use them to buy items abroad.

The dollar had purchasing power and the challenge was how to get it working.

From the United States, it was easier for exiles to send foreign currency to their relatives, thanks, in part, to services by Western Union, which began operating in Cuba at the end of 1995.

Over time, remittances would become one of the most important income sources for the country.

During the 90’s, these measures brought some stability to the country, where three currencies coexisted simultaneously, although in reality it was divided between those who had dollars and the rest

During the 90’s, these measures brought some stability to the country, where three currencies coexisted simultaneously, although in reality it was divided between those who had dollars and the rest.

The CUC was born within an emergency context, but with the new century, it started positioning itself in the Island’s economy.

Dollar usage by Cuban State-owned companies had not gone unnoticed by the United States, which, in May 2004, imposed a $100 million fine on a Swiss bank for operating dollar transactions with Cuba and other sanctioned countries.

It was a warning from the George W. Bush Administration that motivated the Cuban authorities to take the next step: the dollar would take a back seat, and the CUC would be the central character.

Since 2003, the CUC had been imposed as the currency with which state companies had to operate, but in November 2004 it was decided that the dollar would stop circulating as currency for the purchase of goods and, from now on, only CUC or Cuban pesos (CUP) were to be used.

Circulation of the dollar in Cuba was not prohibited, although its use, especially cash payments, was discouraged by creating a 10% exchange tax. Dollar bank accounts continued to exist.

From then on, the reign of the CUC in the country began, and Cubans were divided between those who had convertible pesos and the rest.

With the Cuban peso you could pay in certain places, with the CUC in almost all of them. Even if the sale was not in CUC, if the seller saw that you had such a currency, his eyes would take on a shine and he would sell you the product, valuing the convertible peso, for example, at Cuban 23 pesos, when the official exchange rate was 25.

The most palpable example were the taxi drivers in Havana. Who never rode in an almendrón* (taxi), and on reaching your final destination, if payment was in CUC, the change was always in Cuban pesos and less than the amount than you actually expected?

If you dared to voice a claim, the taxi driver would seriously answer that that was the exchange rate at which he accepted CUC’s and if you did not agree, the option was to pay with Cuban pesos, which you were not carrying. Then you had no choice but to slam the door of the ’57 car (or even earlier) and leave, the driver being right or not.

There were CUC coins in 5, 10, 25 and 50 cents, equivalent to 1, 2, 5 and 10 Cuban pesos, respectively. Those coins were the well-known dollar kilitos en dolar which every Cuban child asked his father to keep. As for the bills, they circulated in 1, 3, 5, 10, 20, 50 and 100 convertible pesos, equivalent to the price that the seller considered convenient to set, with respect to the Cuban peso.

The CUC, which never went beyond Cuba’s borders and was forbidden to be taken abroad, brought us not a few joys and sorrows, like everything in life

The CUC, which never went beyond Cuba’s borders and was forbidden to be taken abroad, brought us not a few joys and sorrows, like everything in life.

If you managed to score one of those jobs where they paid you 450 Cuban pesos and 10 CUC, you were still a very poorly paid worker and, even so, you were one of the luckiest workers in your neighborhood, in your municipality, even in your province. The rest of the workers received their full salary in Cuban pesos.

The sad phenomenon of “job reorientation” also appeared around this time, according to which, if you had attended university and had an academic degree, you would earn less than the person who worked in the gastronomic sector or as the driver or chef for an embassy, who, in general, had earnings in the coveted CUC.

With the CUC, the figure of the “reseller” was also born, an illegal trade that Cubans invented to buy and sell dollars indistinctly from CUC on the black market, always at a better rate than that of the banks or the Cadeca, the State exchange houses.

In Cuba, there were stores where everything was worth one CUC: putting on fake nails cost one CUC; private English classes cost one CUC per hour; the bumper carts at Varadero amusement park cost one CUC; on Teacher’s Day, each classroom collected a CUC for the collective gift. And so, we adapted to speaking in the language of that currency.

The CUC was a kind of opium for Cubans: it had the ease to separate you, to alienate you with apparently simple numbers. For example, being told that a pair of shoes cost 20 CUC was not the same as telling you that the same pair cost 500 pesos. They got us used to low figures, thus coloring us with chaos and misery.

Tourists came to the country and did not understand the reason for so many currencies and so many exchange rates for each one of them. How to explain this whole complex system to foreign visitors, if we barely understood it ourselves?

An ordinary citizen who received a CUC or a dollar as a remittance could exchange it for 24 or 25 pesos. On the other hand, for a worker in the Mariel Special Development Zone, each CUC earned, in theory, was converted into 10 pesos. While for State companies’ accounting purposes, the dollar, the CUC and the peso were comparable.

The result of this was a country in which there was an incentive to import everything, sell it in CUC and continue importing. Exporting or producing for the local market was impossible. And the problem of wages in the State sector did not seem to have a solution. With salaries that became 20 or 30 CUC, you could hardly buy those same imported products.

The panorama was shaping the new economy, which little by little stopped producing food or industrial products that the domestic market needed.

These could always be imported as long as tourism continued to flow, while Cubans continued to emigrate to the country where they could earn dollars, and while Venezuela and other countries continued to contract for medical services.

That the CUC was destined to die began to be sensed in 2011, when the Congress of the Communist Party approved the so-called Guidelines, which ruled that the country should “conclude” the monetary and exchange unification.

That the CUC was destined to die began to be sensed in 2011, when the Congress of the Communist Party approved the so-called Guidelines, which ruled that the country should “conclude” the monetary and exchange unification.

By then it was becoming clear that multiple exchange rates were a problem and the parity between the CUC and the dollar was no longer real. For years, new CUC bills had been printed without being backed in dollars.

State companies could no longer convert them into dollars, but relied on documents called Liquidity Certificates issued by the Government, which defined which CUCs were equivalent to dollars and which were not.

But in Cuba, these types of changes, if they happen, usually happen slowly. In fact, it took almost ten years, the collapse of the Venezuelan economy and the arrival of a global pandemic that ended tourism (at least temporarily), for the unification to be “complete.”

The last decade would be that of the decline of the CUC. Like a patient diagnosed with a terminal illness, the CUC lived on, knowing that its days were numbered.

In 2014, the government announced that it had created a plan to unify the two national currencies, something that would happen on what was called Day Zero. That would be the CUC’s death date and the birth of the Cuban peso as the only currency in circulation.

From then on, the supposed and imminent arrival of Day Zero became a recurring rumor that hung over the life of the CUC.

In 2016, the official media published articles stating that the decision could not be postponed.

In 2017, Raúl Castro, First Secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba and then President of the country, said that the solution to the problem “cannot be delayed any longer”.

But it was not only delayed, but in October 2019, the authorities once again turned to selling products in dollars. History, as they say, is cyclical. The country again had three currencies: Cuban peso, CUC, and the US dollar.

It became clear, then, that even if the CUC were eliminated on Day Zero, there would still be more than one currency in the country.

Initially, only domestic appliances, vehicle parts and other products that were defined as “high-end” were traded in foreign currency. Then, in July of 2020, stores opened, selling all kinds of food and basic necessities.

These stores, called freely convertible currency (MLC) stores, only accept payments with magnetic cards linked to a bank account with dollars or euros. To attract the dollars to these stores, the authorities decided to withdraw the 10% tax that had weighed on the US currency.

Once the stores in MLC were opened, the stores in CUC were completely relegated, with shelves increasingly empty and their offers – already scarce – even more impoverished.

By losing its usefulness in buying basic goods, the health of the CUC entered a terminal phase. Cubans no longer knew what to do with their accounts, savings or holdings in CUC.

Many businesses no longer accepted CUCs or returned the change in pesos. As the dollar re-installed, the CUC lost value every day. At the end of 2020, the currency that one day had parity with the dollar was exchanged on the black market for half a dollar.

On December 10, 2020, it was announced that Day Zero would finally happen on January 1, 2021

On December 10, 2020, it was announced that Day Zero would finally be January 1, 2021.

The death of the CUC was announced by President Miguel Díaz-Canel, with Raúl Castro at his side, when he stated that what they had been cooking for years was finally starting to take off: monetary reunification or the ‘Ordering Task’, as the process has also been called lately.

For the general population, including for the self-employed, now the peso will coexist with the MLC. Income earnings will be received in the first currency, although many of the things they will need to buy will be sold in the second, as was the case in 1993.

For most State-owned companies, only the peso will exist. And they will only be able to access dollars at the same exchange rate that applies to citizens: 24 pesos for every dollar.

This will spell ruin for many of those companies, which will either disappear or will have to be rescued, authorities have said. This will also produce inflation, which according to some estimates will be between 470% and 900%, worse than was recorded in 1993, the hardest year of the Special Period.

The CUC will be relegated to the memories of Cubans, to the memories of the last 30 years, which are the memories of scarcities and of shortages.  Nevertheless, nobody will miss the CUC, which died young.  Experts and those who know have stated, however, that it should have died even younger.

*Translator’s note: Almendron is the name given to what is usually a classic American car in use as a taxi, often operating in fixed route service. The name comes from the “almond” shape of old vehicles.

________________________________

Editor’s Note: This work was supported and edited by the Institute for War and Peace Reporting (IWPR), an independent not-for-profit organization working with the media and civil society to promote a positive change in conflict zones, closed societies and countries in transition all over the world.

___________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Private Contractors Are What’s Keeping Cuba’s Online Shopping Site ‘TuEnvio’ Alive

Storefront at the Carlos III shopping mall processing deliveries of “combos” purchased through the delivery service TuEnvío. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, March 22, 2021 – The Cuban delivery platform TuEnvío could have used the pandemic as an opportunity to develop and improve its services but, after more than a year, the consensus is that the platform is a disaster. Even the state-run news site Cubadebate acknowledges as much. The problems are less technological and more about its supply and business model. The one bright spot is the introduction of private transportation workers, a move which has greatly improved customer satisfaction.

“The use of private delivery services has been very well received. It has allowed delivery times to be reduced to a few days and reduced delays,” admits the news site in a special report published on Monday.

“In the past, deliveries always arrived on a Cimex truck but for some time now they’ve been coming in vans, private motorcycles and vintage sedans,” says a customer who frequently uses the service. continue reading

However, an employee at the TuEnvío storefront in the Plaza de Carlos III shopping mall claims that, though the company contracted with a private-sector worker to deliver orders, it never contacted him after signing the agreement. He reports that the store at this location almost exclusively uses drivers from RentCar, who typically work in the tourism sector, augmented with a few freelance drivers.

According to Cubadebate, 772,612 users downloaded the government’s online shopping app. Though more than 96,000 did the same to receive alerts from Telegram, which lists items for sale in stores, sales have totaled only about 14,000 to 15,000 according to figures released by TuEnvío.

The state-run Telegram group not only alerts customers when an order has been shipped but also reviews their comments and complaints. It diligently censors any swear words, which are common, and immediately deletes any criticisms of state institutions.

“All I did was recommend a private food delivery service and not only did they delete my comments, they permanently blocked me from using TuEnvío in Havana,” laments a young woman. Unwilling to accept this outcome, she ultimately found a way to contact the Telegram website administrators directly.

“They took me to task. I had to agree to certain conditions if I wanted to be readmitted. No political comments, no criticism of the government and no ads for private delivery services. I stayed for a few days, got tired of it and left on my own accord,” she adds.

But being censored was not the only thing that annoyed this user. “There’s a bunch of computer scientists, who are friends of the site’s administrators, and they have figured out how to hoard items sold through the app. They control everything so the chance that a user who doesn’t know what strings to pull will come out ahead are minimal.”

“What I don’t understand is how privately run sites like Cuballama and AlaMesa can put a well-balanced meal on your table a few hours after you order it but a powerful state-run outfit like TuEnvio can’t,” wrote one Telegram user minutes before his comments were deleted. “The difference is obvious: private delivery services earn actual dollars while TuEnvío is playing with fake money, Cuban pesos.”

The platform was created by Cimex in 2019. By the end of that year the site had gone from a hundred visits a day to between 6,000 to 8,000. Shortly thereafter, company president Héctor Oroza Busutil realized just how big the impact from Covid would be. After processing 1,356 orders in February of 2020 and 6,000 in March, April’s numbers skyrocketed to 73,386. By mid-May orders already reached 78,893 and demand was growing in spite of technical problems such as “flying combos,” products which disappeard within minutes.

It seems that customer complaints about crashing webpages, delivery delays, closed combos* and lost shipments were not enough to slow the company’s growth. Though problems always seemed to be on the verge of being resolved, nothing has improved. Quite the opposite. There are now fewer products available and, judging by the numbers, the popluarity of the app has fallen sharply at a time when the Covid infection rate is worse than before.

By October, orders had fallen to 20,000. Current sales figures are even lower. On any given day in Havana, there are roughly 7,000 combos available. The Cubadebate article described this as “a figure that, unsurprisingly, helps satisfy the high demand of a city experiencing long lines and crowded stores as well as a high rate of Covid infection.”

The article raises the question of the retail sector expanding through TuEnvío and asks why there is a dearth domestically of locally produced items. It also suggests the site stop promoting imported goods, arguing that this greatly limits consumer choice.

Though the article repeatedly blames the shortages on the embargo and U.S, policies, it takes aim at what it sees as a burdensome requirement, devoid of logic, that “often forces customers to purchase products that are not really useful or essential to them.” As a result, less-used products, such as detergent, fill up warehouses while endless lines of people fill the streets because these products are in short supply.

“A parallel resale market has sprung up, which not only hits thousands of people in their pocket books but also upends government efforts to raise Cubans’ standard of living through higher wages. But just as in feudal times, the exchange and trading of merchandise by online groups has gained followers,” reads the article.

The article also addresses one of the basic problems with the app, which is technological. “In addition to repeated crashes, over saturation and shopping carts emptied before purchases have been completed, there are connection problems with banks and Transfermóvil,” it admits.

Attempts have allegedly been made to improve the situation — more infrastructure, servers, bandwidth, bots to automate the process and longer store hours — but they have not yielded results.

In parallel to what is already happening in the non-digital world, the official press is also concerned about “virtual hoarders.” “The inability to distinguish between a normal user from someone who employs computer tools to gain an advantage in the purchasing process makes a more equitable distribution among consumers impossible. Only a total redesign of the site with the output of an API that breaks out sales through the internet and APK could could solve the problem,” claim the experts.

On the plus side, they point to a geo-location system which will, if all goes well, allow the company to calculate the distance between store and home in order to more precisely determine delivery charges. The company has also opened a TuEnvio Havana and will have daily listings of what is in stock at every store in the country except Havana.

*Translators note: Combinations of completely unrelated products which must be purchased together as a group. These often include a popular item combined with other products for which there is little consumer demand.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cement Reappears in the Shape of a Concrete Cuban Flag in Front of the U.S. Embassy

Construction of a concrete structure in the shape of the Cuban flag in front of the U.S. Embassy in Havana. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, March 29, 2021 — The cement shortage has not been an obstacle to the Cuban government’s plans to build a huge concrete flag in front of the U.S. Embassy in Havana. The structure, some ten meters tall, is a replacement for the flag poles, badly damaged by saltwater, that once stood on the so-called Anti-Imperialist Platform.

“Rising on our Anti-imperialist Platform is this monumental work: our flag, ’that has never been mercenary,’ whose star shines more brightly now that it stands alone,” reads a statement from the contractor, the Construction and Maintenance Company (ECOM), published on its Facebook page.

The statement does not specify if an individual artist was responsible for the monument’s design or what its final dimensions might be.

The structure is being built at a time when the the price of cement is skyrocketing. Last week it was selling on the black market for more than 1,000 pesos a bag and has virtually disappeared from state-run stores, where it sells for 165 pesos. continue reading

“I saw this and kept thinking that it cannot be true. Using material for this… what’s the point? This photo is a bad joke,” reads one user’s tweet.

“Does this make any sense? While buildings in Old Havana are falling down,” writes another user on the same social media site.

Cuba is experiencing a severe economic crisis, which began before the Covid-19 pandemic, that experts describe as its worst in thirty years.

The Anti-Imperialist Platform was built in 2000 as part of Fidel Castro’s Battle of Ideas campaign, which demanded the United States return Elian Gonzalez. Sustained by the resources of his new Venezuelan ally, he also used it as an opportunity to tighten the ideological screws.

The platform was built in eighty days of uninterrupted work by 1,988 laborers, technicians, architects and engineers from various parts of the country. At the time, billions of dollars had begun flowing into the country from the government of Hugo Chavez, who was subsidizing the Cuban economy.

The Anti-Imperialist Platform has been the site of countless marches and demonstrations against the United States by Fidel Castro’s regime. After his brother Raul inherited power, the plaza became the site of concerts and artistic events. The reestablishment of diplomatic relations with the United States in December 2014 further diminished its political significance.

Over the years its proximity to the sea and the impact from hurricanes led to the installation’s decay. The flagpoles that supported the so-called sea of flags, installed in an attempt to obscure a brightly illuminated electronic billboard on the face of the embassy, had rapidly deteriorated.

In 2019 officials reported that, three years prior, waves and floods caused by Hurricane Irma had damaged all its facilities, including meeting and dressing rooms as well as the masts in the Forest of Flags.

Repairs were expected to be completed this year in commemoration of the 500th anniversary of the founding of Havana but the economic crisis has delayed those plans. Instead, two one-story buildings are being built on the site to house meeting rooms and other spaces.

*Translator’s note: Installed by the then Bush administration, the ticker-style billboard flashed uncensored news stories to Cubans in its proximity.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

We Are Cuban Forever

Young journalist Karla Pérez had to return to Costa Rica on March 18th, after being stranded for several hours at the Panama airport, subsequent to not being allowed to board her plane to Cuba. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Dagoberto Valdés Hernández, Pinar del Río, 24 March 2021 — Young Karla María Pérez González could not enter Cuba, the country where she was born, grew up and attended school, because an authority left her stranded at the Panama airport and she had to return to Costa Rica, where she had gone to attend school after being expelled from her [Cuban] University for political reasons. The details of this case have filled the networks in recent days. Now I want to get to the bottom of the matter and highlight the perpetuity and inviolability of the Cuban condition of everyone who has been born in this land.

The 2019 Constitution of the Republic of Cuba, in force today, dedicates six articles on the subject of citizenship.  Title IV establishes:

Article 33. Cuban citizenship is acquired by birth or by naturalization.

Article 34. The following are Cuban citizens by birth:

a) Those born in the national territory, with the exception of the children of foreigners who are in the service of their government or international organizations. The law establishes the requirements and formalities for the case of children of foreigners who are not permanent residents in the country. continue reading

The acquisition of another citizenship does not imply the loss of Cuban citizenship

Article 36. The acquisition of another citizenship does not imply the loss of Cuban citizenship.

Article 38. Cubans cannot be deprived of their citizenship, except for legally established causes. The law establishes the procedure to be followed for the formalization of loss and renouncement of citizenship and what authorities are empowered to decide it.

Article 39. Cuban citizenship may be recovered after fulfilling the requirements and formalities prescribed by law.

Article 128. It corresponds to the President of the Republic to:

a) comply with and ensure respect for the Constitution and the laws;

m) decide, in the cases that concerns it, granting Cuban citizenship, accepting resignations to Cuban citizenship and disposing of deprivation of citizenship.

From these constitutional precepts we can conclude that all of us who have been born in this land and are children of Cuban parents are Cuban citizens because of our birth, as established in the aforementioned article 34, while article 38 clearly states that Cubans cannot be deprived of their citizenship except by established legal decision, which is the prerogative of only the President of the Republic.

We are, therefore, Cubans by birth and in perpetuity unless a legal process and the explicit decision of the president deprives a person of it. The person can, however, recover it according to article 39.

We are, therefore, Cubans by birth and in perpetuity unless a legal process and the explicit decision of the president deprives a person of it

So, if we are Cubans and have the same rights and duties, all those recognized by the Constitution must be respected, because no law can go against the Constitution, which is the Magna Carta that governs coexistence among all Cubans. I seem to hear some who might comment that these rules are dead paper and are frequently violated. Well, we can argue at least two things:

Without the Constitution, without laws, and without respecting it, the country is led into chaos, and peaceful coexistence becomes almost unfeasible. Therefore, even theoretically, the Constitution, legitimate or not, can, and should be an instrument of peaceful and civilized order. Otherwise, citizens would fall into total helplessness, and disorder would reign. This is not convenient to anyone, least of all to the authorities responsible for keeping the order. Whoever violates these rules of coexistence not only commits a serious crime, but also threatens national stability and peace.

That they are systematically violated, or that they are interpreted ad libitum, according to the will of those who have the duty to respect them and take care that they are respected, does not mean that these freedoms, rights and duties are not valid, necessary and convenient.

This does not apply only to Cuba; it is part of the universal legal heritage.

To freely enter and leave the country

Another of the current constitutional precepts that nothing and no one should violate because it is also common sense, incontestable ethics and jurisprudence in all countries, is that every citizen has the inviolable right to enter and leave her own country. This is what the current Constitution says in its article 52:

Article 52. People are free to enter, stay, transit and leave the national territory, change their domicile or residence, without any limitations other than those established by law.

In Cuba, a status euphemistically called “regulated” has become almost common and current.

It is in the public domain that this constitutional precept cannot be denied by a lower regulation that leaves the free will of a person, or of an organism that is not a competent court of justice in each case. However, a status euphemistically called “regulated” in Cuba has become almost common and current, which leaves the decision of non-legal persons or institutions the free decision to “regulate” the departures of the country to people who have no pending cause, neither criminal nor civil.

In the same way that we know of cases in which people who have unexpired legal causes are granted an exit permit. Now the case is that, whatever the cause, a Cuban citizen has had to be welcomed by special intervention of a country that is not her own because she has not been able to resolve an immigration procedure whatsoever if she had any. That would correspond to Cuban consulates anywhere in the world to detect it, alert it and resolve it.

Situations like these, and other similar ones in relation to the free exit or entry of the country or province where one resides or was born, only contribute to destabilization and feed mistrust, uncertainty and illegalities.

Several questions arise in these irregular situations: are they somehow justified by authorities, regulations or protocols that are contrary to the Constitution, and therefore legally unacceptable, or are they simply the errors of intermediate officials? Who is or are empowered to make these decisions that go against human rights and against the letter of the Constitution? Why have these errors or unconstitutional regulations not been corrected, if they were? What are the legal mechanisms with which citizens can claim these and other arbitrariness, or do we simply remain defenseless due to attributions of organisms of non-legal character?

The situation in Cuba is not in any condition to add to the economic, health and existential crises these types of events that produce tension and disaffection

The situation in Cuba is not in any condition to add to its economic, health and existential crises these types of events that produce tension and disaffection even greater than those that already exist in the daily life of Cubans.

Whatever the answers to these and other questions, something is clear in the universal conscience and in the international regulations which Cuba is a part of, and that is:

That we are Cubans forever, and that we have the inalienable right to enter, leave, reside and change our address simply because of our condition of being Cuban, and even more, because of our condition of being human.

____________

Editor’s Note: This article was originally published on Convivencia and is reproduced here with the author’s permission.

Translated by Norma Whiting

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: One Bag of Cement Costs More Than 1,000 Pesos vs. the State Price of 165

The shortage of materials has hit home construction hard, Cuba’s Minister of Internal Trade Betsy Díaz Velázquez, acknowledged. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 27 March 2021 – Amid the rise in prices brought about by the ‘Ordering Task’, the prices of cement and some other construction materials will not vary, according to a report on Cuban Television’s Roundtable program this Friday. However, the product has disappeared from the State stores and is only found on the black market, where its price is increasing.

The shortage of materials has hit home construction hard, Cuba’s Minister of Internal Trade Betsy Díaz Velázquez, acknowledged. Since last January and after the economic adjustments, there has been a reduction in the sale of materials in the 343 state stores of this type that operate in the country.

“Fundamentally, products with inventories before December 31 have remained on offer” the Minister detailed, appearing with the Ministers of Industries and Construction. Even when some of these materials reach the so-called ‘remnants’, they are reserved only for subsidized clients and those affected by hurricanes, she added. continue reading

In the case of cement, the 42.5-kilogram bag of Portland P-350 maintains its price of 165 pesos, but the minister could not specify whether the product will return to the state stores that set prices in the national currency, from where it disappeared more than a year ago.

The only option to get the products at the moment is the informal market, where the price of a single bag exceeds 1,000 Cuban pesos (roughly $40 US); or go to the foreign currency stores where it costs 10 dollars and is scarce. Díaz explained that the production plan for this year is 1.02 million tons, slightly higher than 2020, but far from the 4.27 million tons that the Island produced in 1958.

“This product has a centralized wholesale price and maintains the current retailer from before the Ordering Task,” Díaz clarified. In order not to raise its price on the remnants, the State adopted the decision to “finance the losses so as not to pass on the inefficiency or obsolescence of the factories to the population.”

The minister’s statements provoked dozens of comments, most of them with complaints about the lack of supply. “Yes yes yes. All very nice. But where are those materials. If all the materials are under the counter,” lamented an Internet user on the official Cubadebate website that reproduced Díaz’s statements.

“So many subsidies from the state budget only mean that production is not going to be even remotely similar to the demand for these materials. Only what was planned will be produced,” lamented another reader who predicted that as soon as the sacks reached “the warehouses they will already have an owner and the resellers will charge a lot for these products.”

In 2019 there were six cement factories throughout the Island, but the sector has been at half-speed for decades, after the fall of the socialist camp and the end of Soviet subsidies.

In recent years, cement has become a rare “gray gold” that is eagerly sought by all those who want to repair a kitchen, modernize a bathroom or touch up a facade. Since 2018, the product barely appears in stores in Cuban pesos and is rationed in state supplies set aside for victims of natural disasters.

According to the statistical analysis site Foresight Cuba, the island occupies “the last place in terms of cement consumption per inhabitant in Latin America,” excluding Haiti, a country for which no data is available. The average consumption of Latin America in 2017 was 278 kg per inhabitant, but Cuba consumes only 45% of that average, according to data from the Inter-American Cement Federation.

The shortage was exacerbated by a tornado hitting Havana in January 2019. With thousands of homes affected, the State guaranteed a 50% discount on the cost of construction materials for people with homes damaged by the disaster in the neighborhoods of Luyanó, Regla, Guanabacoa and Santos Suárez.

With the monetary unification and the rise in many prices of products and services since January 1, the situation has worsened. Cement has become a fixture in the growing barter on classifieds sites where it is traded for pork, mobile phones and even powdered milk.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

New Controversy in Spain Around a Street Dedicated to ‘Che’ Guevara

Che Guevara Park, in the city of Zaragoza. (Google Maps)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 27 March 2021 — Spain’s Popular Party (PP, currently in opposition) in the municipality of Fuenlabrada, located in the Community of Madrid, will present a motion in April to ask the city government to change the name of the street dedicated to Ernesto Che Guevara. The PP proposes to replace it with the name of “healthcare professionals who have faced the pandemic.”

“Fuenlabrada cannot allow itself to be called a friendly city with LGTBI people or a city opposed to violence while we maintain a street with the name of a homophobic murderer on our street,” said the PP’s municipal spokesperson, Noelia Núñez.

With about 200,000 inhabitants, this municipality is part of the so-called “red belt” and, since the return of democracy in the late 1970s, it has only had mayors from the Spanish Socialist Workers Party (PSOE). continue reading

In the 2019 municipal elections the PSOE won 55.54% of the votes, with 16 councilors, Ciudadanos (center) 13.30%, the PP (center right) 10.91%, Vox (right) 7.20% and Unidos Podemos-Izquierda Unida-Ganar Fuenlabrada (communist) 6.54%.

For the PP, which already made a similar request in 2019, it is “an insult to citizens” that the local government “has maintained the name of said street in such a sectarian manner.” On that occasion, the proposal was to change the name of the street to that of José Pedro Perez-Llorca, one of the “fathers” of the Spanish Constitution who had died that year.

On several occasions the proposal was also put forward it in the plenary sessions of the District Board, but the request was not considered by the PSOE.

It is not the first time that the name of Che Guevara has sparked controversy in Spain, where several municipalities have dedicated streets, parks and even a statue like the one in the Galician city the one in the Galician city of Oleiros that, in 2015, was painted in the colors of the Spanish flag and the word “murderer.” It was the 4th time the monument had been vandalized since its inauguration in 2008.

Also in 2019, the Zaragoza city council was studying changing the name of a park and a street in that city after PP and Ciudadanos municipal groups supported a Vox motion on this issue. That same year, the mayor of Leganés, Santiago Llorente, responded to a request from Vox to remove a statue of Che Guevara, which he had no intention of doing and said: “It is not necessary to create controversy where there is none” because “beyond specific acts of Che, this monument represents a movement that developed in many towns and that was identified with the need for freedom.”

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

And What Will You Ask of Biden?

“Americans should also demand of their president to be a watchman of respect for human rights throughout the world.” (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Reinaldo Escobar, Desde Aqui, Havana, 22 March 2021 — Some friends often ask me “And what will you ask of Biden?”

Since Mr. Joe Biden was proclaimed President of the United States, he has received various petitions in his White House office, some public, others private. From the interior of his country, he has been asked to take decisions related to the pandemic, the sale of weapons, racial discrimination; from the borders, emigres shout for him to open the doors, and wherever the world’s highest power plays a role in its international politics, be it Hong Kong, Syria, Israel, Russia, China or Afghanistan, requests of various tendencies arise.

As far as Cuba is concerned, the range of requests covers the entire spectrum of political debate and is expressed both in ways of requests as well as suggestions and even demands.

Basically, two trends can be identified with their intermediate points.

One of them is in favor of maintaining, including intensifying, trade restrictions, sanctions, inclusion in the list of countries that collaborate with terrorism, suspension of travel and remittances. The other favors full reestablishment of diplomatic relations, lifting of the embargo and, in some way, for the continuity of the policy of rapprochement initiated by President Barack Obama. continue reading

 Those who are betting on the tightening of the screws hope that those measures will cause an economic collapse with the supposed consequence of a social explosion

Those who are betting on the tightening of the screws hope that those measures will cause an economic collapse with the supposed consequence of a social explosion that will end with the final capitulation of the regime.

Among those who opt for a second edition of the thaw, it is debatable whether conditions should be met “in advance” or whether those in command in Cuba should be given the opportunity to respond to the dismantling of restrictions with economic reforms and political openings.

Critics of Obama’s policy insist that too much was granted in exchange for nothing or almost nothing, which creates an intransigent stance against the possibility of those mistakes being repeated. For their part, those who disapprove of the decisions made during Donald Trump’s time point out that what was done did not bring an improvement in human rights or in the lives of Cubans, and that, ultimately, said measures only served to justify the causes of problems generated by the system and increase repression.

It is very difficult to remain silent or to claim neutrality in the face of the dilemmas that arise in the face of such predicaments. Sooner or later the question ‘what will you ask of Biden?’ will have to be answered.

I start with the obvious fact that Joe Biden is not my ruler. He reached the presidency of the United States in a contentious election in which he did not have my vote, either for or against, which means that he has no obligation to fulfill any electoral commitment to me.

The civic duty to make demands of their president to first respond to the interests of that nation corresponds to US citizens, including hundreds of thousands of Cuban-Americans.

The civic duty to make demands of their president to first respond to the interests of that nation corresponds to US citizens, including hundreds of thousands of Cuban-Americans.

In relation to Cuba, these immediate interests include fair payment in compensation for confiscated properties; extradition of persons living in Cuba who committed serious crimes in that country, and not granting commercial credit until there is a guarantee that the debts can be repaid by Havana.

Americans must also demand that their president be a watchman of respect for human rights throughout the world, but that he fulfill that obligation under the rules that govern international law in order to respect the sovereignty of other nations and avoid armed conflicts.

At the end of January of last year, numerous American and Cuban-American protesters asked the Biden government to put an end to “the criminal blockade against the people of Cuba” and to uphold the slogan “Bridge of Love” as the name of a project that claims to put forward family before politics.

Eliécer Ávila, a Florida resident and leader of the [political group] Movimiento Somos + [We Are More],when calling for a march in front of the White House on March 20th, explained his wishes that, when the policy towards Cuba is announced, “it should be a policy aimed to end that dictatorship, and not for the purpose of having the dictatorship function better or to make it easy somehow for it to continue to remain in power”.

We Cubans who remain on the Island have experienced the results of a dictatorship for six decades, the consequences of the actions to overthrow it carried out by our powerful neighbor to the north, and the frustration of seeing our intentions fail when attempting to change things with our own efforts.

Translated by Norma Whiting

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

I Am Cuban!

Willy Chirino and Alexis Valdés have created this new song with the collaboration of Arturo Sandoval. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Eloy M. Viera Moren, Madrid, 20 March 2021 — A video clip posted on the internet a few days ago shows three young non-commissioned officers wearing uniforms of the Ministry of the Interior performing a song in response to the song Patria y Vida (Homeland and Life). The origin cannot be specified, but judging by the uniform of one of them, even equipped with the regulation whistle with its chain to the epaulette, they certainly seem to be members of the forces of law and order. Such an eyesore would not deserve a comment if it were not for the initial phrase: “Sixty years of this great nation; 62 of this Revolution”.

First, dressing up as police to intimidate by this music those Cubans who think differently is absolutely anti-national, and sounds more like the dogs in George Orwell’s novel Animal Farm, who disappeared as puppies and then became the dangerous bodyguards of the pig Napoleon when he came to power.

In order to define Cubanness, it is indispensable to turn to Fernando Ortiz. Among his works and articles on the subject, he conceived it as a “condition of the soul” that requires “the conscience of being Cuban and the will of wanting to be Cuban”; no other reference to place of residence, ideological preference or political thought. Likewise, he denounced that “our synthetic intellectual characteristic is ignorance” — an epithet more characteristic of the young authors of the song, to say the least. continue reading

On March 15, the same day on which the laughing stock was released, another piece by Alexis Valdés was premiered, sung as a duet with Willy Chirino, accompanied by a group of Cuban musicians, including a brief performance by composer and performer Arturo Sandoval. As far as I know, the idea arose during the presentation by these and other artists sponsored by several members of the European Parliament in order denounce the hardships of the Cuban people. Sixteen days later it was released, despite the urgency, a true offering to the nation from the feelings of quality and enduring.

With a fusion of genres, it has, however, the flavor of a son Cubano. Sandoval’s virtuosity in his brief solo spiced up the performance in the best tradition of his brilliant predecessors Félix Chapottín, the Louis Armstrong of the son Cubano, or Julio Cueva, who made Paris vibrate with the conga.

All of them outstanding trumpet players, Chapottín had no known political affiliation, Julio was a consistent communist (by the way, he died in Havana in 1975, submerged in anonymity) and Sandoval considers Marxism to be one of the greatest misfortunes suffered by this country in its history. All of them are Cuban and qualify among the most apt to express Cubanness through music.

Our oligarchs, masters of populism, have been capable of erasing genuine exponents of popular music such as Sandoval or Chirino from broadcasting, just for thinking differently. When to this is added an “excessive professionalism” (I quote Ecured, the Cuban official platform), the musician becomes absolutely unknown. Such a qualification is found in the page dedicated to Aurelio de la Vega, universally known as composer, instructor and orchestra conductor, described as “colossus of Cuba and the world” in the Diario Las Américas.

With more than 90 years of active life, he has been forced to spend 62 of them in exile because he considers that Cuba suffers from “a totalitarian communist government with a capitalist business system.” The criticism of his professionalism is due to the cultivation of atonalism as a tendency in many of his compositions, as if the work of Harold Gramatges, who held prominent positions in the communist leadership of culture, were not equally complex.

The ruckus motivated by Patria y Vida has generated, on the one hand, a significant amount of responses from the government, mostly marked by mediocrity; and on the other hand, the aforementioned composition, which was made with skill and professionalism. Disregarding likes, dislikes and even “data mining”, this ideological battle has been lost by the Cuban government.

The reason is that talent cannot be forced (not even with money) to generate lasting works, even less from a false and insubstantial patriotic feeling. An eloquent testimony of this nervousness is the newspaper Granma’s announcement, 25 days after the premiere of Patria y Vida, about the inclusion of the topic “political-ideological subversion on the internet” among the issues to be discussed at the Eighth Congress of the Communist Party of Cuba.

As genuine an expression of Cubanness is the work of the communist Julio Cueva with his Tingo talango, as the most elaborate of Arturo Sandoval, to the definitely atonal and complex of Aurelio de la Vega. We are all equally Cuban by the will of wanting to be so, although motivated by a similar diversity of possible worldviews. For the time being, with much good Cuban music still to be heard, I say goodbye, along with Valdés and Chirino: “I am Cuban, and no one will be able to take away my being Cuban”.

Translated by: Hombre de Paz

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cubans Discover the Virtues of the ‘Food Truck’

A ’Food Truck’ outside the Iberostar Parque Central Hotel, in Havana. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 25 March 2021 — The street used to be full of tourists but now, on the stretch from the corner of Virtudes to Paseo del Prado in Havana, there is only one truck and a line to buy croquettes, sandwiches and soft drinks. Protected by the shadow of the imposing Iberostar hotel, dozens of people wait to take home cooked or semi-finished food.

The line has started to form very early this Thursday. Before opening the sides of the peculiar food truck (Cubans use the English name) the employee writes a “no” on the board next to some menu items that have already been sold out and reminds customers that “this is not a bodega (ration store) this is a hotel.” The truck gleams in the March sun and murmuring is heard in the line.

The opening has been delayed for almost half an hour, after ten in the morning when it should have started selling, and the employee apologizes as customers complain about the slowness, but “there are few hands and we already had to put the ice cream at another point of sale because it was what attracted the most people.” In a city marked by food shortages, not even the prices — hardly cheap — of the food truck make them give up going to the place. continue reading

The sun is biting and the white surface of the truck glows. “We read on the internet that they had opened the truck and that there was ice cream. We got in line at six in the morning but in the end the tubs of ice cream are no longer being sold here but around the corner, in a place that they set up for that ,” says a woman, as the employee points to the corner.

The vehicle, produced by the Spanish company GEM Soluciones Industriales, mimics the old Citroën H1, a light commercial vehicle produced by the French manufacturer between 1947 and 1981, and which was used in the sale of food on the streets of cities such as London and Berlin. The European company clarifies that, initially, the Iberostar truck was intended as a tourist attraction.

The plummet of foreign visitors due to the pandemic, together with the shortage of food that the island is experiencing, has converted the ‘entertaining’ food truck into a busy food outlet. Unlike its great-uncle, the Citroën H1, the truck does not move from the place and does not even have a cab for the driver, but functions as a trailer that must be pulled by another vehicle.

The line for ice cream around the corner at a hotel annex building. (14ymedio)

“I came to look for the precooked croquettes that they are selling. My choices are this line or waiting for hours in front of a store to see if they put something on the shelves. At least this is safer although it is not cheap. There is nothing cheap now in Havana,” comments a young man who has been sitting on the lid of a water tank since before the sun rose.

The food prices range from the 35 peso ham sandwich, the lowest figure on the blackboard, to a combination of three hamburgers with buns and soda that exceed 550 pesos and other more complex combos that cost a third of the monthly minimum wage. There are no sweets left, no cheesy ham bites and drinks are only served with food.

“I came to order three roasted chickens for a birthday that I have tomorrow, but the chicks are, in truth, quite small,” laments a lady who arrives and sees the small size of the chickens. “Something is better than nothing,” another customer replies. “If you are going to buy those frozen chickens, you can’t find them and the store where they are sold only sells one per person.” The price of the combination that the woman is looking at is 750 pesos.

“The prices are not expensive if you compare them with what some home paladares (private restaurants) are selling, but of course, without home delivery this is not available to anyone either. They are prices that can be paid once but forget about becoming a regular of this truck,” adds a young woman who has carried a bag full of croquettes to take away.

At the beginning of the pandemic, when tourism began to decline and many hotels closed their doors, Iberostar Parque Central set up a home delivery service for food. There were ready meals and also combinations with different types of cheeses and cold cuts. “The phone lines were burning up, the people called desperately”, remembers an employee.

Given the abundance of orders, the administration of the place changed the service to ordering only 24 hours in advance and changed the menu a bit. “Now what we sell mostly are ready-made dishes and these variants of pre-cooked croquettes, mainly,” explains the worker.

As he speaks, two young men come around a corner of Calle Virtudes. Each one carries a box with ice cream that they have bought in the neighboring store that now delivers the product to avoid greater crowds in front of the truck. One of them also bears a box and, on the lid, is the logo of the hotel chain. Nine letters that until recently meant only a prohibitive luxury for anyone who now lines up there.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.