Kafka at Cuban Customs

The average wait to retrieve a suitcase is between 5 and 8 hours during the day. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Havana, 6 August 2019 — “Mommy put your feet up, put your feet up,” says a daughter with a worried face to a lady who has been waiting for eight hours in the missing luggage department in terminal 3 of the José Martí International Airport in Havana. The old woman tells me that she has recently had cancer surgery and has a very painful leg.

The dialogue takes place near an official of the General Customs of the Republic (AGR) who, in her red supervisor’s vest, comes out to explain the delay. People just let her talk, especially Rafael Vidal, a 57-year-old, thin and hyperkinetic Cuban who has been trying to recover his lost bag for 24 hours.

Due to the strict customs regulations and the convoluted mechanism that allows Cubans to pay import fees in Cuban pesos – but only once a year – Cubans with lost luggage have to go to the airport to deal with the cumbersome process. continue reading

On the afternoon of August 3, Vidal is desperate and the others there tell him to remain calm, “you’ll give yourself a heart attack,” they say. But he keeps gesticulating and jumping around without getting Customs employees to do their work any faster. It takes them between 30 and 45 minutes with each client, but sometimes up to an hour.

To retrieve luggage, you must first get into the outer line, and then after two or three hours you can access an office where a passenger must locate their luggage. If an airline representative arrives, the customer can advance somewhat in line but still the average wait is between 5 and 8 hours during the day. Soon you will have to weigh the suitcase and fill in the Customs form. Between one thing and another endless minutes pass in which nothing happens.

In some seats – which once had padded bottoms but are now only metal – those of us who wait exchange stories. “I’m here since five in the morning,” says a father with a small girl. “I have not had breakfast or lunch because I can’t go out,” adds a teenager who points out the padlock that closes the access gate, located on the side of the main terminal building.

We are not imprisoned, no judge has dictated that they lock us up, but we all know that going out to try to go to the bathroom or drink some water can mean losing our place in line. We are prisoners of Customs; inmates without prison uniforms or bars, although prisoners in the end.

We remain in a corridor, between two offices, with a light roof full of gaps and a floor that has not been cleaned in months. There is no bathroom, drinking fountain, or a place to buy something to eat. Outside, first under the inclement sun and then soaked by an intense downpour, are the less fortunate, those who have not even been able to enter the area where they can sit.

A lock closes the access gate to the waiting area to recover lost luggage that is already in the national territory. (14ymedio)

“I got in line before noon,” says a talkative lady who is still tired from her long journey from Mozambique where her doctor daughter lives. When she arrived, Customs confiscated an electric oven for not complying with the import requirements and she does not understand why, as of three o’clock this Saturday, she has not been given her suitcase, which has been in Havana for a day.

That ordeal is only experienced by Cubans, including those who reside outside the Island, since most tourists will get their lost luggage delivered to their hotel or the rental house where they are staying. “We are not people, we are animals,” laments a woman who has arrived with her daughter to claim some bundles. She says it almost under a surveillance camera, with a fish eye-shaped lens, at which she stares defiantly.

“Foreigners do not stand in line and if you drop a bill in the right hands you go through very quickly,” complains a young man next to me with dark glasses that hide his eyes, red from not sleeping. “I arrived Thursday on the Aeroflot flight and my suitcase landed yesterday,” he says in a weak voice. He opens a package of cookies and offers them, hands come up fast to get one.

In the almost six hours I spend there, I see everything. A European retrieves his suitcase in minutes and tries to pay the airport employee who slipped it to him, but the man indicates with a gesture that it is better to make the transaction more discreetly. Another, in exchange for two ice cream snacks, wins the favor of a customs official, while a woman passenger breaks into tears of despair under the sign that says “lost luggage.”

Strong ties are woven between the preschool teacher, the reporter for 14ymedio, the young man traveling on an official passport, a woman returning to stay, a reggaetonero, a teenager who grew up in Belgium but whose dual citizenship is not recognized in Cuba, a young man who does not want to protest so as not to stand out, and the retiree who sees “a repudiation rally or a tribute as the same thing,” he says.

No one shows any mercy to Customs: it is the enemy; we, a varied and unarmed platoon. In there they have weights, scanners, forms, arrogance, grim looks; out here helplessness, annoyance, anger… a rage that is taking shape as the hours go by. Vidal is the most troubled because he is the one who has been waiting the longest.

The man shouts that he will complain, that he needs witnesses of so much “abuse”; some laugh softly thinking he is crazy, but most support him, close ranks with him. You can’t be very sane and challenge power in Cuba, much less a Customs that decides what merchandise can make a family happy and relieve their daily hardships.

Everything related to luggage uncovers sensitivities. We packed the gifts for relatives, the medicines for a patient, the order that a friend entrusted us. Behind every suitcase is a drama. “I brought a cream for the bedsores of my grandfather who is prostrate and I have not been able to get it for four days,” says a woman who waits by my side, while the rain sneaks through the gaps in the roof and soaks us.

Another woman takes out a pen to share with those who must fill out the Customs form, although they have already completed one before arriving in Cuba, a blue piece of paper asking if we are bringing live animals or pornography, when the danger is actually something else.

The authorities limit private imports because the State wants to continue selling its lousy products at very high prices in its stores.

For Customs, we are potential criminals who carry a larger number of disposable shavers in our bags, cans of sardines that we do not declare, or shoes that are not our size and that make it clear we are importing them for third parties. We are the enemy and they treat us as such.

Fear shows in every step that the AGR employees take before the tired but attentive eyes of a crowd that after several hours of waiting seems to have lost its own fear. “Either they give me the bags or I denounce them”; “They deal with me right now or this is going to go through the channels [alluding to Miami television]”; “They expedite this or even Raúl Castro will find out,” shout the more daring.

There is a Cuban couple living in the United States who have brought their son. The boy plays on a cell phone but occasionally emits a phrase of despair. Heat and dirt envelop everything. The mother warns him that, although he was born on the other side of the Florida Strait, he has to learn that in Cuba “making anything happen requires work.” Not very satisfied, the little one concentrates on the screen.

A lady notices me. “You are a journalist, right?” she says loudly. A score of eyes look at me. “You are going to have to report this,” voices from several corners demand of me, charging me with the responsibility of writing down the long hours they have been there, the employees’ laziness and their absolute inefficiency. I can’t escape, it’s my turn.

The supervisor explains that “this is complicated every day but today it has been more complicated than ever because the system is down,” in reference to the computer program that collects the data of all travelers who pass Cuban immigration. I like the phrase … and yes, the “system” is on the ground, broken, bankrupt, taking on water everywhere, I add in my mind.

Others do not miss the opportunity and also joke about the double meaning of the phrase. “Look, it fell and we didn’t even have to lay it down,” says a woman with a beautiful rose-shaped tattoo who arrived around three in the afternoon.

“Every time we try to scan a passport, it does not give us the passenger’s record,” the red-vested supervisor justifies herself. “Then we have to ask the security cameras to review the filming of the day the traveler arrived,” she adds. When the “system goes down” they can only know if the person brought more kilograms of luggage than allowed by checking that footage.

In my mind the scene reminds me of the television series where an electronic eye watches everything, whether the passenger was carrying one suitcase, two or none. According to this supervisor, to return lost luggage to its owner, it is necessary to check in the security recordings to see how many packages the traveler took from the airport the day they left.

It is not that the lady thinks us fools, she knows that she is speaking to Cubans, a “domesticated” and controlled group… at least she thinks so. The treatment she gives us is like that of an officer who gives orders to his soldiers. “Don’t disrespect me,” “you have to wait,” “if you don’t like it, leave,” “if you keep bothering us we’ll kick you out of here,” “your problem,” “this is the procedure and we have to collect the money for the State,” the employees say.

After four in the afternoon the rain continues and the water floods the place, some raise their feet in the seats and others are resigned to it. None of the office doors open to summon us to shelter inside them. “Revolution is humanity,” one mocks, repeating a slogan from a billboard. I estimate that every day the place collects thousands of pesos in import fees, but they have not invested much in improving it.

They call me by my name. A Customs officer tells me that I can’t go through with the cart and I appeal to the lady who arrived from Mozambique. We are already friends, there is trust. The hours waiting have united us. They move a metal detector over my body and ask me to go to a dimly lit corridor where I find my suitcase. They also collect my passport and the import form.

The process is just beginning. They tell me to go out again. Outside Vidal looks like a caged lion and the temperature of his protest has risen. We are all soaked, hungry, upset and have that look of those who are already willing to lose everything, including their suitcase. Someone suggests that we go to the State Council and another gives their phone with some recordings to a relative and says “upload them to the internet.”

The screams of the daughter with the newly operated mother increase in volume. We all join. “Let that lady go and just give her her suitcase,” we bellow. An employee comes out and says she was able to scan seven passports to know the “import history of each one.” There are seven chosen ones, seven lucky ones. Vidal is one of them, perhaps to prevent him from continuing to call for a revolt.

The ungainly man puts a makeshift sign on the door: “People outside forbidden to enter the premises.” We are all Vidal, a little crazy, fed up, too mad. Thirty long minutes pass and he comes out with a briefcase and a look that fails to appear relieved. Immediately from inside they say my name and I go back in, and the employee attending me is paying more attention to the ice cream snack she just went to buy than to her work.

At a table with battered corners, another worker fills in a few sheets with a pen stroke where the name of the travelers appears. Obviously “the system has not come back to life and we are in the analog era,” I think. The phrases are rude, abuse is breathed in with the air, nobody says “sorry” for the technical problems that have caused the wait. At times I feel like some abandoned furniture in the middle of the office.

A half broken door gives access to the office where they weigh, inspect and process each baggage to be delivered. (14ymedio)

I look for my suitcase in the dimly lit hallway. Every corner of the room is trashed, all tiles have traces of grime and the place smells like dirt. “Where is your Customs form?” He asks me. “I already delivered it with my passport,” I babble, tired and shivering. “No, it’s not here,” he says.

The worst was yet to come. The inefficiency of Customs reached the point where they had given my passport to Vidal, who had quickly left for Las Tunas. In that chaos of documents scattered on the table, they didn’t even check the name, the photo or the gender. As he confirmed hours later, he was given a document twice, once his and once mine. The man, who was running on overdrive, didn’t even notice.

Anger rises, the employee washes her hands. “You have to find out where Vidal lives to get your passport back,” she tells me in a festive tone. I will have to become Sherlock Holmes for a mistake they made. But of course, Customs is untouchable, sure of itself, it doesn’t have to do anything for us, even when it loses the only document that allows you to cross national borders.

They let me carry my suitcase even though I no longer have identification that certifies to Customs that I am me, that I have entered Cuba on a certain date or that I have not brought any imports that require customs duty to be paid. They abandon me to my fate. I am an uncomfortable discard of their lack of efficiency.

I go out and the faces of frustration are still out there. I still have the strength to say that they are awaiting hours of abuse, inefficiency and the possible loss of their documents in the hands of a Customs office that knows how to control but not to take responsibility, an entity that acts as a watchdog but not as a safeguard; an guardian of imports that does not incur duties, only rights.

I run as fast as my legs will let me. I shout the name of Vidal in the parking lot and along the terminal exits, in the taxi area, to see if I can find him before he leaves with my 32-page booklet and filigree sheets. People think I’m crazy and by now they may be right.

The lady who had surgery with the sore leg passes by me and offers words of encouragement to follow. I can no longer cross the fence with a padlock that separates me from the employees of Customs at the Lost Baggage office. There, in the uncomfortable seats, with the dirty and still flooded floor, dozens of people wait to complete the same process that I know well. They have long faces and continue to complain loudly.

Twenty hours later I will rescue my passport thanks to the help of the employees of the JetBlue and Avianca airlines, together with the persistence of Rafael Vidal, who engaged all his energy to return it to me as soon as he realized the error. And the General Customs of the Republic that should have watched over my document and helped me in the process of recovering it? I’m still waiting for an apology.

_______________________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

August Arrives but Not the Uniforms

Before the store opens there is already a line of people who fear they won’t be able to get the size they need. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Luz Escobar, Havana, August 2, 2019 — The store opens at 10:00 AM but the line began forming much earlier in front of La Gloria on La Rosa Street in Havana’s Nuevo Vedado neighborhood. It is August 1 and mothers, fathers and grandmothers have been here since before dawn to make sure they get the most desirable sizes of school uniforms “before they run out.” As television reports indicate, the first day of the sale has been delayed several weeks due to a shortage of raw materials, which has led to the scene being repeated in almost every store throughout the city.

Some mothers who arrived with their children fifteen minutes prior to opening are already showing signs of impatience. Others have brought a piece of clothing to match their kid’s size so the child is not subjected to a long wait.

The first employee arrives on time but has bad news. “Everyone please come over here so you can hear,” he says. continue reading

“There is a shortage of uniforms in the district. The staff at [the Ministry of Domestic] Commerce made the decision to announce when uniforms will be for sale through the media, in other words through the press and television. You can come back and buy them once they notify you,” he said at the beginning of a speech that was not well received by those present.

“We told you they would be for sale starting today because that was the information we received but that’s all changed now,” he adds. “Since the uniforms have not yet arrived, we cannot sell them.” That’s when the avalanche of anger and complaints begins.

“It’s all about communication. Why didn’t they put up a sign? There are people like me who have been waiting here since 1:00 AM,” says the first mother to raise her hand.

“It’s the same lie, the same old story we’ve heard for years. They are toying with us. There are a lot of working mothers here who have asked for the day off to take care of this. There are pregnant women. It shows a lack of respect. You said the uniforms would be for sale starting today and that’s why we’re here. The minister herself said there would be uniforms, that it was all guaranteed,” shouted one mother.

“They said so on television, that they would begin selling uniforms starting August 1,” says a tiny grandmother in a thin voice.

“This means I’ll have to become a TV news addict,” says the husband of one the women waiting in line, with a hint of irony.

In an effort to calm things down, the store manager comes to the employee’s rescue.

“We had a meeting with the vice-minister and the Commerce director and the problem is that the Playa district in Havana has less than 50% of its supply,” she says.

“Although we were prepared to begin selling uniforms, we are not authorized to do so if the store has not received at least that amount, as is the case with La Gloria,” she explains.

The manager is sympathetic and provides a new date to appease the parents, which they take it with a grain of salt. “Indications are that it will be on Monday, that the sale of school uniforms will begin on Monday,” she says, adding that if that happens, the store will remain open as long as necessary.

She gives those present the store’s telephone number as well as her personal phone number, promising to provide information or confirm Monday’s sale. She warns, however, that tenth grade boys’ uniforms may be unavailable until further notice “because there aren’t any.”

In a statement to 14ymedio the minister of Domestic Commerce, Betsy Diaz Velazquez, confirmed that uniforms would be for sale starting on Monday at the Plaza of the Revolution.

“I just left in the middle of a meeting to come give you the explanation,” she said, admitting that the previous information had been very incorrect.

The sale of school uniforms usually begins sometime between May and June, but this year the vice-minister of Domestic Commerce, Nancy Valdes, announced that they would not be available until the end of June or beginning of August.

Though they had to work longer shifts, trying to finish on time and make the almost three million uniforms required this year, factory workers were still not able to meet the official deadline.

Official press reports indicated on Sunday that uniforms sales had begun in towns in Artemisa, Mayabeque, Sancti Spíritus, Camagüey, Las Tunas, Holguín, Granma, Guantanamo and Isla de la Juventud provinces, adding that sales in the remaining provinces would begin gradually, “most likely in the second half of August.”

“It’s always the same old thing. The higher-ups make mistakes and underlings like us are the ones who pay the price because I am the one who has to face you,” said the manager of La Rosa yesterday. She confirmed that sale had begun in other towns where supplies surpassed the required 50%.

“But you still have to buy the item from your designated outlet. I take responsibility for making sure you get it, for making calls to other stores to find the right size. I’ll even go there to pick it up, no matter where it is,” she promises.

Before leaving, one of the first mothers in line snapped at the employee. “You have tell the leaders they have to inform us about this on the same day they are reporting on the Pan-American games. They could have easily told us yesterday during the Round Table program. If they had done that, we wouldn’t have had to wait in line.”

__________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Havana Tornado Victims Disagree with Government’s Triumphalist Accounting

Since the tornado hit some neighborhoods in Havana in January, more than 20 people live in this warehouse without any privacy. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 30 July 2019 —  Six months after the tornado that hit Havana, the authorities say they have resolved 95% of the damages suffered by the housing stock. This accounting, however, hides the drama of hundreds of families who suffered the total loss of their homes and for whom housing remains unresolved.

Of the 1,068 homes that were totally destroyed, according to official data, 450 have not yet been rebuilt, which reduces the positive data to 57.9% for these more serious cases.

The data is derived from a speech on television by Euclides Santos, provincial director of Housing, and César Hernández, vice president for Construction and Housing affairs in the Council of the Provincial Administration. Both spoke on Buenos Días, the program of the journalist Lázaro Manuel Alonso, who on Monday dedicated his timeslot to the state of repairs. continue reading

“Today the efforts are focused on the total housing collapses, of which 450 homes are still to be rebuilt. In the month of July, 138 homes are intended to be completed; in August 159 and in September 153,” explained Hernández, who added that in order to solve the most serious cases, the policy “of rebuilding the houses on site and the adaptation of unused State premises,” that are modified to serve residential uses has been maintained.

Santos said that to solve the complaints that arose in the recovery process “a system has been established through the governmental structures of the territories.” In the case of the municipality of Diez de Octubre, he specified, a command post was created to respond to all of the population’s complaints and uncertainties.

On the television program the complaints and thanks of some of those affected were presented, although it was claimed that there were more lights than shadows in the process.

The resident of Novena street, in the Casino Deportivo neighborhood, protested that a file has not even been opened to solve their cases although they jumped through all the governmental hoops indicated. “The clock just keeps ticking and I have not received an answer,” said one of those affected, on television.

This newspaper was able to confirm that about 20 people are still crammed in the old warehouse of the Villena Revolution school, in unsanitary conditions, waiting for a new home. Yudelmis Urquiza, one of these victims, told 14ymedio that “after all this time,” both she and the other inhabitants of the shelter where they were relocated “remain in the same place.”

Although on the 19th the neighbors held a meeting with the authorities, who promised to give them a solution on the 24th or 25th of this month, the days have passed without anything changing. “The whole week passed and nothing. Every time they come and promise and promise, but in the end they don’t fulfill their promises,” Urquiza laments.

Local authorities told those sheltered in Villena Revolution that they would be there “only for three months” because it was a “transitory” solution, but the time is already double that and everyone is still living in the same painful conditions.

In the networks there are also those who complain about the priority received by Havana when similar situations elsewhere that happened earlier remain unresolved. Yailin Cosme Pérez, a resident of Santiago de Cuba, expressed her happiness on Twitter for the recovery of Havana, but asked the authorities to “see the pending cases of Hurricane Sandy (2012) in the town of Boniato,” where there are many homes in “very bad conditions after total collapses.”

The workers of the Ministry of Construction continue to work in the most affected areas supported by cooperatives and the self-employed.

On January 27, a tornado suddenly hit the Havana municipalities of Diez de Octubre, Guanabacoa, Regla, San Miguel del Padrón and Habana del Este with gusts exceeding 300 kilometers per hour.

The phenomenon left 195 wounded and about 10,000 people had to leave their homes to take refuge in the homes of neighbors or relatives and state shelters.

_________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

The Obligations of the Church

The cardinal’s funeral was held in the presence of several members of the Government. (EFE/Yander Zamora)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Reinaldo Escobar, Havana, January 30, 2019 — First of all, I must confess: I don’t agree with any religion. I hardly have metaphysical doubts, which doesn’t even allow me to classify myself as an atheist. I have always believed that religions are a kind of discipline for the spirit and that mine is notoriously undisciplined.

Now that I have confessed I say: the Catholic Church, its bishops, its clergy, its laypersons, its believers, have been profoundly offended by the Cuban Government in the days in which the remains of the cardinal Jaime Ortega began their eternal repose amidst the ceremonies related with his funerals.

I say “the Government” because I suppose that the Ministry of the Interior is part of it, and I deduce that the “organs of State Security” are subordinate to said ministry. And so I wonder from what office came the order to prevent Dagoberto Valdés from being able to attend those funerals; the activist Iliana Hernández, the artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, and the journalist Luz Escobar, among others, from being able to approach Havana cathedral or Colon Cemetery. Who directed the cordoning off of the cathedral plaza to reduce its access to a single point?

I wonder if, in agreement with the due respect owed between government institutions and the entities of civil society, law enforcement, commanded by the Ministry of the Interior, coordinated such measures with the ecclesiastical hierarchy. I imagine not. continue reading

But it so happens that law enforcement behaved as if every step they took was perfectly coordinated with all the parties involved. For that reason they argued with Alcántara that they would not let him go to the street because “it was necessary to respect the cardinal’s death” and suggested to Dagoberto Valdés that during the ceremony “things [could] happen” that law enforcement could not allow.

I don’t want to believe that the Church asked the Ministry of the Interior to take such precautionary measures. I resist accepting that the Ministry asked the Church’s permission to adopt these measures. But that is what State Security has led people to believe and as a consequence the Church, since it is not going to protest, has taken on the obligation to publicly clarify that it was not even consulted.

I recognize that I have no right, not even via my baptism, to demand that the Catholic hierarchy make some type of declaration on the matter, but it happens that that hierarchy boasts that the deceased cardinal influenced the thaw and the “reconciliation” between the Government and the Church, that he built bridges for those who held different philosophical positions to understand each other, instead of being offended from the extremes.

Since those things fall to me I have the right to have an opinion, even though I have never baptized my children, nor have I married at the altar. The Church has contracted obligations with this citizen and I am waiting for it to fulfill them.

Translated by: Sheilagh Herrera

_________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

ISDi Students and Alumni Express Solidarity with Omara Ruiz Urquiola

On the left, Omara Ruiz Urquiola, in the background industrial design students during one of the excursions planned by teachers with a university extension approach. (Facebook-Miguel Monk)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 31 July 2019 — A few hours after the announcement of her dismissal from the Design Institute of Havana, Professor Omara Ruiz Urquiola has begun to receive expressions of solidarity from students and alumni on social networks.

Some of these messages do not hesitate to criticize the decision of the school’s directors while others talk about their love for her and what an excellent teacher she is. One of them, the designer Miguel Monk, said that if the Institute fires Ruiz Urquiola, he must assume that “it will lose a jewel as a trainer of the designers of the future.”

“The ISDi student and graduate designers are telling Cuba that we love our teacher very much. We don’t care about her political position. We care that she taught us to love beauty. If there were no dismissal, what a relief, but regardless we say that she matters to us and that we are grateful to her,” Monk wrote accompanied by the #graciasomara hashtag and a poster of her silhouette, designed by Sergio Alejandro, another graduate designer of that faculty who has shown his solidarity on social networks. continue reading

Ana Regina García, another of her students, says that in the ISDi “they don’t realize what they are doing” with these decisions. “It doesn’t matter if they fired her or not. Just the fact of taking her to a ‘meeting’ to’review her contract’ seems incredible to me. And yes! #graciasomara because I was her student and I enjoyed and learned from her lectures. And I do consider that it marked my university education.”

Omara Ruiz Urquiola denounced this week on her Facebook page that, after a meeting with some managers of the institution, they had announced to her and 14 other teachers that they will no longer be able to continue working at the school. “I was fired,” she wrote on the networks after learning that she can no longer be in front of the classrooms of this university this coming year, where she has taught for several years.

With a degree in Art History from the University of Havana, Ruiz Urquiola is a specialist in the History of Industrial Design and an assistant professor at ISDi since 2009.

For his part, the director of the ISDi Sergio Peña responded hours later on his Facebook profile that the meeting “discussed transcendental aspects for the reorganization” of the institute “with a view to the next academic year” and as part “of the continuous improvement process to achieve the status of university of excellence.” Hours later he removed that post from his wall and now it can only be found on the institution’s page.

“The ISDi and our University of Havana will make available to these teachers all possible contractual options so that it does not affect their employment relationship with our entities, especially considering the real capabilities of each teacher and the suitability demonstrated in each case. This process will be effective at the beginning of the next teaching period,” explains the note without giving other details.

Milvia Pérez Pérez, dean of the Faculty of Industrial Design, was the first to comment on the institute’s post stating: “Our Institute is perfected, but has not separated, expelled or dismissed absolutely any teacher in this process.”

Speaking to Martí Noticias Urquiola says she was fired and said that “it is an expulsion for political reasons” and that she now remains “on the street” and “without pay.” She also said that they “truncated” an important part of her life, “between the artistic teaching and the teaching of Industrial Design in the ISDi I have spent many years, more than 20, my whole life has been dedicated to the academy.”

Ruiz Urquiola says that the dean “is lying” in making that statement and that she has a recording of what was said at the meeting this Monday.

 Singer Haydée Milanés also showed her support for the teacher in her social networks. On her Facebook profile, she said that “losing Omara” is “losing Cuba.”

“For a long time the Cuban Ministry of Education has recognized the deficit of teachers that exists in our country, for that reason I cannot understand this measure adopted by the ISDI managers,” said the artist. “I think it is also important to keep in mind that Professor Omara has been fighting a serious illness for several years and would be helpless in the face of a dismissal from her job.”

______________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

74% of Cubans Want Political Change According to a Survey by OCDH

Of those surveyed, 43.2% prefer moderate changes and 31.3% prefer radical ones. (Flickr/Pedro S.)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, July 25, 2019 — 74% of Cubans are in favor of change on the island according to a survey conducted by the Cuban Observatory of Human Rights (OCDH). Among those who responded affirmatively to the question about a change in the island’s politics, 43.2% would prefer a moderate change. (22.8% of those would like to see some change, 22.8% favor on a few changes and 22.8% would like to see only the most problematic things changed.) On the other hand, 31.3% want radical change.

The Madrid-based organization interviewed 1,082 Cubans (a small sampling due to difficulties on the ground) in eleven provinces. Residents of Guantanmo, Las Tunas, Ciego de Avila and Sancti Spiritus provinces were not surveyed. Respondents were divided evenly between men and women.

Among the 26% who did not respond affirmatively to the question about change in Cuba, 4.3% had no opinion, 7.7% declined to respond and only 13.5% felt there was no need to change anything. continue reading

The survey also asked about ways to achieve that change. The majority, 42.8% (345 respondents), were in favor of change through high-level government action, 31% (250) through a social unrest and 13.1% (43) through foreign intervention. The remaining 13.1% (129) had no opinion, did not answer or preferred other unspecified options.

In terms of what kind of change was desired, the numbers reveal that most would prefer a market economy (35%) or a democracy based on the rule of law and respect for human rights (32.4%). Minority preferences included annexation by another country (6.4%), a state controlled economy (9.4%), uncontrolled chaos (2.5%), a military dictatorship (1.7%) and other unspecified alternatives (12.5%).

OCDH asked a question about one of the most controversial issues for countries which have transitioned from dictatorship to democracy: forgiveness.

In response, 40.6% of those surveyed feel it is necessary to punish those responsible for the regime’s failures while 30.9% would pardon them. A significant 26.8% chose an intermediate option, which would give them the opportunity to participate in a new government.

The results of the survey, which was conducted in early July of this year, have been broken down by age. The largest group of respondents, 31.5%, was over 65. They were followed by those aged 45 to 54 (31.5%), then those 35 to 44 (21.4%) and those 25 to 34, (16.1%), the same percentage  as those 16 to 24 years. Although the data was uniform for both sex and age, it is notable that those who most want a radical change are young people, at 43.5%.

____________________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Beer Prices Are ’Capped’ in the Private Sector in Pinar del Rio and Las Tunas

The ‘capped’ prices affect both domestic and imported beers sold in coffee shops and private restaurants. (Flickr / Brando)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 24 July 2019 — What seemed impossible one week ago is already a reality in Pinar del Río and Las Tunas. As of August 1, the prices of beverages sold in private premises will be capped’ in both provinces, according to their respective Provincial Administration Councils (CAP).

Beers, juices, soft drinks and malts that are sold in restaurants and private cafes can only be sold up to a maximum price established in the list approved by the CAP. In the case of the municipality of Viñales, a tourist epicenter, “a differentiated study will be done and will be reported shortly.”

Prices for nationally produced beers, Bucanero and Cristal, in 350 milliliter bottles and 355 ml cans will be set at 30 CUP [Cuban pesos] (1.25 CUC [Cuban convertible pesos]); and locally produced beers, clear and in bottles of 350 ml, will be 15 CUP. The Cacique and Mayabe brands, which are sold in 355 ml cans will cost 25 CUP, while imported beers — with current value in state markets of up to 1.40 CUC — will be set at 35 Cuban pesos (1.45 CUC) .

Juice boxes of 200 milliliters will be set at 25 CUP, those of 500 ml at 35 CUP, and those of a liter at 65 CUP, prices that leave a very narrow profit margin for private businesses. The canned Buccaneer malt of 355 milliliters will be set at 20 CUP and imported malts of the same volume at 25 CUP, the price list details.

Meanwhile, soft drinks in 1.5 liter boxes may not exceed 30 CUP and soda, in cans of 355 milliliters, 15 CUP.

Shortly after the announcement, the economist Pedro Monreal described it on Twitter as “irrational and there is no need to demonstrate it.” According to the academic, “the test of demonstrating that this could have some rationality lies with those to whom the idea occurred. To begin with, they might kindly indicate the ‘school of economic thought’ by which they were inspired.”

The decision is part of a package of economic measures announced at the end of June by the Government which began with a wage increase that benefited 2.7 million workers in the state sector.

In recent weeks, beer has been at the center of attention since the publication of a report in the official press of Cienfuegos, which questioned the high prices of the product in the private sector.

The text reported that private businesses were selling beer for “200% of its sale price, perhaps 250% of its cost price. For someone who did not invest a drop of sweat to produce it.”

The article also referred to sources within the administrative framework of state stores who warned private businesses about the sale of national beers and about profiting by selling them in more than the allowed quantities, established as two boxes (of 24 cans or bottles each) per person.

In Pinar del Río, the Council of the Provincial Administration has also set a price of 5 CUP for recreation equipment and cart rides for children pulled by animals and for other services related to children’s entertainment. Among these are included motor-operated devices created by the entrepreneurs themselves to inflated toys imported by individuals.

For its part, the Municipal Council of the Administration of Sandino limited the activities of leasing homes, rooms or public spaces in La Bajada, on the Guanahacabibes peninsula, a protected area with a wide diversity of flora and fauna.

Perhaps I understood it the wrong way around, but I believe it has been said — several times — the official focus is to use economic mechanisms and not administrative ones. Beer is not a basic product, and should operate based on supply and demand in the private sector. — Pedro Monreal (@pmmonrealJuly 24, 2019

In La Bajada, a coastal community, the rental of houses to tourists has proliferated in recent years, along with private guide services to the area, horseback rides and private food services.

In Las Tunas the measure also applies to prepared food. The price of bread with roast pork will be set at 5 CUP, the same as bread with ham, while the price of bread with a hamburger will be 7 pesos. Fruit juices and smoothies will be fixed at 2 and 3 CUP respectively.

______________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Patience, This Year the School Uniforms Are Late

Bulletin board displays in the schools announce the sale of uniforms. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Luz Escobar, Havana, 26 July 2019 — Bulletin boards in schools or workplaces are often ornaments hung in a corner, loaded with historical events and photos that nobody pays attention to. However, at certain times they gain prominence and dozens of eyes gather around, such as when the date school uniforms will go on sale is posted, which sets off tensions, annoyance and hours of waiting for the families every year.

These days, parents are very attentive to the window for the sale of uniforms, because a day lost in finding out could mean their child’s size is no longer available in the store. At the points of sale, the shelves are still empty, but on the bulletin boards are the details regarding the marketing of this essential clothing.

Normally this moment comes between May and June, when the distribution of the garments begins, but this year the situation has changed. The delay in the arrival of the raw material has affected the manufacture and subsequent distribution of the uniforms, for which this year’s number is three million.

Factory workers have had to work overtime and holidays to complete the production and meet the demand, and according to a report on national television from the managers of the Apparel Company, 80% of the uniforms are now finished.

The Deputy Minister of Internal Trade, Nancy Valdés, announced that the beginning of the sale could not be guaranteed at the end of July and during the month of August, and asked for patience, noting that it is a priority issue for the Government.

Mirla Díaz, vice president of the Light Industry business group, said that the arrival of the raw material occurred at the beginning of June and that, as soon as the fabrics were in the country, they were transported to the warehouses and then to production units.

This Wednesday, at one of the points of sale of the Plaza Municipality, a mother asked about the day the sale will begin, but only received a reproach from the saleswoman: “Read the bulletin out there, where everything is explained.”

____________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

"Cubans Are the Central Nervous System of the [Venezuelan] Regime"

Elliott Abrams admits that the military option is not completely ruled out, although it is not preferred by the US. (@USAenEspanol)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 22 July 2019 — Elliott Abrams, a special US envoy for Venezuela, has estimated 25,000 Cubans reside in the country who provide information to the Nicolás Maduro regime, as detailed in an interview with the Spanish newspaper ABC. The ambassador places about 3,000 the Island’s collaborators in Caracas engaged in intelligence work, spying on the military and civilians, or teaching how to torture. The remainder, doctors or teachers, “can also be spies and informers.”

“To understand [Cuba’s] influence, it is enough to remember that Maduro’s bodyguards are Cubans. As I see it, Cubans are the central nervous system of the regime,” Abrams said, also suggesting the possibility that the attempted coup d’etat on April 30 was discovered by Cuban spies and frustrated by that.

Elliott believes that the survival of both regimes is very connected, mainly by oil. “We must now put pressure on the few remaining undemocratic countries [in Latin America], Cuba and Venezuela among them. In the case of Venezuela, I think it is also clear that, given its economic crisis, it is not a country that can continue offering subsidies to Cuba, because it is giving the Island between 50,000 and 80,000 barrels of crude oil per day. That, we estimate, amounts to $75 million a month, which is not a small amount of money,” he said.

The New York politician also analyzes the relevance of the Russian role in the survival of the Chavista regime. The support of that power is basic, he argues, among other reasons because of the power of its veto in the UN Security Council.

Although Elliott points out that China also joins with Russia in blocking condemnations in the international organization, his intuition tells him that it would stop doing so if it were not for going along with Russia.

The Rosneft oil company is another practical reason why the support remains seamless. The Venezuelan government owes the Russian company more than 8 billion dollars and has asked it to help it sell its oil after the US applied sanctions to PDVSA, the state-owned oil company. Thus, Elliott believes, Venezuela endures despite the difficulties.

In spite of everything, the American believes that the sanctions are effective and a way to go. In the interview, Elliott speaks about individual penalties, such as those applied to four senior officers, recently, for the death of Captain Rafael Acosta Arévalo.

“If the sanctioned person is accustomed to coming to Miami, if he has an apartment or savings here, something more frequent than it seems, that ends. I can say that we have been approached by several people of the regime very concerned about the sanctions and asking for them to be lifted, especially when they affect their family, because such sanctions can be extended to the family of the affected, and there are those who have their children in American universities. So we are convinced that these sanctions have a real and concrete impact,” he said.

Elliott also spoke of the possible withdrawal of these sanctions if the punished collaborate, as has been the case with General Manuel Cristopher Figuera, against whom they were lifted after he aligned himself with the head of Parliament, Juan Guaidó, and started to collaborate with the US Government. “His should be an example for others. The same thing we have done with him we can do with others,” he says.

The ambassador had explained that the United States is trying for a transition in Venezuela without resorting to force, although it does not expressly reject it. Elliott says that the ideal, according to Washington, is for Maduro to leave power and the different parties to negotiate a transitional government that will take the country to new elections.

He admits, in this, certain divergences with the European Union, since Brussels believes in a supervised election and Washington considers that this panorama is impossible with all the powers controlled by Chavismo.

In this regard, he believes that the statements made recently by the acting Spanish Foreign Minister and future head of European diplomacy Josep Borrell about the US Government are not positive. The Spanish chancellor said in May that Washington behaves in relation to Venezuela “as the cowboy of the west,” when in this situation “it is not for anyone to draw their guns” but to find “a peaceful, negotiated and democratic solution.”

Despite this, he does consider the position of the Government of Spain positive. “We agree on the result we want. We both want a true democracy through free elections to stop the terrible violations of human rights. The difference is in the transition period.”

Also the report made by the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Michelle Bachelet, is a source of satisfaction for Elliott, who confesses that the US government is very impressed with its strength. However, he also believes she missed an important task, as she could have requested to visit prisons and did not do so.

Finally, and although he emphasizes that the military route is the last option for his Government, he admits that it is not ruled out. “No one could have told George H. W. Bush in the 1988 elections that he would end up invading Panama! So we will see what the future brings us, for now, suffice it to say that we have the ability to use military pressure.”

___________________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Puerto Rico and the Crisis Underneath the Surface

Protesters in front of the seat of Government known as La Fortaleza, in San Juan, Puerto Rico. (EFE/Thais Llorca)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Carlos A. Montaner, Miami | 28 July 2019 — It was an unusual spectacle. Popular demonstrations forced the resignation of Ricardo Rosselló, governor of Puerto Rico. It was the first time that something like this had happened since 1898, when the United States snatched sovereignty of the Island from Spain in what became known as the Spanish-American or Spanish-Cuban-American War.

However, the central nucleus of the conflict remains intact. Apparently, the reasons for this episode have to do with the corruption of the government and the disclosure of a vulgar chat in which Rosselló and some twenty buddies and officials make offensive comments about political adversaries, or major artists, like Ricky Martin, but that’s not the whole truth.

That’s the surface. Underneath, like a ghost of the 19th century, lies the problem of status: independence, autonomy, or full statehood. Faced with the glaring insensitivity and stupidity of Rosselló and his courtiers, those in favor of independence or autonomy, the “populares” went out to the streets. They were right to be indignant, but the almost 900 pages of chat were anecdotal. They turned out to be a magnificent alibi. The hidden key of the protest was status. continue reading

I know the Island very well. I lived there from 1966 to 1970. I taught in a private university and our son was born there. It’s a beautiful and very dear place. It’s true that more than half a century has passed, but nothing has changed in the political order since 1898, except the proportions of the three trends.

Half a century ago the supporters of independence were 5% of the electoral register. Supporters of autonomy (or “free staters”) were, more or less, 60%, and those who wished to transform the Island into state number 51 of the American Union were at somewhere around 35%.

Today it seems that support for independence continues to be at 5% of voters, while the rest of the population is divided in similar proportions between supporters of autonomy and statehood. Sometimes the “populares” and sometimes the “staters” win. Fifty years ago only the autonomists would have won.

Wilfredo Braschi, a magnificent writer, extremely intelligent, friend of Luis Muñoz Marín, caudillo of autonomy, warned me of this with a certain melancholy: “The trend is unstoppable. The number of supporters of statehood will be more and more.”

The definitive blow against supporters of Puerto Rican independence was dealt by the United States Congress. In 1917, it granted American citizenship to all Puerto Ricans born or yet to be born on the Island. That allowed them to settle in “continental territory” without limits. Today there are more than 5 million in the United States and barely 3.3 million in Puerto Rico. (Florida is the state with the greatest number of Puerto Ricans: more than a million.)

The stability of the Island, democracy, republican institutions, American citizenship, which very few Puerto Ricans are prepared to renounce, individual freedoms, and, ultimately, the links with the United States, mean that Puerto Ricans have a per capita of forty thousand dollars annually, placing them at the head of Latin America, although they are at the tail of the United States.

Simultaneously, there is no extreme poverty, nor children that go hungry, lack schooling or medical attention. There is even the paradox that life expectancy in Puerto Rico (some 81 years) is higher than that of the United States. The same thing happens in post-secondary education: 47.1% of Puerto Ricans participate in it. Although it’s true that the average of the United States is 47.6%, Puerto Ricans surpass 20 of the 50 states in the Union.

None of these objective facts negates the immense problems of Puerto Rican society: drug use, violence related to that scourge, the enormous external debt, or the proportionally gigantic size of its public sector, but, as they say on the Island, nothing that doesn’t allow them to adequately deal with those conflicts.

What will happen, ultimately, from the resignation of Rosselló? Nothing. Everything will continue the same until, in many years, the number of staters clearly overtakes the autonomists and they decidedly ask for incorporation into the United States. That is the observable trend. Wilfredo Braschi, with melancholy, warned me about it.

Translated by: Sheilagh Herrera

_____________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

’The 26th’ of Cuban President Diaz-Canel

Cuban PresidentMiguel Díaz-Canel before 10,000 Granmenses gathered in the Plaza de la Patria of Bayamo this July 26. (@PresidenciaCuba)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Reinaldo Escobar, Havana, 26 July 2019 —  The commemoration of the 66th anniversary of the assault on the Moncada Barracks, on July 26th, was the confirmation that Miguel Díaz-Canel is, definitely, the one chosen to remain in command of the country as a stand in for the historical generation.

The president himself implied in his first words, before 10,000 Granmenses gathered in the Plaza de la Patria of Bayamo. “I was wondering how and in whose name I am going to talk to you today, taking into account that in these acts, by tradition, two speeches are always delivered, that of the province where the celebration is held and that of the protagonists of the story.”

He recalled that the central words of all the previous commemorations “have always been the job of Fidel, Raúl, Ramiro Valdés and Machado Ventura.” And he added that it seemed an important detail “that the protagonists of the story, alive, lucid, active in their political leadership” have entrusted him to pronounce the central words of that act. continue reading

As has become usual in the revolutionary liturgy of recent years, there were songs with patriotic pretensions, poems, “improvisations” of peasant decimists  (poets) and speeches by an excited little pioneer and an exalted young student. Federico Hernández, member of the Central Committee and first secretary of the Communist Party in the province, made the usual summary of partial successes and deficiencies to be resolved, while summoning those present to resist the aggressions of the empire and to continue in the construction of socialism.

In his speech, Díaz-Canel made the obligatory allusions to history by citing words of Fidel Castro and resuscitatin Ñico López, one of the assailants of the Moncada Barracks later killed after the landing of Granma, “Raúl’s great friend, who occupies a place of honor in his office where there is a photo of the boy with the big black glasses. ”

The president reiterated that the Revolution, which today needs to fight a battle for Defense and the Economy and has to defend itself from the enemy, “requires at the same time that we strengthen in our people punctuality, civicism, the essence of solidarity, social discipline and the sense of public service.”

To draw a portrait of the situation that the country was experiencing in the times before the Moncada assault, he appealed to “a study that the Helms-Burton law causes us to dust off,” carried out by the Catholic University Foundation in 1956 which discusses the need for agrarian reform in the country.

Díaz-Canel, to refute the arguments of those who today are demanding the return of property taken from them without compensation, emphasized the difference between the confiscations carried out against “the embezzlers of the Batista dictatorship” and the nationalizations, “a right that the international community recognizes for all sovereign nations,” although he omitted the detail of the properties seized from thousands of Cuban individuals who were not a part of the Batista dictatorship.

The phrase “No, we understand each other,” taken from a quote by Antonio Maceo during the Baraguá Protest, was repeated rhetorically to refer to the dispute with the United States Government and supposed reconciliation proposals that imply “abandoning friends.”

The leader estimated the economic damage caused to the country by the economic restrictions imposed by the United States on Cuba from March 2018 to April 2019 to be 4.343 billion dollars, although he warned that this data does not include the losses caused by the latest measures of the Donald Trump administration “that limit travel licenses, prohibit cruise ships from docking and reinforce financial restrictions.” He attributed the shortages and lack of spare parts to these phenomena.

Referring to internal affairs and the challenges to be focused on, he mentioned “first of all the economic and military invulnerability of the country, the legal system, the adequate response to whatever internal obstacle exists, be it bureaucratism, insensitivity or corruption that cannot be accepted in socialism.”

Díaz-Canel also referred to the recent increase in salaries that has sparked so much controversy among economists. “Given the old dilemma of raising wages now or waiting for productive results to support these elevations we decided to raise them, not one but several times the value of what was being paid,” he said.

He added: “But to sustain these and all possible social benefit measures, it is necessary to produce more and improve the quality of services. New measures proposed by the people must be approved in the coming weeks and months.”

He did not forget to express solidarity with the Government of Nicolás Maduro in Venezuela or to condemn those who denounce his excesses. He announced that he will attend the meetings of the Sao Paulo Forum to carry the messages of the Revolution and “strengthen the integration of leftist forces and their mobilization against the imperial offensive that has proposed to break us, divide us and confront us.”

Finally, the three octogenarians who participated as spectators in the act, Raúl Castro, Ramiro Valdés and Machado Ventura went up to  stage the final photo of arms raised in victory. At that same moment, the death of Cardinal Jaime Ortega was announced in Havana and, in Washington, new economic sanctions against Cuba were announced.

________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Jaime Ortega, Cardinal of the Thaw, Dies in Havana

Cuban Cardinal Jaime Ortega delivers a sermon on Friday, April 6, 2012 at the Cathedral of Havana. (EFE / Alejandro Ernesto)

14ymedio bigger

Luz Escobar and Mario J. Penton, Havana/Miami, 26 July 2019– Cardinal Jaime Ortega (1936-2019), a key figure in the secret talks that led to the reestablishment of relations between the United States and Cuba, died at age 82 on 26 July in Havana, after a long illness, according to ecclesiastical sources.

“Jaime Ortega was a figure of great weight during the last decades, both in the life of the Cuban Church and in the life of our people. A controversial figure, no doubt, but one whose intention was always to serve Cuba and the Church,” said Father José Conrado Rodríguez, pastor of the church of San Francisco de Paula.

Although on many occasions he did not agree with the Ortega line, Father Conrado confessed that he always “respected” the figure of his teacher, for “his love for Cuba” and his “desire to do good.” continue reading

“Jaime always looked for the Church to be present in the life of the country. He was attentive to problems that affected the life of the nation, such as emigration,” he added.

“He tried to solve big and serious problems and he did it with the best will, although personally I think he was not so happy about the way he faced them,” added the priest, very critical of the closeness, under Ortega’s leadership, between the Cuban Church and the State.

Jaime Lucas Ortega was born on 18 October 1936 in Jagüey Grande, in Matanzas province. He entered the seminary in 1956 and after four years of studies he was sent to Canada. He returned to Cuba in 1964 to be ordained a priest.

His ministry was interrupted for eight months in 1966 during his confinement in the Military Units of Production Aid (UMAP), forced labor camps established by the communist regime of Fidel Castro, where religious, homosexual and the disaffected were sent. The following year he was appointed pastor of his hometown.

In 1969 Ortega was promoted to the head of the cathedral of Matanzas and nine years later consecrated bishop of Pinar del Río by Pope John Paul II. During these years he also taught at the San Carlos and San Ambrosio Seminary. In 1981, the Polish Pope appointed him archbishop of Havana, and in 1994 he was named a cardinal, the second Cuban to reach the highest title granted by Rome.

In that year he was one of the main architects of the pastoral letter Love Hopes All Things, which contained strong criticism of the Government, and especially of the dreaded State Security. In those years, the voice of Ortega was one of the most critical in the concert of Cuban bishops, condemning the “violent and tragic” events of the sinking of the tugboat 13 de Marzo.

“His appointment as cardinal was a gift from Pope John Paul II to the Cuban Church. The Pope wanted the Church to break with the silence it had been forced into and leave the temples to evangelize,” said the priest Castor José Álvarez Devesa from Camaguey.

Father Álvarez believes that one of Ortega’s great achievements was the pastoral structure he built in his archdiocese, which are called the ecclesiastical provinces. “He organized vicarages, pastoral councils, linked the faithful with the Church and through his attitude of dialog important things were achieved, such as the pilgrimage of the Virgin of Caridad de Cobre throughout the Island, which has been a blessing,” he said.

According to the priest, the Cuban Church “has had very great challenges” with the introduction of the Marxist system. “Cardinal Jaime chose to return to Cuba and serve his country and his Church,” he added. Álvarez also highlighted Ortega’s role in condemning the death penalty on the Island and the right of Cubans to leave and return to their country.

During the almost 35 years that he was in charge of the Archdiocese of Havana, Cardinal Jaime Ortega restored dozens of temples, established a Diocesan Pastoral Council to make the work of the Church more effective, and established the headquarters of the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Cuba.

One of Ortega’s works is Cáritas Havana, created in 1991, which preceded Cáritas Cuba, the largest NGO on the island that distributes medicines, food and other types of aid on a daily basis. Ortega played an important role in the creation of socio-religious publications New Word, in 1992; Lay Space and Love and Life.

As a cardinal, in 2011 Ortega participated in the process of releasing the 75 political prisoners of the Black Spring and in the subsequent banishment to Spain of many of them. He was later criticized for having affirmed, before international media, that there were no political prisoners in Cuba.

The priest was considered the architect of three papal visits to Cuba — John Paul II in 1998, Benedict XVI in 2012 and Francis in 2015 — who officiated massive public masses in spaces previously reserved for power.

In 2010, Ortega inaugurated a new headquarters for the San Carlos and San Ambrosio Seminary, which was the first new construction by the Catholic Church on the island since 1959. The cardinal also committed his figure to the creation of the Félix Varela Cultural Center, an educational institution that is an alternative to the educational monopoly of the Cuban State.

Instrument in the secret negotiations between Washington and Havana 

“I was the letter,” Ortega said about his role in the secret negotiations between the United States and Cuba that allowed the reestablishment of relations between the two countries during the presidency of Barack Obama.

As the cardinal revealed, years after the two neighboring countries ended a break of more than half a century, Pope Francis secretly entrusted him with the delivery of a letter to Raúl Castro and Obama.

“Perhaps the most important part of my mission came when President Raúl Castro asked me to transmit on his part a message to President Obama, of which I would be the bearer when I took the letter of the Holy Father to the president in the White House,” recalled the Cardinal during a speech.

The message commissioned by Raúl Castro was that Obama had not been responsible for the policy towards Cuba, that he was an honest man and that in Havana they knew his intentions to improve relations with the Island.

Obama thanked Castro for his words and sent a verbal message with the cardinal: “It was possible to improve the existing situation,” despite the differences. On 17 December 2014, the date of Pope Francis’s birthday, Cuba and the United States announced the restoration of diplomatic relations.

Both parties recognized the work of the Catholic Church as a mediator, although sectors of exile and opposition in Cuba strongly criticized Ortega because he did not demand an improvement of human rights and freedoms on the Island.

After more than three and a half decades at the head of the Havana archbishopric, Ortega said goodbye in 2016 when Pope Francis accepted his resignation and in his place appointed the Camagueyan Juan de la Caridad García Rodríguez.

Recently, the Conference of Catholic Bishops of Cuba granted the Cardinal the Monsignor Carlos Manuel de Céspedes Distinction . The bishops of the eleven Cuban dioceses were present at the ceremony.

Church sources reported that Ortega Alamino’s body will be exhibited in the cathedral of Havana for three days starting this afternoon, “according to the Vatican protocol.” They also said that the funeral will be Sunday at 3:00 pm.

Through a tweet from President Miguel Díaz-Canel, the Cuban government offered its condolences for the death of Cardinal Ortega. “His contribution to the strengthening of relations between the Roman Catholic Church and the Cuban State is undeniable,” the leader wrote.

_____________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

The ‘Apartheid’ of Abel Prieto

The author reproaches Abel Prieto for his July 18th article in ’Granma’. (EFE)

14ymedio biggerDear Mr. Prieto, if the intention of your article published on July 18, 2019 in the Granma newspaper was a recommendation for the public to listen to Mr. Fernando Ortiz and to be nurtured by his work — as reflected in your last sentence, although using other words — I am of the opinion that you did not need to insult a figure of the Cuban intelligentsia, whether it pleased him or not, and to attack all Cubans in general by dividing us into types or sects, according to your own definition of “external cubanidad*” and “cubanía*.

You warn us that there are “rumberos (musicians) and entertainers, who master a spicy repertoire of Cubanisms, enjoy rum, dominoes, good tobacco, strong coffee, laugh at Pepito’s jokes, cry at a bolero and always wear a Virgin of Caridad del Cobre medal around their neck . They are active practitioners of external cubanidad, but they are essentially oblivious to cubanía.” And in addition to this, you previously call them “annexationists.” [people who want Cuba to become part of the United States]

You show us in this way in your article a detailed description of citizens of our country who, apparently, for you do not represent what they have to represent having been born in Cuba. Even if, you warn, and according to my interpretation of the previous quotation extracted from your text, they carry out human activities equal or similar to the rest of those who do exercise “cubanía.” continue reading

It is frightening to think that the fascists disqualified Jews in the twentieth century in the same way, proclaiming publicly and macabrely that even if the Jews were human beings, they were not “equal” to them.

To hide your disrespectful qualifications a little more, you do not dare to call them bastards or anti-Cuban, but disqualify them with a little more elaborate but equally scandalous expletives, concluding, in other words, that there are people who exercise “external cubanidad ” and not “cubanía.

It is not for pure pleasure that you, mischievously and voluntarily, hide behind the thoughts of other intellectuals mentioned in the text, such as Elías Entralgo or Ortiz himself, in addition to using copious insults against Mr. Cabrera Infante to justify the unscrupulous launch of your own abominable conclusions, cited above.

I wonder why it is that you dare in your article to denigrate us in such a way, all Cubans, for some thinking differently from others. I suspect that certainly in the current international context you would not dare to launch a public statement against Puerto Ricans, stating that some are and others are not, unless you suffer from a severe neurological problem.

Just look at the result of some disrespectful phrases that were not well received by the Puerto Rican citizenry, which, unlike your daring and excessive public letter, were contained in the private messages of their president and provoked a mass protest that ended with his rapid resignation.

I also suspect that your boldness comes from your great feeling of impunity derived from your job and your current position and status, and that, for obvious reasons, this feeling is closely linked to the cowardice of the current Cuban rulers who use sticks to repress any peaceful protest of citizens against any of their untouchable party faithful, which, following the guidelines of Article 4, Paragraph 4 of the new Constitution, pushes and encourages any Cuban to fight by any means against any ‘other’ that opposes an order issued by the Communist Party although such opposition is peaceful, such as carrying a discreet poster on the sidewalk, or writing a press article.

Mr. Prieto, as those who know well the injustices of this life say, the jailer is brave in the world of prisoners.

I hope that your article is of much better benefit to you than the rest, and that, when you reread it, it will never produce the bad taste that it produces and will produce in those of us who will have the miserable bad luck of encountering this shameful page and reading your public segregationist thoughts in the future.

Guamacaro, Canadá, 29 July 2019

*Translator’s note: Taking the definitions from a Cuban government website: “Cubanidad — the quality of being Cuban; Cubanía — the vocation of being Cuban.” An English equivalent might be “Cubanness.” See also: All About Cubanía

_______________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Ricky Left to the Rhythm of Reggaeton

Protesters celebrate the resignation of Ricardo Rosselló. (14ymedio / Juan Jaramillo)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sanchez, Generation Y, San Juan, Puerto Rico, 27 July 2019 — “He had to go and he left.” With these words the taxi driver welcomes me. No name or details are necessary, because in the streets of Puerto Rico everyone knows who he’s talking about. While driving through San Juan, the driver tells me how “people tossed out” Governor Ricardo Rosselló after days of protests, in which outrage and reggaeton shook hands.

At a traffic light, the driver, in his 50s, hits the steering wheel with gnarled hands as if it were Ricky’s face. “He didn’t want to leave, but he had to step down,” he insists. Along with his two children, the driver spent every night of last week around La Fortaleza, the official residence of the Puerto Rican governor. “I carried a flag, but in black and white, without colors, because here we are still in mourning,” he says.

While he tells me the details of the nights of protest, we pass through several blocks where balcony after balcony and door after door display the flag with the blue triangle and red stripes one after another. A banner so similar to the Cuban flag that in my fantasies of the recently arrived, I imagine being in Havana the day after a change of government. continue reading

This confusion of realities haunts me as the car heads towards old San Juan. So when the driver says “people joined together and it didn’t matter if you were an artist or a mechanic, rich or poor, everyone was together,” I fantasize about some workers who drop their picks and shovels on the railroad line to shout in chorus with novelists and troubadours in front of Havana’s Plaza of the Revolution.

The image lasts in my head for a second before I return to Puerto Rico.

Hurricane Maria is an open wound that crosses the Island. “My brother lost everything and had to move from the town where he lived, spent a year and a half without electricity,” says the taxi driver. Interposing some words in English: babyexpensivedealerfood… a linguistic mix that I hear everywhere in this free state associated with the United States.

Evening falls, headlines around the world point to this place where in the plazas twerking people celebrate the first day without Ricky, the beginning of a new stage, filled with questions. In one of those places, where popular joy, alcohol and hip movements mix, is Alder, a musician who plays the piano and the clarinet. He also dances, but with some care.

“I had sciatica problems last year and I don’t want to be in a wheelchair again but I couldn’t miss this,” he tells me as he glugs down a bottle of a craft beer made by friends. “These are not gone, they remained after the crisis and the hurricane, they are still here,” he says, pointing to the label “one hundred percent Puerto Rican.” Every time he tries to twerk he puts a hand on his waist, “to not do it too hard,” he says.

Beside him, a family has come with two darling and barking mutts, collected from the shelters where they left them when they fled from the hurricane to their families in the United States, who took them in that fateful September 2017. The winds and rains took then more than 4,600 lives, according to a study by Harvard University.

“It was hard because we had to go back to our origins, learn to do things that we hadn’t done for years,” says Nata, a Puerto Rican who has come out to celebrate with her two rescued pets. “There were people here who didn’t know how to live without air conditioning, without their cell phones or without electricity and ‘Maria’ forced us to learn from scratch,” she recalls.

“After that, the telephones did not work so people were in the street. In the villages they had to improvise common pots to feed themselves and the citizenry had to organize themselves to deal with the disaster,” she says. “This all started with ‘Maria’. Without what happened to us two years ago people would not have ended up mobilizing as they have done now, they would not have ended up uniting.”

The tipping point was the recent leak of a chat of almost 900 pages in which Rosselló shared with his close collaborators, his “brothers”, as he called them, hundreds, thousands, of opinions, comments and public policy issues. Sexual jokes and misogynistic jokes also dot the extensive exchange in the Telegram app that ended up sinking his Government.

But the rejection was incubated long before. “This is a rich boy, he doesn’t know what’s going on down here,” says a very thin man on the outskirts of a club that has been closed for more than a year. “He is the son of former Governor Pedro Rosselló González, so he has always had a good life without difficulties,” he explains and heads to a place where, on a rickety sofa, several drug addicts have a peaceful space to inject.

The musicians have been protagonists of the social movement that brought down Rosselló. The voices of Bad Bunny, Residente and Ricky Martin act as a soundtrack to social dissatisfaction and, at the bus stops, young people with wireless speakers blast their rhymes. You can go from one side of the city to the other completing the songs with the snippets that emerge from cars, windows and the voices of Puerto Ricans themselves.

Several phrases call for independence, for taking advantage of the situation to “go beyond and end the colony,” as a young man demands outside a small house near La Puerta de Alto del Cabro bar, a traditional site that has managed to survive despite the onslaught of the big chains. But it is the rejection of Rosselló, the villain of the day, which everyone seems to share.

Alder waited all Wednesday afternoon for Ricky to leave. In the musical studio where he recorded some songs, they stuffed themselves with popcorn, drinks and patience to celebrate the governor’s departure. After seven o’clock in the evening their supplies had run out and “the bastard still did not resign,” he recalls. It was like watching the end of a movie that goes on and on without the credits appearing.

An hour later, they decided to go to the outskirts of La Fortaleza. “It may take time but tonight he’s going, no matter what,” said Adler. In the early morning, he ended up on the bench of a drunk and happy park as if he had been part of the “liberating command” that removed the governor from his post. There was no one on the street who did not feel part of that group as well. They did not need balaclavas or machine guns, they did it with shouts.

Exhaustion and so many impressions mix up everything in my head. I grew up hearing about the two wings, that it is only together that the islands can take flight. Dawn arrives, and on the other “half of the bird” just a few hours remain before Cuba’s official 26th of July event.

Here, Puerto Ricans exercise their civic force against power, and there, Cubans attend the liturgy of immobility, the worn out ceremony of “continuity,” the motto most repeated by Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel to prolong what has already lasted too long. Here they talk and unite, there we shut up and fear. On the same morning, San Juan is a party and Havana a tomb.

Harry drives an Uber for ten hours a day, his real estate business was ruined by the hurricane. Every person I meet has a before and after ‘Maria’. Just mentioning that name makes people emotional, exploding in an avalanche of anecdotes. “I should have left, because a brother of mine who lives in New York was going to help me get settled there, but I didn’t want to leave my parents alone,” he says.

One day after the governor’s resignation the graffiti on the streets continue to recall the long days of demands. (14ymedio)

Skeptical about Roselló’s departure, Harry is one of the few who has not gone to demonstrate or celebrate after the governor’s resignation. “It doesn’t matter, a corrupt one leaves and another arrives,” he says. “Whoever comes will also steal,” he says categorically as we head for Ocean Park in Santurce. A black cloth whips loudly back and forth on a flagpole. “Ricky resign,” it says in huge white letters.

The vehicle turns the corner, passes a Walgreens pharmacy, a McDonald’s and a KFC. Throughout the neighborhood, local businesses try to maintain themselves in the presence of large firms that “sell cheaper and cheaper,” Harry tells me. “Young people prefer to eat a hamburger over a fricasé,” he laments.

Harry has been very worried since Wednesday, when Rosselló announced that he was leaving. “I live from tourism and the people who come here to do business. If they see us as an unstable or unsafe country, they won’t come,” he calculates. He proposes a trip to and from the beach for a good price, but then immediately realizes that I come from an Island; “ah … true you also have enough sun over there,” he says.

I arrive at Río Piedras, where time seems to have stopped. The once populous boulevard is now a street with few businesses and abandoned buildings. A store displays its Made in China merchandise on the sidewalk. Walking, I come across a cart that sells honey, lemon and ginger. I need them because my throat is sore from the Havana rain and the Puerto Rican revelry. I take advantage of the shade and approach the merchant.

“This was full of life before,” he says. Several cats come out of the abandoned house behind me. One, black as night, rubs against my legs to get me to give him something to eat. I cross the street and buy a corn fritter from a woman who has her little post at the entrance to a cafeteria. A recorded voice constantly repeats the list of sales “today only.”

In Río Piedras, near the University of Puerto Rico, people got tired of waiting. A coffee seller evokes the 1996 gas explosion in the Humberto Vidal store that left 33 dead and an indelible mark in the memory of the community. “Afterwards everything went from bad to worse,” he tells me and gives me a cup with a strong and bitter liquid that makes my eyes cross. “We didn’t have to fire a shot and Ricky left,” he boasts.

If it weren’t for a few details of the accent and because the coffee has no hint of roasted peas, I would think I was conversing with any Cuban in a town in the interior of the country. He smooths his hair with hand, raises his index finger and predicts that “already Puerto Ricans are not the same as before, now we know we are strong, that we must respect ourselves.”

Across the street, a Colombian underwear store exhibits bras with lace. “So Cuban,” says the man. I make a move to leave because I suspect that he will repeat stereotypes about my island, the other wing, a wing with its own wounds. I sense that he will recite to me “the conquests of the Revolution,” but I am wrong. “You don’t have this,” he emphasizes with a hint of superiority. “At least we have started along the road.”

I turn to give the cat something to eat but it is gone. The building where it came from smells of abandonment, of that humidity that is encrusted in the walls when people stop inhabiting a place. A nearby graffiti demands that Ricky step down and in the corner a tattered flag beats against a balcony. I squint my eyes and my tiredness or the heat make me see blue stripes instead of red stripes next to a triangle, blood red.

__________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.

Lavrov Closes Ranks with Havana and "With the Cuban Leaders"

“We’re going to continue supporting the Cuban leaders,” emphasized the diplomat, who met this Wednesday morning with his Cuban counterpart at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headquarters. (@CubaMINREX)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, July 24, 2019 — Russia isn’t waiting time. Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s tour through Latin America, which began this Tuesday with his arrival in Havana, sent the clear message that the old ally maintains with the Island a “deep agreement on the international agenda,” said the Minister of Foreign Relations, Bruno Rodríguez, during a press conference this Wednesday.

The minister’s visit happens at a moment of special financial tension for Cuba, and Lavrov has emphasized that Russia will contribute to “making the Cuban economy more sustainable in face of the blows,” alluding to the new restrictions imposed by the Administration of the United States.

Lavrov has also confirmed his backing of the senior leadership of the country, after more than a year of Miguel Díaz-Canel’s presidency. “We are going to continue supporting the Cuban leaders,” emphasized the diplomat, who met this Wednesday morning with his Cuban counterpart at the Ministry of Foreign Affairs headquarters. continue reading

During the meeting, Lavrov mentioned the joint economic projects that are in development, which “make progress in a sustainable way in strategic sectors like energy, industry, and transport,” according to a note in the official newspaper Granma. The minister stressed that Russia has in Cuba a “trustworthy and long-standing” partner.

For three decades Moscow supported the Cuban economy via subsidies and sugar purchases for which, on occasion, the Soviets ended up paying seven times above its cost on the world market. Of the 31.7 billion debt that the Island incurred, it only payed 500 million and Russia canceled the rest.

Recently, the economist Carmelo Mesa-Lago detailed that “the Soviet Union gave Cuba, in 30 years from 1960 to 1990, some $65 billion,” but despite that, the Island “didn’t change its structure and its system to be able to grow and finance imports. The money practically vanished.”

Last October Cuba and Russia signed seven agreements for collaboration in areas like the steel industry, sports, and customs services, at the same time opting to strengthen bilateral collaboration, commerce, and investments on the Island.

Railway is one of the sectors where the relationship between both countries has been the most palpable. Russia is carrying out an ambitious renovation project of the Cuban rail network, affected by decades of technical deterioration and lack of investment.

In June the director of the Russian company Sinara Transport Machines (STM), Anton Zubijin, said that projects of that type on the Island add up to 200 million Euros. “We have already covered half of the way, we’re providing 45 locomotives, and we are building together a locomotive repair factory,” he explained.

However, it is the collaboration in the military sphere that has gotten more international attention, especially from the United States. At the end of 2018 it was made known that the Cuban Government will receive a Russian credit of $50 million that will allow it to buy all types of arms and military material from Moscow.

Cuban authorities are seeking to modernize the military industry and armaments through the purchase of Russian tanks and armored vehicles, in addition to ships, spare parts, tools, and accessories.

Caption: Raúl Castro Ruz, first secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, accompanied Lavrov to the inauguration ceremony for the restoration of the Statue of the Republic at the National Capitol. (Angélica Paredes/ Radio Rebelde)

Raúl Castro Ruz, first secretary of the Communist Party of Cuba, accompanied Lavrov to the inauguration ceremony for the restoration of the Statue of the Republic at the National Capitol. Russian experts were the ones in charge of the rehabilitation process of this sculpture and are putting gold plating on the dome of the emblematic building.

The restored sculpture is the work of the Italian artist Angelo Zanelli and it is considered the third tallest statue underneath a roof in the world.

Although so far no official reference has been made to the situation in Venezuela, Lavrov’s arrival in Cuba also coincides with the dialogue process between the regime of Nicolás Maduro and representatives of the opposition which is being held in Barbados, on which Russian influence has projected several times.

This Tuesday Lavrov told the press that “the situation in Venezuela is changing for the better,” and he stressed that after the “failed attempts” of provoking a new “color revolution,” “common sense is beginning to prevail.”

“In light of the positive comments of the president of Venezuela, Nicolás Maduro, and of the opposition figures on how the negotiation process is going, I trust that an agreement that satisfies everyone will be able to be reached. That will go, first and foremost, for the benefit of the Venezuelan people,” he emphasized.

Recently Elliott Abrams, special US envoy for Venezuela, warned of the importance of the Russian role in the survival of the Chavist regime. The support of that power is essential, argued the New York political figure, among other reasons because of its veto power in the United Nations Security Council.

Translated by: Sheilagh Herrera

__________________

The 14ymedio team is committed to serious journalism that reflects the reality of deep Cuba. Thank you for joining us on this long road. We invite you to continue supporting us, but this time by becoming a member of 14ymedio. Together we can continue to transform journalism in Cuba.