The Cuba I’m Leaving Behind / Luis Felipe Rojas

Today, my family and I are leaving for exile in the United States. After many years of penury, mistreatment, arbitrary detentions and police harassment — in fact, even against those who make up my home, as well — I am leaving. I know that leaving constitutes a calamity from which few ever recover from, but I can’t find another solution, at the moment, for the problems and sufferings my two children and my loving wife Exilda are facing.

Before leaving, I want to thank all those who, from different parts of the world, have expressed concern for me. To all my readers and all those who have left comments on my posts — Thank you! Without those messages of solidarity, it would have been impossible for me to continue onward.

Since I had little — or no — internet connectivity, I usually received the comments on my posts months after they were published, when someone would dedicate a few minutes to “download” them onto a USB drive, then read them to me as messages, as true letters mailed to me, and that would convert me into a privileged person who is loved and who often received messages.

In other words, my sincere thanks from this side of the transparent frontier. This time, no more words. I just want everyone to see the Cuba I’m leaving behind today.

October 25, 2012

Genesis of Today / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

They say that God created the world in six days, but the truth was that to have a palpable vision of his creation, he created a first draft. I don’t know how someone could have let this occur because God almighty was an improvisor; and more with the world that he left us, that despite the unequal disribution of natural resources, his creation was pretty good. The problem is our free will, in men and women, in our jealousy, our selfishness and our ambitions; the leaders, the struggles for power, the patronage and the justification and–of course–conveniently legalized, the underworld of et cetera.

Boston College Cuban-American Student Association (BC CASA)

October 17 2012

Voting / Regina Coyula

Only when I heard unusual noises next to my house, still before daybreak, did I remember that yesterday they were holding elections for delegates to the People’s Power. The doorway of the house next to mine was restored as a school in order to open from seven in the morning. Without need of knowing the votes, I knew it would turn out that the same delegate was re-elected, who I think is going for her third or fourth term. She is a single mother who adds this additional burden to her work and raising a teenage son, because no one else wants the post.

The nomination assemblies around here were meteoric;hardly any took longerin search of an impressive alternative candidate. My attention was drawn also to the fact that from my neighborhood, in all the places whereIsaw candidate photos, there were two, in contrast with previous years where there appeared a sizeable group of pictures with their corresponding political biographies, but — and this ischaracteristic nationally — no candidatereveals a plan, outlines a job, displays a concrete programon being elected.

As I stopped believing in the project of the government years ago, I do not vote. Yesterday, my neighborsfrom the polling station will have detested us a little (a little more?) because through our fault they kept the college open until the closing deadline. I am one step beyond those who void their ballots orleave them blank, but this year, my son for the first time, was of the requisite age to choose. He has just entered the university as you already know, that’s why I thought he would feel compelled to vote. It was treated as a very personal decision that we did not influence. He decided not to do it, but not for the civic reasons of his mom and dad: As it is a right and not a duty, it does not interest me.

At some point that indifference will stop. That will be when he feels represented, or feels that his vote can make a difference.

Translated by mlk.

October 22 2012

Havana neighborhoods reject the Cuban government by not celebrating the 52nd anniversary of the CDRs / Anddy Sierra Alvarez

More than half of the Committees for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) of Havana did not celebrate their 52nd anniversary of September 27-28.  This celebration was marked at 90% only in the central and eastern zones of the country.

September 27 was celebrated in anticipation of the September 28 day of the 52nd anniversary of the CDR.  Since its inception this revolutionary Fidelist project only served to guard the government’s interests, not the Cuban people’s.

A square is made of four blocks, and each block has a CDR, so a square has four CDRs.

Currently four out of ten squares throw a party in anticipation of the 28th.  Therefore the others rest at home watching TV or performing some other activity.  Only 16 out of exactly 40 CDRs celebrate that day and 24 CDRs do not participate in said celebration. So 40% celebrate and 60% do not.  The chosen municipalities were Arroyo Naranjo, 10 de Octubre, Boyerso, La Lisa, Cerro and Plaza.

After the special period the disenchanted population little by little stopped celebrating this day until it went unnoticed.

September 28, state media communicated the 52nd anniversary of the CDR as a support of the revolution and made an example of an eastern region CDR where there was more citizen support of the government.

Fiftyfour-year-old Miguel Torres says that in his neighborhood (Santa Malea) there is no longer any mention of a party for the CDR, “The president does not go by the houses so that the neighbors might support with broth — a tradition at these parties.”

October 1 2012

Lalo & Lola / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

Taken from taringa.net

Lola and Lalo are a senior couple who live near my house. I visit them almost every night around 8 o’clock to take their blood pressure, and Lalo, who is half deaf and almost never uses the hearing aid that the specialist prescribed him, never fails to yell at his wife: “Darling, get the grocery bags because the evening news is on.” He always says that because the broadcast news on national television always shows a different Cuba than the one they are familiar with.

Every day there is news of accomplishments, medicines filling the shelves at pharmacies and plenty of various cheap products that are available at stores and farmers’ markets. Also, according to the news, every day Cubans have a proper breakfast at home as well as two full meals. Not only that, but Cubans “understand” and can even justify the reasons why the authorities, from time to time, raise the price of food. Every person interviewed on television is in favor of the government, and although they cannot elect their president, they coincidentally sympathize with the reelected one, — who inherited his position because of a blood infusion more than anything — as well as with the parliament whose members belong to the only existing Party, where everything has been historically approved by unanimous consent.

I would love to immigrate to that televised Cuba, propagandistic and virtual, where there is no repression, and where people are not persecuted or imprisoned for the way they think, where human rights and fundamental liberties are respected, and where political prisoners do not exist. Unfortunately, in the Cuba where I was born and that I love so much, medical attention in clinics and hospitals, though free, is not good, food consumption is deficient, available goods have poor quality and products often disappear off of the shelves of stores and markets.

Yes, of course, I would love to meet the other Cuba that the loud official government propaganda machine produces. The Cuba manufactured especially for foreigners, the Cuba in which they live in power, with their families, bodyguards and friends, the Cuba that depends on us, the exploited. But even under these circumstances, I would always want to come back to this other Cuba, so that I don’t lose perspective — like they have already — and therefore lose the solidarity and humanity of my fellow countrymen, and to scoff at the empty grocery bag laying on the floor and fermenting during the news hour over an empty chair.

Translated by: Eduardo Alemán

October 19 2012

There are no free elections without free people, free citizens, free men and free women / Oswaldo Paya

We are on the eve of new elections in Cuba. And I am reminded that the first law issued in Sierra Maestra during the anti-Batista insurrection before the elections scheduled in 1958, was a death penalty law. It was designed to punish with death those who took part in the elections. It also punished those who voted because the elections were corrupt. The Christian Liberation Movement (MCL) and the opposition do not kill people, nor sabotage, nor exclude, everyone knows it. Our motto is Freedom and Life. We do not want power for ourselves; we want peace and civil rights for all, because where there are no rights there is no justice.

We seek only power for the people, popular sovereignty, as did Martin Luther King, remember? Power to the people! …

We denounce institutionalized corruption. The one that has the power declares us enemies and does not compete with the opposition but the sentences, stigmatized and annihilates it.

In 1954 there was a campaign in Cuba that promoted amnesty, the promoters were those who claimed there is no such thing as free elections while there are political prisoners. The current regime does not recognize or respect the right of individuals, Cubans, and the opposition to defend political differences. The difference between government and opposition in Cuba is much different from any that exists in a democracy. The contradiction between the opposition and the government in Cuba is based precisely on the lack of democracy respect towards the political rights of citizens, it is more than a contradiction, it is an antagonism between the people and the totalitarian system. We do not antagonize the people that govern and those identify themselves for some reason with the government, we do not call other “worms” or treat anyone with hatred, but we do claim that neither they nor we, nor anyone in Cuba is free under this system.

Will they claim that the Communist Party and other areas of the government are not preparing the candidates and ensuring they only they are represented by the delegates in each district? Tell that to the protagonists of these pre-election conspiracies.

In 1992, when Aldana (before Robaina, Lage and Perez Roque) said that the opposition could compete in the elections, I said I would. What did they do? The police came to my house and took me to the local Committee for the Defense of the Revolution (CDR) in Zaragoza and Carmen on the neighborhood of Cerro, there was a circus prepared with a tribunal chaired by one of the Communist party local leaders, the same one who had assaulted and looted my house on July 11, 1991 and who died in the United States (he received his visa to meet with their children in the US, something that the Cuban government has denied my family for years, but that’s a different topic…). State Security participated in this circus. There were many uniformed officers, and a lady told me that if I was a Christian and did not want see blood run I should not to disturb the assemblies by submitting my application for candidacy. That was intimidation against citizens so that they would know what it meant to support me. The message reached everyone; nevertheless, the day of the assembly they placed agents in the neighborhood, many of whom were visibly armed, they said they were waiting for Paya to show up.

On July 6, 2006 they prepared a similar operation, during which they wrote on a wall a few feet from my house: “In a besieged plaza, dissenting is treason” Who did they want to intimidate, me? As a human being I have felt fear, but ir does no dominate me. I am still a dissident although I have never been part of the oppressive regime, but I identify myself with that term proudly because my family has always defended democracy. Dissent is a right and the Cuban government categorizes it as treason, as does Chavez back in Venezuela. This is a permanent violation of civil liberties. There are no free elections in such an environment, and with such laws.

If there is no legal recognition of the right to exist, participate in politics, dissent and work without persecution there are no elections, no pluralism. We denounce that the people cannot decide, we do not make laws like the ones they made before 1958. The people are not free and it does not make any sense for them to participate in elections that are only a contradiction to democracy. I think it’s a way to delay and divert the real change that Cuba wants and needs. The lack of freedom of association, expression and free elections are the barriers to political participation from the people. If Cubans do politics, they become victims of political exclusion and other injustices.

The peaceful, logical and fair solution that can lead to changes and genuine dialogue is to recognize those rights. Enough with reactionary justifications that say the people are not ready do not want change, do you think fifty-four years without freedom and rights are not enough? Others say that people do not want rights, what an insult! Others may say that many Cubans want this government. I don’t think so, but in any case no Cuban can decide what they want in this environment, with these laws and with this system Cubans cannot chose who they want to govern them, which system to have. We demand rights for all, without hatred or offense, with justice; everyone knows that not even the People’s National Assembly can decide freely, they also receive orders. This will change only when they are elected by the people, only then they will obey the people.

That is our demand, we keep calling all Cubans, no matter how they think or what background they come from, to be part of the solution and changes, this can only be done by the people. Why say no to our rights? Why the elitism? Philosophies and theologies? What oppresses us is fear, intolerance and the determination of a group to remain in absolute power. Abandon the simulation! Take the path of the people which is the path of democracy.

On behalf of the Christian Liberation Movement.

Oswaldo J. Paya Sardinas

July 20, 2012

Note: Only two days later, on July 22 the National Coordinator of our Movement, Oswaldo Paya, tragically died with our brother Harold Cepero in suspicious circumstances not yet clarified. We issue this message, due to its relevance to current events in Cuba and in memorium to them. Through this article we show that his example and legacy remain alive in each of us, and it continues to lead the Cuban people across the way of the people and the conquest of their rights, a people and path so greatly loved by Harold and Oswaldo.

Board of coordinators of the Christian Liberation Movement.

October 17, 2012

Ofelia Acevedo Maura                                                                               Narviel Hernández Moya

Juan Felipe Medina                                                                                     Eduardo Cardet Concepción

Ernesto Martini Fonseca                                                                         Andrés Adolis Chacón Aroche

A Declaration from Virginia / Jorge Luis Garcia Perez Antunez

Points of the declaration from Virginia.

The signatories below, members of a countless number of organizations which make up the Central Opposition Coalition, an entity affiliated with the Orlando Zapata Tamayo National Front of Civic Resistance, have gathered this Wednesday, 3rd of October 2012, in the already historic and war-hardened neighborhood of Virginia, in Santa Clara, where we will write down in a public declaration of principles the following aspects and commitments.

1- Today those who sign and seal this declaration support the initiative named “Civic Demand for Another Cuba”.

– At the same time, all and each of those present ratify the viable character of the program “Towards a National Stoppage” as a continuity and colophon to the campaign of No Cooperation in its first and second stages. As promoters of the same, we make clear that with the campaign “Towards a National Stoppage” we initially make a call to take consciousness on the side of the Cuban population of the necessity to create conditions that permit, with the participation of all Cubans, a gradual stoppage of economic, political and social structures and mainly the repressive ones of the Castro Communism.

3- Those making this declaration today in the Neighborhood of Virginia see with consent and patriotic prid ethe birth and positive development of Homes of the Prisoner in Cuba, genuine expression of the maturity of the unanimity of a nation that they try to divide based on absurd categorizations.

4- At times when the forces of domestic resistance suffer like never before from the repressive onslaught of the tyranny, we request solidarity from the international community. From our hard reality we pray so that the people of Venezuela rescue again the destiny of this brother nation and with it the futureand stability of our hemisphere.

5- The Central Opposition Coalitionand the National Front of Civic Resistance Orlando Zapata Tamayo, ratifies its executive structure in Cuba, as well as to ratify the Assembly of Cuban Resistance as our representative outside Cuba.

Signatures:

Rolando García Casa de Vals, Yanisbel Valido Pérez, Arturo Conde Zamora, Yris Tamara Pérez Aguilera, Alcides Rivera Rodríguez, Carlos Michael Morales Rodríguez, Alexei Sotolongo Díaz, Rolando Ferrer Espinosa, Leticia Ramos Herrería who was arrested trying to get there, Alberto Reyes Morales, Miuchel Oliva López, Xiomara Martín Jiménez, Mayra Conyedo García, Onelia Alfonso Hernández, Idania Yanez Contreras, Aramilda Contreras Rodríguez, Damaris Moyas Portieles, Jorge Luis García Pérez Antunez, Santa González Pedroso, arrested trying to arrive, Julio Columbie Batista, arrested trying to arrive, Irael Pérez Díaz, arrested trying to arrive, our brothers Ricardo Pupo Sierra and his brave troop in Cienfuegos who are detained in their own houses and because of safety reasons a high number of brothers who in this moments are either arrested, are being arrested or simply detained in their own houses.

Among the present organizations are found Resistance Movement, Rosa Parks Women Movement, Nationalist Party of Cuba, The Home of the Prisoner, among others, all the organizations ratify their unconditional permanence, eternal and faithful to the Coalition of Central Opposition and we recognize our leader Idania Yánez Contreras as figure who most gathers us together with most important, serious, genuine leadership of the opposition in the center of the country.

Long Live the Coalition of Central Opposition.

Long Live Domestic Resistance.

Long Live Free Cuba.

Translated by: Anony GY

October 4 2012

Socialist Legality / Lilianne Ruiz

Lourdes Esquivel, Lady in White, was also detained in the jails of the Santiago Station of Vegas last October 14.  When she left her house, 20 men — at least those whom she could count — threw themselves on her and told her:  “There is no mass; jail.”  She was conducted to the aforementioned Police Station and locked up with a woman with HIV, to whom one of the jailors said: “Do you want me to give you a knife?”

Thursday night we visited the home of Lourdes and her husband Jose Diaz Silva, who is president of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic, and is also a former political prisoner.

Earlier, last October 2nd, Jose Diaz Silva was detained near his house (located at 5th street Number 18406/184 and final. Apartment Complex Porvenir, Boyeros, La Habana)  At the time of his detention, he was in the company of Lourdes Esquivel, his wife, and they took him in a patrol car number 870 to the Station of Santiago de Las Vegas.  The cause, on this occasion, was his having occupied some several printed pages with the Citizen Demand For Another Cuba, which he has promoted since the Civil Society inside the Island, and which have been signed by a good number of Cubans, in order to urge the government (which we cannot elect via free elections) to ratify the Covenant of Political and Civil Rights, and the United Nations’ Covenant of Economic, Social and Cultural Rights, signed by the Cuban Government February 28, 2008, in New York City without having ever been implemented, apparently because of not being forced to do so until ratified by a second signature which is what the Citizen Demand is asking for.

Silva was transported to the Santiago Station of Las Vegas, in the first place; but then he was transferred to another Station about which they gave no information to Lourdes until the moment in which he was freed.  Meanwhile, she did not stop seeking that information about his whereabouts, going to all the Police Stations in Havana, accompanied by one of her children.

In the interim, on October 3, the police returned to the house.  Lourdes’ younger son and his wife were alone, because Lourdes was searching, without finding an answer from the authorities, where her husband had been taken when they removed him from the Santiago Station of Las Vegas.

The police threatened to break down the door, they were accompanied by State Security, commanded by agent “Joan.”  The made a search and “appropriated” a series of the family’s articles and goods, whose list I reproduce here below, and that, starting now I will  begin to call by its name, given that the action carried out by the police and State Security is clearly and plainly a theft, stealing, justified by the political and social position of the police and State Security in Cuba.

The list of articles stolen by the police and State security is as follows:

1.  A laptop.

2.  An Amazon Kindle, electronic book, which forms part of the collection of the Independent Library that functions in the home.

3.  Two cameras,  one completely new.

4.  Cards of the said cameras.

5.  Flash drives.

6.  Mp4.

7.  A broken printer.

8.  Hundreds of photos, among them family photos.

9.  300 C.U.C. (convertible money)

10.  Playing cards, printed on the back with a promotion of Cambio and another with promotion for the release and memory of the 75 of the Black Spring of 2003, Cuba’s darkest spring.

11.  T-shirts used to promote Cambio, another one of Bacardi.

12.  Promotion caps for the Library and some 50 Cambio bracelets.

13.  Three thousand seven hundred cards with information about the members of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic.

14.  Two hundred accounts books bought in the Book Fair . . . of the Cabana.

15.  Hundreds of books:  literature, essays, religious, political, science fiction, youth.  Records and other documents belonging to the Library.

16.  1 Cuban flag.

17.  1 flag of the Movement.

18.  1 flag of the Resistance.

19.  Poster of the Library.

20.  The Poster of the Library that was placed on the Doorway and the stickers placed on the door.

21.  Passport and documents that were issued to the family members since 2007.

22.  A 64 GB iPod.

The closing of the story, as much as its middle and its beginning, serves to denounce the justice system between the citizens and the State in this dictatorship model, and to put in evidence the human and intellectual quality of those State Security agents that have been “improved,” by the ideological political chapter of the Cuban education system, and very especially in the formation of the political police which is the upper echelon of that moral ladder.

Agent “Joan” (persistent bully also of Sara Marta Fonseca, because she is in charge of repression of the Boyeros municipality) threatened Silva that:  “They’re not going to let the Opposition Movement for a New Republic rise.”  Every time Silva has a compendium of his members “they going to throw it out.”  And “Now that Silva has a full record, ’they’ could close it, sending him to prison and giving him 20 years.”

October 5 at 5 in the afternoon Silva was freed and before learning of the sacking of his house in his absence, agent “Joan” imposed a fine of 200 pesos for the crime of “Hoarding Books.”

I am not pulling your leg; in Socialism that is possible and the crime of the Tribunal’s “Moral Conviction” for which Silva was sentence fo 6 years in jail in 1994.  (And although this is material for another post, also on that occasion they evicted his wife from the house where she had lived for 7 years with her three children and made her live in a wooden room attached to the house that they had expropriated and in which today another family lives.  In spite the facts that all the lawyers and housing inspectors recognize that the property is still that of the Silva Esquivel family, the socialist legality permits these injustices that do not exist in an independent Tribunal that protects the citizen from the “omnipotent” State).

The members of the Opposition Movement for a New Republic have been visited and threatened equally by the “State Security.”

Which of the articles of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights have not been violated in Cuba in these 53 years?

 Translated by: Boston College Cuban-American Student Association

October 23 2012

Concerts and Disconcertions / Miriam Celaya

From Estado de Sats website

Last Friday evening, October 19th, a new concert in support for Demanda Ciudadana por Otra Cuba (Citizen Demand for Another Cuba) was held in the usual venue for the Estado de SATS Project in Havana. This time, the young rappers of Ruta 11 and Estudiantes sin Semillas (Seedless Students) were in charge of the performance, which took place in that usual lively and peaceful place.

In addition to the enthusiasm and sincerity of these young amateurs and audience and their overall responsiveness, there were two distinctive notes: 1) The all too usual arrests of several people who had planned on attending, intercepted on the street, some of them first taken to a criminal investigation center in the municipality of Playa, and later confined to the dungeons of the stations at Santiago de Las Vegas (Boyeros Municipality) and Infanta and Manglar (Cerro) overnight; and 2) The panic that was unleashed by the mobilization of operative’s vehicles in the streets near the venue of the concert, where musicians and audience loudly chanted the chorus of the show’s final song: “Freedom , freedom, freedom! … “. Obviously, the wolf pack [the authorities] was afraid we would pour into the streets with such a dangerous clamor, so they rushed to cover the exits to block us. There are no words as subversive to the servile slave’s mind as that of FREEDOM.

Each concert, as well as the growing consensus the Demanda Ciudadana wins over across different social sectors, causes confusion among repression forces, and that evidently frightens the dictatorship. Is the system so fragile that it gets afraid in the face of what an esteemed Cuban intellectual termed “the vast minority”? Do the aging leaders feel so weak that they send out their bigwigs to try to boycott the budding spirit of freedom? It’s all in vain. That other Cuba is already underway.

October 22 2012

To Get Real Elections / Eliecer Avila

Ever since I was little, I’ve paid attention to politics. I enjoyed, for example, the attention generated around the world by the election campaigns in the United States. I remember my elementary school teacher who was always waiting for who would be elected and told us things like, “If so-and-so wins, we’ll have to see. But if the other one wins, he’ll let us have it.”

I didn’t understand what that meant, but surely he was referring to starting a war against us or something of that sort. On one occasion, though I wasn’t even in the sixth grade yet, I asked my father when there would be elections here. By then he was in the army and also in the Communist Party. I remember he told me, “Soon, you’ll see that when you’re grown up you’ll be able to vote.”

I immediately fired off the second compulsory question: “And will Fidel always win?” To this he responded with a tirade that lasted over an hour which I didn’t understand, not then and not later. Honestly, I waited anxiously for the day, the one when I would be able to exercise my vote. What I could never imagine then is that things here would be very different, and now I understand why Cubans pay more attention to the elections in some other country than they do to their own.

But I won’t try to explain here the joke about elections in Cuba. A great deal has already been written about this, and whoever isn’t aware of the inability of the people to change their current political landscape with an real election system is too lazy to think. I prefer to focus on the figure and the strange administration of the president.

Notice that I say the president, not Raul. Because it isn’t the person who interests me, the person I don’t know. I’m sure I’m not the only one who asks what the president of this country does, what his commitment is to Puerto Padre or to El Yarey de Vazquez, my country birthplace. What does he do every day that we don’t see on television or anywhere else? What is his opinion on the issues we Cub discuss about the present and future of the country? When does the president talk to people? How does he listen to their problems?

If anyone has seem him out these days I apologize, but I have never been that lucky, nor do I know anyone who has. This gentleman doesn’t behave like a president and even worse, we admitted it once, nor do we behave like a people.

A people vibrates, protests, demands, compels, grants and takes away powers and faculties, rewards and penalizes those who help or hinder their development and well-being. We do none of this. On the contrary, we allow an evident and painful degree of isolation in our “public figures.”

These gentlemen run the country from the impunity of anonymity. Sometime’s I’m convinced that the president of this country does not like being president, does not enjoy like the previous one did, is not a leader of anything nor does he have ideas of his own to implement, much less a new vision of the future to share with his people. At best he is an “official,” perhaps respected among his inner circle, but he is never president, and would not be in any country with real elections. On the rare occasions when we can see him he’s constantly reading a prepared paper, I cannot imagine what he would do in a debate in front of the people with a serious and prepared opponent.

These days they are going around everywhere inviting people to participate in the “elections.” I already told you that as long as I can’t vote for president I won’t vote, I won’t be part of something so counterrevolutionary as helping to maintain the same thing infinitely.

Even when the day comes when I can vote for the president and for the top leaders of all the powers, I will not be complacent, I will not confide in anyone, nor vote for a puppet of the capital or of other things, I will not vote for an eternal Communist-schmoozer-leftist-unproductive-applicant. In short, I will not vote for many people, but I will vote, I know there are Cuban men and women who know how to earn my vote, and I will give it gladly, because I’m still waiting for the day to exercise my right, although I am also convinced that this day will not come on its own two feet, we are going to have to carry it on our shoulders, with intelligence and determination.

From DiariodeCuba.com

19 October 2012

Mystery Graffiti Artist / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

He was an old graffiti artist, in the best tradition of Kilroy — and also “he was here” — one of thosehardly seen anymore. But over the years he was introduced to the syndrome of centralization. He took to accumulating spray paints of all colors. He cornered and amassed them in a storeroom pending the big day. Nevertheless, after some years he began to use a single color. Many thought that it was not a strange symptom, but a strategy of artistic survival. Others said that it was to save the other colors, but no one knew for sure. The case is that he painted everything green; not to allude to theological virtue or to sustain himself in the illusion of a chimera, but in the uniform of everlasting hope. Nevertheless, as much as he liked green, it exhausted him. But he loved his space and home country so muchthat he began to groom the wind with his graffiti, phrases and drawings, like a colored shield against alienation “from outside.”

After some years I saw him and sadly realized how he had neglected his personal appearance. Under his fingernails, the undefined blackish color of abandon,lost and confused in scratching the beard on his face. He barely stopped to talk with me. He looked around uneasily, excused himself because he was in a hurry and told me had a lot of work to do, because he was tocover with oceans and jars — without using green — all the walls of the city. He drew near to give me a kiss goodbye and whispered in my ear that he was going to make his own multicolor aurora borealis so that the satellites will not spy on him.

October 21 2012

Disagreement / Regina Coyula

In the Friday edition of the Granma newspaper, editorial letters are printed. Despite the filter through which they are submitted, (my friend Fernando has submitted letters since the editorial section started, but his letters have never been published, probably for not having the “correct” focus: the way Fidel taught us…, in accordance with the actualization model…,to comply with the rules…) nevertheless, there are still some interesting letters that get published.

Today it is a letter that alludes to two letters from last week. One is about the responsibility of bosses, and the other is about disagreeing with the boss. In today’s letter, the sender H. León Báez asks himself when the right to disagree with the boss’s opinion was lost. Very good for León Báez for bringing attention to a forgotten right. I invite readers to remember when between your peers, or on your own, you tested the boundaries with your boss. Right away I remember famous cases such as Borrego, who was the Minister of the Sugar Industry during the seventies, and more recently Doctor Terry, Vice Minister of Public Health, and Marcos Portal, Minister of General Industry.

In another part of his letter, León Báez refers to the popular practice of anonymous criticism, and agrees that this practice is free of reprisal, which tacitly acknowledges that disagreement is commonly met with punishment.

The day that Cubans are able to express our ideas without fear, our country will turn into the Babel of opinions. Until then we will continue with agreement and silence.

October 19 2012

Human Cats / Rosa Maria Rodriguez Torrado

This Sunday, September 30th, the newspaperTribuna de la Habana, the “official publication of the provincial party committee,” printed a small notice on the second page that got me thinking. I took a photo with my cell phone and, due to the poor quality of the image, have transcribed this senseless article as follows:

Mass Sterilization of Stray Cats

The Veterinary Institute convenes for the mass sterilization campaign to control stray cat populations, from October 19th-26th.

Appointments can be scheduled by calling 878-1546, or in person at the Veterinary Clinic itself, located on Salvador Allende Avenue (Carlos III Avenue). Twenty to twenty-five cats is [sic] treated every day from 9:00 AM until 12:00 noon.

Clara Luz

If the felines they are thinking of sterilizing are strays, why announce a campaign? Do they think the cats will cometo be operated onof their own accord in order to enjoy the surgical benefits of family planning?

The kitties without a doubt are grateful with the telephone number to call in an organized way and ask for appointments, but surely they rather leave those mental hygiene test to the humans — already accustomed to waiting in lines — while they scale to more elevated and traditional ways of lovely expression and preservation of the species. Perhaps — as the male chauvinist they are — they are thinking in leaving that “little matter” to the females of their kind, as they probably fear that since the article’s author was a woman, there is a gender problem and also there is some female bureaucrat pointing with a scalpel pointing this operation straight to their gonads.

What delusional person imagined that “pussycats” would go in animal or in person to the clinic on Carlos III to undergo this trauma. If we are in fact talking about stray cats, it is logical to assume that citizens would have to round them up, as a voluntary effort, to take them to be sterilized. Or is that the intention?

“Twenty to twenty-five cats is treated” or “are treated?”

In conclusion I have this final concern: I ask myself if they have taken into account the already visible diminished population of the “rabbits of the roofs” due to the scarcity of red meat since the beginning of the Special Period. What will become of rats whose numbers and activity have increased in the urban communities when the reproduction of cats is reduced? Since the battle against the rodents has thus far failed, perhaps the objective now is that humans, greater in numbers than cats, will be the ones expected to catch the rodents who transmit disease, as the only alternative to meat. This will then, for sure, reduce the rodent population.

October 3 2012