Antonio Rodiles: Violence is The Enemy / Cafe Fuerte #FreeRodiles #Cuba #PorOtraCuba

Antonio Rodiles after being released on 26 November 2012

Translated from an interview by Ivette Leyva Martinez in Cafe Fuerte.

After 19 days of detention in a police station in Havana, Antonio G. Rodiles returned to freedom convinced that the best path to a better Cuba is through the rejection of violence.

Rodiles was released on Monday afternoon after authorities agreed to the request of his lawyer to withdraw the charges of “resistance.” His violent arrest sparked an intense campaign of international solidarity.

The activist was fined 800 Cuban pesos [approximately $30 U.S.]. He will not go to trial.

CF: What do you take away from this experience?

AR: I say to my friends and others with whom I have spoken, that my main experience is that at this moment in Cuba there are a great many people who understand that the country has to change, and that people thinking differently, that people having different views of things, political, ideological, is not a reason for people to hate them or to not respect them but, sadly, there is a group of people who up to now have demonstrated that they have carte blanche to use violence, who are committed to creating situations like this one and I think, what’s more, they are committed to creating even more critical situations.

I think it’s very important that all national and international public opinion support civil society activists because these people are not the preponderance of the people in this country.

Definitely what they did to me was a vulgar beating and it was planned by them ahead of time.

CF: Your followers and the people who have followed your case insisted that there had been violence especially against you. What precisely happened that day of your arrest?

The State Security agent who uses the alias Camilo

AR: An official who has become known for beating and abusing people, whose alias is “Camilo,” crossed Avenue 31 [in the Havana municipality of Diez de Octubre] with a group of people, crossed directly to beat me. He says “identificaiton” or “ID card,” something like that, but simply to mention it. No one in uniform came, they didn’t identify themselves, and they immediately pounced on me.

When I put out my hands so they wouldn’t grab me, they rained punches down on me. They grabbed me by the neck, and threw me to the ground, there was a group of between 10 and 15 people — people who were there said it was something like 12. And when they threw me on the ground they began to kick me, to punch me, and at that moment someone punched me in the left eye, thank God their knuckle didn’t go into my eyeball, only the edge, this gave me a strong contusion in the eye which even bled. After they picked me up, they took me to the cop car, and against the car they were still hitting me, in the chest, all my ribs, it was a total beating. Thank God I didn’t have any fractures but I certainly could have.

CF: In the dungeon, what else did they do and how did they treat you?

AR: When they took me to the detention center on Acosta Avenue, which is a center for ordinary crimes of the Police Technical Department of Investigations (DTI), on arriving there, there was still this individual Camilo with two other characters he goes around with, who were also trying to provoke me, manhandling me, trying to provoke an incident.

This individual Camilo recorded me with a video camera, everything that was going on, but there appeared a major from the police station itself and these things were stopped until they took me to the cell. And yes, the next day, the people who had charge of me in that place had a completely different attitude. It was one of total respect, both physically as well as my moral integrity. I had medical attention, the doctor was a very kind person, she checked me over completely, looked at my eye, healed the eye. And the officials there, of the police, they behaved with respect.

It’s also incredible how the prisoners identify with people who come there for political reasons and they always call you “political” and the people are in solidarity with you.

CF: Do you think the delay had to do with having you look better before they let you out?

AR: Yes, it’s possible that had some weight, evidently there was a lot of pressure from many different directions, I think. What they were trying, in my opinion, was a short detention, of a few months or something like that… but at first what they did was very rough, they made a circus out of it, including statements they made themselves that didn’t apply to the crime of “resistance” and then at the end they simply didn’t have much of a way to justify what was happening and well, they released me.

CF: The photo that was distributed showing you in the cell, is it real?

AR: As I have mentioned to several people I would have to look at it in detail, and since I got out the phone hasn’t stopped ringing. If it was taken, it was taken while I was sleeping. No one took any photo of me while I was awake, although they took a video on my arrival. But I can tell you, I have to see the photo calmly to be able to analyze it. I saw it from above, if it shows I was hit in the eye, and it was that area, I had a shirt like that, the color of the walls was similar and those things.

CF: What do you think the intentions are between the work of the police and the strategic tasks of the State Security?

AR: That’s hard to know being in a cell, is something that I can not fully distinguish, what I can tell you is that contrasting the treatment and attitude of the people of the State Security, who are clearly unscrupulous people, they strike without any restraint, and the treatment received at the DTI station, it was completely different.

CF: Will you continue Estado de Sats? What are your plans now?

AR: The project of course will continue and I would say even more forecefully. The idea of the project Estado de Sats, of the campaign “For Another Cuba,” has to do with respect for the rights of Cubans, with respect for the human being first and foremost, with the opportunity to debate, to openly discuss, and I think that with this beating this was the main thing they showed me: this way is the way for Cuba to change, and clearly violence is the enemy. Now more than ever I believe that the work requires total dedication.

I send a huge hug [to those who supported me], I’ve always said that in this type of situation those who most need support is the family and my elderly parents feel very very supported by everyone and this gave them tremendous strength.

26 November 2012

Other Citizens Without Rights / Cuban Law Association, E. Javier Hernandez H.

By E. Javier Hernández H.

In a previous post we talked about Cuban Immobility (stagnation), an issue that has many sides, or as we say in “good Cuban”: “There is a lot of fabric to be cut.”

The issue of civil rights in different sectors of our society has been analyzed by many compatriots. But I want to refer specifically to sports, where despite little public information, people know the avatars and the suffering of the Cuban athletes, the few rights they have, and the great immobility that distinguishes its managers in holding back our sports system.

For our athletes the questions are: When do they stop paying for their career in sports? Who reviews their contracts and enforces its terms? If Revolutionary Sport is a unified thing, why are some hired and compete with professional, and earn awards, and others cannot?

The immobility and mutilation of rights border on the absurd; in team sports to reach the rank of cadet or youth participants, the athletes have no championships or regular leagues within the county, holding back their development by being unable to compete in international clubs, a normal practice accepted around the world.Rarely do we remember that athletes are the most selfless, pressured, monitored and manipulated, especially with regards to contacts with their counterparts in other countries.

A few may earn hard currency for their activities and without their consent their bank accounts are emptied for “collective goals”. Nobody reacts to defend the athlete. Neither those who run the programs nor the “eternal seconds” who spend the year traveling, talking politics, but never sports.

To accept the changes and respect the rights mentioned, sports talent as a profession would become an unimaginable monetary income generator for the country.

Finally again we have the relationship of citizen-constitution-civil rights. While this “three-category” democracy is not real, tangible, sustainable, Cubans, and within them our athletes, continue to suffer discrimination.

We remember that these people are unique in nature, are born with their talent and in some cases come around once in many years, while being humble, modest, giving us great satisfaction. In gratitude, we must help them.

September 22 2012

Antonio Rodiles Freed! / Yoani Sanchez, Angel Santiesteban #Cuba

9 minutes: Writer Angel Santiesteban reports that Antonio Rodiles has been released, after long days in jail and a fine of 800 Cuban pesos.
13 minutes: Antonio Rodiles was just released!

Translator’s note: 800 Cuban pesos is approximately $30.00 US

David Escalona, the Strength of Urban Hip-Hop / Luis Felipe Rojas

The songs written and performed by the young musician, David Escalona, carry the very essence of a different Cuba. Omni-Zona Franca, the alternative Havana-based art group, launched the political and social quarrels into the world, and they carry a certain magic.

On the night of Saturday, November 24th, I went to go see him once again. He was radiant, as he has been in the best of his concerts. The urban themes, such as survival, the banishment of living- as they have said themselves- in Alamar, a ghost city, or the repression to which they have been subjected for quite some time, are the best of incentives.

The ingredients of their poetry of resistance immediately flourish in themes which include social exclusion, political intolerance, and the most refined methods of apartheid in contemporary Cuba.

From the moment the concert opened David explained the main motive of that night: to have a good time amongst young Cubans of other latitudes who had met up in that cosmopolitan city known as Miami.

However, after the accustomed courtesy, this versatile artist asked for his concert-goers to pay close attention when he said, loud and clear, that he was dedicating that concert to his friend and compatriot Antonio Rodiles, who is still detained in a police station of Havana for daring to demand justice from the olive-green authorities. With the song “Dare and You Will See“, he started the party.

He’s an exceptional musician who walks on a slippery bridge of governmental confrontation and turns art into a useful tool, used to raise some fists, the will of the non-conformists.

In an interview through Skype, he explained that he makes “free-hop” because he considers himself to be a free man, because when we are convinced of our cause “no one can take anything from us, no one can give us anything. Freedom is in us and no one can take that way”.

The concert was enriched by the vocal talent of Soandry, the creator of Hermanos de Causa (‘Brothers in Cause’), that duo which shook the days of Havana as well as the improvised rap and hip-hop festivals of the 90′s in the island.

The Cuban soul of right now vibrated this past Saturday in Downtown Miami. An extraordinary David stood in the small concert hall, and said on various occasions, “do not fall asleep, there is always an enemy”. This time, he dedicated all his urban strength and talent to a friend, to that same Rodiles who so many people want to see free from the iron bars and barbaric treatments. That is David- contradictory, luminous, and energetic like a flash of light in the darkness.

Translated by Raul G.

25 November 2012

What I Worry About / Yoani Sánchez

Photo: Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

I worry about this old man who, after working all his life, now sells cigarettes on the corner. Also the girl who looks in the mirror and values her body for “the sex market,” where she could meet a foreigner to get her out of here. I worry about the black man with leathery skin who, no matter how early he gets up, can never rise to a position of responsibility because of the racism — visible and invisible — that condemns him to a lower position. The deeply wrinkled forty-something who pays her dues to the union, but senses that at the next meeting they will announce that she is out of work. The provincial teenager who dreams of escaping to Havana, because in his village all that is waiting are material shortages, a badly-paid job and alcohol.

I worry about the girlfriends I grew up with and who now — with the passing of decades — have less, suffer more. The taxi driver who has to carry a machete hidden under the seat because crime is increasing even though the papers never report it. I worry about my neighbor who comes over in the middle of the month to ask for a little rice, despite knowing she’ll never be able to return it. Those people who race to the butcher shop just when the chicken arrives in the ration market, because if they don’t buy it that same day their families will never forgive them. I worry about the academic who remains silent so that suspicions and ideological insults won’t rain down on him. The mature man who believed and no longer believes, and yet even thinking about a possible change terrifies him. The boy whose dream is going to another country, to a reality he doesn’t even know, to a culture he doesn’t even understand.

I worry about people who can only watch official television, only read the books published by the official publishers. The peasant who hides the cheese he will sell in the city at the bottom of his bag, so the police checkpoints won’t find it. The old woman who says, “Now this is coffee,” when her daughter who emigrated sends a packet with a some food and a little money. I worry about the people who are in an ever greater state of economic and social need, who sleep in so many of Havana’s doorways, who look for food in so many trash cans. And I am worried about not only the misery of their lives, but because they are increasingly at the margins of speeches and politics. I am afraid, I am greatly concerned, that the number of disadvantaged is going to grow and there are no channels to recognize and fix the situation.

26 November 2012

Walking With “The Enemy” / Rebeca Monzo

Old view of the city from El Morro.

We have spent more than fifty years hearing talk of “the enemy.” All the blame for our deficiencies is charged to this, just like all the evils and misfortunes, product of carelessness, inattention and neglect, also go to his credit.

With that idea they have tried to hypnotize and “idiotize” the population of “our beloved planet,” and regrettably, in many cases they have achieved it. But in spite of all that, when someone thinks about emigrating, it is always to the country of the “enemy” (USA). Also on occasion to others, which they use as a bridge, in order to achieve the same end.

Many of us have resisted letting ourselves be influenced by such fallacy, but even so, due to all the notoriety that precedes the matter and to the prejudices sown around it, we take care not to fall in the ideological trap, and to pander to the representatives of power.

Just a few days ago I received an e-mail from a very dear American friend, where she announced to me the visit of a friend of hers of the same nationality who wished to get to know me, and in turn he was the bearer of a gift that she was sending me. I was very satisfied to meet him and to report that the friend of my best friend, was a charming “enemy.” Empathy soon arose between us and it remains for us to meet next time.

Last Friday afternoon, this one invited us to go to see the traditional ceremony of “the cannon shot,” a custom that exists since the epoch of the brief English occupation, when at exactly nine at night, they closed the doors of the walls that protected the city, and that they now recreate with a pretty representation in the Cabana Morro Tourist Complex. I was pleasantly surprised by how well restored and preserved is this emblematic place, thanks to the work of the Office of City History, the only state entity, that without fear of being mistaken, we can say has been busy rescuing and conserving some of our traditions.

We had a great time in the company of him and his parents. It was what could be called a beautiful night of “walking with the enemy.”

Translated by mlk

November 25 2012

Independent Journalists Live on the Razor’s Edge in Cuba / Iván García

Aini Martin Valero, independent journalist. The photo is by Gustavo Pardo and was taken from Cubanet.

Every day when they go out to report or write some story about daily reality, invisible to official media, the murky Gag Law that can land them in jail for 20 years or more floats over their heads.

It’s not just the legal harassment. There is also their ration of slaps, subtle taekwondo blows in the ribs, insults by fanatics spurred on by the special services, threatening phone calls at the break of dawn or arbitrary detentions.

The further they live from Havana, the more brazen and open is the intimidation. Independent journalists of deep Cuba, after spending several hours in a pestilent cell, are released in the night, far from home, on a hidden roadway surrounded by sugar cane plantations.

None of the free journalists can collate his information with State institutions. All the officials shut the doors in their faces. Nor do they offer you facts or figures. But there is always a way of getting them. Sometimes, employees of state agencies, sick of Fidel Castro’s inefficient socialism, whisper to you first hand information or numbers.

Anonymous people bring you internal regulations, figures about suicides or the analysis of the latest meeting of the provincial Party. In exchange for nothing. They just want to broadcast aspects of the sewers of power. Nonconformist technocrats, beat cops, low ranking military soldiers, prostitutes with years in “office,” marginalized slum dwellers and budding athletes are the true architects of any story or news.

Each text that goes out from the mature laptops of many independent journalists has a dose of review filtered by those deep throats desirous of changing the Cuban political compass. Years of writing under the hostile barrage of fire and harassment have polished the style of these lone wolves.

When one speaks of journalism on the margin of state control in Cuba, some indispensable names must not be forgotten. From human rights activists Ricardo Bofill and Adolfo Rivero Caro, who in years of hard repression reported about the violations of essential rights of man, to Yndamiro Restano, Rafael Solano, Rolando Cartaya, Raul Rivero, Ana Luisa Lopez Baeza, Iria Gonzalez, Tania Quintero and Ariel Tapia, among others.

Rivero Caro is no longer with us. The rest sleep far from their homeland, anguished about the future of Cuba, dreaming that they walk along the Malecon or drink coffee brewed in their Havana homes. The repression, the jail and the harassment by the regime forced them into exile. We have had to get by without them.

There is Luis Cino. I present him to you if you are not familiar with harassment. He has a blog, Cynical Circle and writes high quality chronicles on Cubanet and Digital Spring, a newspaper managed in a Lawton apartment. It is a reference. For the quality of his work and his human condition.

In Downtown Havana, surrounded by empty lots and buildings that scream for repair, cradle of prostitution and con artists, of people who think twice as fast as the average Havanan, bastion of misery, prohibited games, children induced by their parents to beg for coins, stronghold of the sale of melca and imported marijuana, here, in the heart of the capital resides Jorge Olivera.

Tall and quiet mulatto. A softy in every sense of the word. He was one of the defendants of the Black Spring. Not even a walled cell could erase the perennial smile from his face. Seventeen years after beginning as an independent journalist, Olivera has not lost hope of greeting his friend Raul Rivero again and together founding a new kind of daily in a future Havana.

Meanwhile, Jorge keeps firing with his pen. Stories, opinion pieces and poetry drafted at night. In Santa Fe, surrounded by cats, we can find Tania Diaz Castro with a long track record in the Cuban opposition movement. In Regla, among quacks and religious syncretism, a reporter from the barricades, Aini Martin Valero also has a magnet for news.

Juan Gonzalez Febles is another sharpshooter, he currently directs Digital Spring. The lawyer Laritza Diversent lives in a village in keeping with its name: Calvary. According to a state decree, the majority of its inhabitants, natives of eastern provinces, are illegal. They survive in overcrowded cardboard and aluminum shacks.

To relieve legal illiteracy, Diversent opened in the dining room of her home a legal consultancy, Cubalex. And for various digital sites she writes articles on legal topics, without jargon. Some are very popular in her neighborhood.

If he ever aspired to be a councilor, Roberto de Jesus Guerra would succeed. There is no need to know the address of his home. The locals indicate to you the home of this communicator born in the east of Cuba, agile and tireless in the search for information. He ably manages the audiovisual equipment and has the instincts of a detective. It was Roberto de Jesus who got the scoop about the medical brutality that may have cost the lives of 27 psychiatric patients in January of 2010.

Miriam Celaya a reporter of the race. She resides near the “mall” of Carlos III in Downtown Havana. We independent journalists, who agree on almost nothing, do agree that Celaya is one of the best columnists of that other Cuba that the government tries to ignore.

On all the island there are independent journalists, some are better known and have more experience than others. But all report the vision of their community and their country. They are the cry of the citizens who have no echo in the official press.

Translated by mlk

November 24 2012

Two Amusing Statistics / Rebeca Monzo

My husband, who is also a blogger, likes to gather stories and compile statistics. On one of the many days I have to go to Immigration with the son of a friend, whom I am representing, he decided to take us since he had gotten a little gasoline for his new thirty-five year old Lada.

As the lines in that office are always endless and the clocks seem to have stopped, Fernando amused himself while waiting for us in the car by compiling two curious and impromptu statistics. In the three hours he was parked on a stretch of 17th Street in Vedado, he observed that one out of every three people who walked along the sidewalk on the left was a woman of mixed race.

At the same time he was compiling another statistic. Of the seven “buzos” (“divers” — men who collect recyclables from trash containers) who passed by, one caught his attention. After removing all the discarded items from a large dumpster designed for that purpose, he left empty-handed, mumbling to himself. Fernando, who was beginning to get bored, stopped him and asked what had happened to cause him to complain.

“The problem is that there is no trash to collect,” he said. “If people don’t have money, they don’t buy things, and if they don’t buy, they don’t have anything to throw out.”

My husband, who can be quite straightforward, then said to him, “If I were you, I would go through the trash bins in Siboney*. I am sure you will find what you are looking for there.”

*Translator’s note: A well-to-do suburban neighborhood of Havana.

November 23 2012

A Family Affair / Regina Coyula

My brothers have told me how embarrassed they felt when, on a day like today, they were called to come forward at the morning assembly. For the Edison Institute it was a great honor to have among its students three grandsons of the Commander of the Liberation Army, Miguel Coyula. Today, November 23, the anniversary of his death, was designated the Day of Citizen Integrity, a celebration which, like so many others, was forgotten after 1959.

My father, a militant communist all his life, sadly and quietly accepted that people had forgotten my grandfather, whose teachings and example made my father the wonderful man that he was. For his descendents, however, including those who were not even born before he died, it has been a great honor to have this legacy.

Not long ago a friend of mine asked me if our family had been rich, assuming the answer would be yes. She was surprised when I told her we were not, that the family fortune was this unmistakable butnow much devaluedlast name. Citizen integrity in today’s Cuba is quite rare and considered utterly worthless. If mothers used to think of a doctor, a teacher or a lawyer as “a good catch,” their hearts now skip a beat at the prospect of a bartender or taxi driver, and they can burst into tears over an Italian, even if he is just a construction worker.

There is an Comptroller’s Office, but it cannot guard against the constant outflow from what is considered to be the public domain.

As you might imagine, citizen integrity has fallen on hard times, though there is no harm if I choose to remember it, considering it is a family affair.

November 23 2012

The Death of Oswaldo Paya / Mario Lleonart

With regards to the cause of Oswaldo Payá’s death, I give his family the complete benefit of the doubt. And all the details that have been happening day to day after such an unfortunate event, reinforce this.

I highlight the total lack of communication between the survivors and the family [enforced by government officials]; communication that would have been the most natural thing in the world if it had actually been an accident. Not to mention the events that happened earlier, over decades, with regards to Oswaldo’s life; because no one can deny the benefit of the doubt in a case where there have been so many threats and attempts to liquidate such an important life. This was done with so many others, including poor Camilo Cienfuegos, whose fate this event has one again called to mind for an already incredulous people as one of the most macabre precedents.

Payá himself had been clearly warned, “It is a final combat between the power of the lie and the terror on one hand and the spirit of liberation on the other.” The regime, for a long time, simply undertook a simple cost-benefit analysis of his death and brought it about with innumerable stratagems.

Payá’s warning in recent times with respect to those called the new oligarchy, those who bet on power smelling the un-postponable change and the style of some of the Eastern European experiences are taking steps to take for themselves the best slices of the cake; these must be the worst and most pragmatic enemies of the present time and as time passes they will become more dangerous still.

Not to mention those who desire revenge, remembering that this is just an extension of the Black Sprint that began in 2003, and in particular considering that that this peaceful enemy of Fidel Castro could have been awarded the Nobel Peace Prize.

All this without mentioning that in any country where there is rule of law, if it really had been an accident, as the person responsible for the bad state of the road and the lack of warning signs would have been guilty without discussion, and that would have been just. So considering all the possible variations, the finger points to the same suspect over and over again just as a compass always points north.

November 16 2012

Why Estado de Sats Must Not Die / Jeovany Jimenez Vega

Where art and thinking come together. State of Sats.

About two weeks Antonio Rodiles was arrested by State Security. First he was charged with resisting arrest, then they concocted a charge of undermining the authority when nearly a dozen witnesses deny the police accusation. It is not anything unusual, because in Cuba long arbitrary detentions are part of the repressive praxis. This time it’s someone with undeniable charisma and whose authenticity is demonstrated with concrete events: In a short time Rodiles has converted Estado de Sats — against all flags and with modest resources — into an important space when it comes to probing the Cuban reality.

Several factors contribute to our atmosphere today of alternative aromas. In this regard, the extensive possibilities of the Internet, which open a digital breach to the world for the restless gaze of the island’s bloggers and twitterers, to which are added the lack of ethics in the official press to denounce the shamelessness of the corrupt, the ineptitude of the leaders and the constant violation of our civil rights. In this context we have inserted alternatives like VocesCubanas.com and Estado de Sats.

Bit this latter space is not only a virtual peculiarity: in Rodiles’ home, during the presentation of the programs, there is a frequent assiduous and physical convergence of around a hundred irreverents, and we know what that means to the powers-that-be in Cuba.

This modest but clear capacity to call people together, ended up worrying the general staff, and so Rodiles presented himself in front of State Security’s Section 21 on the afternoon of November 7, and the leadership saw the awaited opportunity to book him and decapitate his project. But those who reason this way underestimate a civil society that is not disposed to cede an inch of space conquered at great risk.

We are a people saturated with promises that sound like mockery, words belied by the demagoguery of a bourgeois elite that demands austerity from us, while their table overflows; we are a people forced to face unjustifiable hardship and shortages that generate a deep social immorality, which have turned theft, simulation and lies into “trifles,” and what is worse, sincerity and civility into a crime.

We are looking at a youth that is definitely different, and wants to open itself to a world it suspects is out there, a youth that knows it is imprisoned, but that now knows the name and the password of its jailer and is increasingly less afraid. And the jailer knows this and represses every birth, tries to mutilate each new shoot, stuffing the cracks so that the cell never receives the dangerous rays of the sun.

Rodiles is accused of assault, and yet, in Estado de Sats, Rodiles’ home, I never saw anywhere a club or the tip of a trigger, never heard plotting of attacks of sabotage, never heard a threat or a call to violence. I heard nothing more there than ideas and arguments, reasonable or not, but launched from the perspective of tolerance, respect for the opinions of others.

As far as I know, no Cuban opponent ever stopped a delegate of the National Assembly of Popular Power in the entrance of Parliament, or any member of the Communist party to prevent him from participating in the last Congress of the Party, nor conducted any “operation” to boycott their last National Conference.

However, from the other side, it’s a different matter: the raids and arbitrary detentions perpetrated by state security against any dissident when, how and where they want, without due process and even without charges — including many who went to Estado de Sats — is their daily practice, reported thousands of times by bloggers, twitterers and by the same project now want to shut down.

If despite the deafness strongly imprinted during the last decades by the dissidence against the all-embracing State power, this has been no more than a few turns of the screw, one can only imagine the scene of these gentlemen didn’t know they were installed by the select share of Cubans who dare to speak while the rest remain silent.

Alternative spaces like the monthly Voices Magazine and projects like Omni Zona Franca, and Estado de Sats itself, are at this time so necessary for this people like the miracle of the loaves and fishes, and must not disappear simply because some gorillas consider this country remains the same jungle as in the ’60s and ’70s.

But they had to take Rodilies because every brave person is one less slave, because each front raised is an act of vindication, because every mask that falls away is a triumph of human dignity, one of those miracles that are the work only of able-bodied men.

For all this, by reality and necessity, spaces like Estado de Sats must be preserved. The barbarians must understand once and for all, that it is useless to incarcerate a many when his dreams fly free.

Rodiles conceived this project, now ours, and dedicated his efforts, assumed all the risks and put into it the same hope and the same faith that is put into a child. For this we must care for Estado de Sats — we owe it to him and to ourselves — because whatever problems appear on the horizon we will never abandon the child of a friend!

November 19 2012

 

Everyone Shouts Bike… / Wendy Iriepa and Ignacio Estrada

DSCN0565To visit the famous city of Holguin is a truly unique experience for those who enjoy excursions beyond the area where they live. Images can be captured by the unique lens of any national or foreign tourist.

Holguín is one of the country’s eastern cities waiting to be discovered by restless walkers. Walking through its broad streets and numerous squares — which earned it the nickname “City of Parks” — we can see the different architectural styles that recreate the work of renowned architects.

On one of my walks I constantly heard the word … Bike … a word that is recognized or a request for service that becomes the main form of transport in the largest provincial capital cities of the country.

Prices for access to this transport vary according distances traveled but I assure you that no one wants to leave this earth without riding in one. The Bike Taxis are maneuvered by elderly retirees and young people who have found them a source of income for their homes. Any of these pedicabs may surprise visitors with their characteristic comfort and the originality of their owners. Trying to attract customers, some place beach umbrellas to protect people from the sun, others add audio equipment and decorate them like beautiful cars.

One of those I ride assures me there were 4000 bicycle-taxi drivers working in the city. All are recognized by the State. This work is one of the allowed forms of self-employment.

The Holguin bicycle-taxies adopt the model intended by their creator, the best known and demanded is the single seat, which is a bike with a sidecar added. These, according to their builders, are faster and very light for transporting passengers. There are other bike models but they are copies of those in other provinces.

If you ever have the pleasure of visiting this city please join and be one of many that request transportation service by shouting … Bike …

November 19 2012

The Search for a Cure / Wendy Iriepa and Ignacio Estrada

The search for a cure is one of the central themes of this years meeting. In the course of the symposium, the renewed efforts to find a cure were reviewed, as well as the attitudes of people with HIV toward the perspective of finding one.

During the symposium “Towards an HIV Cure” was presented, a declaration that establishes the steps necessary to achieve a cure for infection by the virus.

At the meeting was scientists know about a cure was explained, how it can be achieved and the difficulties and challenges presented by this enterprise.

The renewed interest in finding a cure for HIV was inspired by the case of the “Berlin Patient.” This person was cured of his infection after a difficult chemotherapy treatment, immune-suppressive treatment and a bone marrow transplant, from a donor with a rare genetic mutation that gives a natural resistance to the infection of this virus.

It is not an attractive treatment — nor a realistic one — that could be applied to cure other people, but it raised the possibility of achieving a cure. In interest in finding a cure is also raised by the increasing cost of treatment and the attention of people with HIV.

November 12 2012

The Stigma and Discrimination Continue / Wendy Iriepa and Ignacio Estrada

It’s calculated that there are some 65,000 people living with HIV in Guatemala. There are 20 new cases daily, 7,500 new cases a year. The HIV epidemic in the country is concentrated in population groups at major risk, like sex workers and their clients, and men who have sexual relations with men. There is great discrimination against these groups in the county which makes access to services for HIV more difficult.

According to the first national report on human rights, between 2009 and 2012 more than 313 complaints were presented to the Attorney General’s office and to civil society organizations. Of these 46% were associated with violations of healthcare rights and 13% with the right to life and bodily integrity. These violations were about the scarcity of anti-retrovirus medications and the lack of adequate personal sanitary facilities and diligence.

The transgender organization OTRANS stressed in the report that transgender people have limited access to employment because of stigma and discrimination. OTRANS also reported cases of physical assault, disappearances and deaths due to gender identity. The organization said 13 deaths were reported and three disappearances from 2007 to 2011.

“From the beginning of the epidemic, stigma and discrimination were identified as the main obstacles to effective HIV response,” said Cesar Nunez, UNAIDS Regional Director for Latin America. “The HIV-related discrimination is itself a violation of human rights which, in turn, implies the violation of other rights such as the right to health, education, dignity and equality before the law,” he said.

November 12 2012