Carlos Alberto Montaner, the Cuban Who Taught Us to Debate

The writer and journalist Carlos Alberto Montaner has died after being diagnosed with a neurodegenerative disease. (Archive)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, Yoani Sánchez, 30 June 2023 — I had read him in those ‘plain-paper covered’ books that passed from hand to hand in Cuba in the 1990s. Later, on our Island where censorship was practiced in all its forms, several videocassettes with some of his participations in foreign television programs slipped through. He had a way of speaking and arguing so different from the leaders who were yelling at us from the tribunes that there was no way to take your eyes off the screen. Cultured, calm, smooth and with prodigious verbal ability, Carlos Alberto Montaner practiced an exercise that had been lost in national political life: debate with respect and arguments.

It was not for nothing that Fidel Castro hated him so much. Compared to the man of letters, versatile, disciplined, and who listened attentively to his interlocutor, our tropical caudillo seemed more hysterical, coarse, and authoritarian. In a hypothetical oral duel between the two, it was easy to determine who would most convince the audience, most move the audience and wield the most reliable data. The fear of meeting Montaner at some international event and coming out worse from an exchange of phrases must have tormented the dictator for decades, who always wanted to be a writer and only managed to become a crazy orator without any poetic flight.

The official discourse presented the exile, who escaped from the island in 1961, as the “black beast” of Castroism, the public enemy one of the nation and coined that he was a violent terrorist because he could not be defeated in the field of words. They ensured that several generations of Cubans did not read his texts at school and, even so, they did not manage to prevent people from knowing him in the country where he had been born in that distant 1943.

The official speech presented the exile, who escaped from the Island in 1961, as the “black beast” of Castroism, the public enemy of the nation

When I opened my Generación Y blog, in April 2007, one of the first attacks I received from the spokesmen for the regime was that of an supposed training that Montaner had given me in Spain, to return to the island and start publishing a blog. At that time, I was afraid and indignant that they lied with such impunity, but today it only makes me laugh and proud to see that, although I didn’t even know that man from Havana with his elegant bearing and tall stature at that time, with that campaign of firing squads against my reputation, they were actually linking my name to his forever. continue reading

With the passing of the years and a long fight to recover the right to travel outside my country, I finally met the author of the Secret Report on the Cuban Revolution. I was surprised by the tone of his voice when we shared a debate table in Madrid, the affability of his character, the immediate affection that he professed to every Cuban who approached him, the willingness to help his compatriots and the absolute lack of rancor in his attitude . That was not, at all, the man that Cuban State Security had painted with a very broad brush.

Later I met his family, he gave me several of his books and we continued talking about Cuba, his great obsession. The day Fidel Castro died, in November 2016, he was the first person my husband and I called from Havana to break the news. I saw him clarify more than once that the time had passed for him to dedicate himself to politics or integrate a government, although I also witnessed many people who approached him and said: “You have to be the next president of Cuba.”

Whenever we saw each other, he asked me about the young people on the Island, he expressed his hopes that the new generations would not have been able to completely eradicate the desire for freedom.

He had, like few relevant figures, the good sense to feel and act accordingly. Whenever we saw each other, he asked me about the young people on the Island, he expressed his hopes that the new generations had not been able to completely eradicate the desire for freedom. He was right. On July 11, 2021, we dialed his number again to confirm that he had not been wrong. Although with his death on June 29 in Madrid he was not able to see the end of the regime, he did experience the hope of those popular protests, the largest and most extensive in the entire history of our country.

His recent farewell column showed part of his greatness: it was a tour of his desires, anxieties, and expectations. While his archenemy had died consumed by anger and publishing insane reflections, Montaner left magnified: lucid, respected by the intellectual community and with the humility of one who knows that a lifetime is finite but every second counts. This Thursday he left with the peace of mind of having contributed with all his talent and energy to his land, to that Island to which he could not physically return but to which he returned, time and time again, through the writing.

Have a good trip, friend, the Cuba of the future will be more like your dreams than the current nightmare.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba, a Country in Miraculous Static

A Cuban flag “propped up” on D’Strampes street, in the Havana neighborhood of La Víbora. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 22 June 2023 — The stalls were full of colorful magazines. To my childish mind, the Soviet Union was that place of intense colors, steaming bowls of soup, and smiling peasants seen in the photos of the many publications that came to Cuba in the 1980s. But beyond the propaganda, Moscow was , in fact, like a huge bear that held up the Island. It hugged us roughly: it controlled and propped up the whole country.

Cuban sovereignty has always been the preferred theme of patriotic speeches and the justification for refusing aid, rapprochement and dialogue, but there are few nations on the planet as in need of external support and foreign support as this one. Even the “golden age” of our insular socialism was nothing more than a period of time in which the Russian subsidy made it possible to supply the markets, build schools and finance all the nonsense that Fidel Castro came up with. The Kremlin paid for a showcase in our territory to attract the unsuspecting who believed that this false bonanza was the fruit of the development achieved from the chosen political system.

As soon as the USSR imploded, our bubble also burst. Curiously, the measures that Castro took to prevent social protests and the fall of the regime implied handing over new portions of sovereignty, but, on this occasion, not to Soviet comrades but to foreign investors who wanted to put their dollars on the Island. The cycle of dependency continued and, at the end of the last century, with the rise to power of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela, Havana found an oil patron willing to finance its failed economic model. We return to ‘tick’ diplomacy, that most practiced in the last six decades.

Now, Miguel Díaz-Canel winks at Vladimir Putin so that the Russian bear once again carries our weight and sustains us. The leaders of the Cuban Communist Party have the illusion that money will begin to flow from full hands, oil tankers will bring huge amounts of hydrocarbons from the Eurasian giant, free or at ridiculous prices, and Moscow will assume the costs of keeping this broken island afloat.  The word “sovereignty” will continue to be reserved for official tantrums before international organizations, while Putin’s interference in our affairs will grow every day.

Like a flag, painted on a wall in the neighborhood of La Víbora in Havana, which cannot be stand on its own without crude propping, Cuba is today a country that cannot even provide itself with eggs, sugar or coffee. The force of gravity pulls the wall to the ground with the same force that reality pushes the Cuban political system towards its extinction. The sovereign star is faded and a crack threatens to split it in two. It will end up collapsing and perhaps claiming a few lives in the fall. There is no beam that can withstand such weight, nor ally that can support much failure.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Moscow Does Not Believe in Islands: Cuba Embraces the Russian Bear Again

Russian Deputy Prime Minister Dmitri Chernishenko and Cuban President Miguel Díaz-Canel, last Friday in Havana. (Cubadebate)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 22 May 2023 — In many Cuban houses there is still a wooden Matryoshka, an empty bottle of Moscow Red perfume, or a copy of Sputnik magazine. The Soviet presence was so intense on our Island that, for the children who grew up between the 70s and 80s, the USSR was like a powerful and severe stepmother. Today, we see the Kremlin envoys arrive again and, although they look different in their suits and ties, we know that they are seeking the same thing: to use our country as a geostrategic chess piece that is too big for us, very big.

The same day that the Group of 7 summit began in Japan, Cuba President Miguel Díaz-Canel ratified to the Russian Deputy Prime Minister, Dmitri Chernishenko, “Cuba’s unconditional support for the Russian Federation in its confrontation with the West.” In Hiroshima the meetings revolved around how to tighten sanctions to corner Vladimir Putin over his invasion of Ukraine, but in Havana the red carpet was rolled out for the former KGB agent’s narrow circle of power. It was no coincidence.

Increasingly isolated internationally and with a war in which it has not won the stunning victory it had hoped for, the Russian regime is in dire need of alliances. The urge is not only on the diplomatic level to pretend that it maintains loyal partners in some parts of the planet, but also for its friends help it evade sanctions. Until the beginning of the invasion, Putin had shown several signs of disinterest towards the Island, several joint projects were even canceled due to the inefficient actions of the Cuban side. But the war campaign changed everything.

Havana rapidly aligned itself with Moscow’s discourse and began to call the entry of troops into Ukrainian territory a “special military operation.” It avoided condemning the Russian actions at the United Nations and blamed Kiev for the start of the conflict. Then began a slew of announcements of new agreements signed, of credits granted by the Kremlin and of visits by officials to both sides of the Atlantic. As more photos surfaced with bureaucrats from both countries signing contracts and memorandums of understanding, concern grew among Cubans. continue reading

The unease that overwhelms us now comes for several reasons. We know the intensity of the presence that the Russians can have in our country, their infinite willingness and ability to meddle in ministries, offices and barracks. We know that the Díaz-Canel regime is bankrupt and that to save what remains of Castroism it is capable of auctioning off the Island piece by piece. We intuit that a fat check from Moscow would allow the unpopular engineer in the president’s seat to continue at the helm of the nation and reinforce the repression. We also understand that Putin is only interested in us because we are 90 miles from the United States, his archenemy, and located in Latin America, a region in which he wants to have a significant area of ​​influence.

Furthermore, we suspect that with those collar-and-tie envoys who arrive in Havana these days, a democratic change will not come to us, nor more freedoms, much less greater respect for human rights. It points to the opposite. When Chernishenko announced last Friday the creation of “a road map” to accelerate the rapprochement between the two countries, “which might require some changes in Cuban legislation,” he is not thinking of decreeing more spaces for dissidence or a framework of respect for independent media. Rather, it is about paving the way for the Russians to control portions of the national economy and run wild in other spheres as well.

They will bring us, yes, their methods. The ability for obscure agents of the political police to amass an empire, for Party bigwigs to take over the most appetizing industries, and for money from public property liquidations to end up mostly in in the hands of ideological comrades who will exchange their military uniforms for the elegant clothing of the oligarchs.

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Editor’s Note: This article was originally published on Deutsche Welle in Spanish.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Chronicle of a May 20: ‘They’re Gone Now, We Are With You’

The police operations of this May 20 included the area of ​​the Havana coastline and the surroundings of the houses of activists and independent journalists. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, 21 May 2023 — It was 6:30 am yesterday, Saturday, when I was checking international news on my mobile and, suddenly, an error message began to appear every time I tried to open a web page. At first I thought it was the normal fluctuations in internet connectivity to which the telecommunications monopoly Etecsa has accustomed us, but when my husband Reinaldo told me that the same thing was happening to him, we concluded: “green and thorny… repression for May 20,” the anniversary of the founding of the Republic of Cuba.

Shortly afterwards a supportive neighbor called us. “They have an operative down here.” Calls of this type followed one another throughout the day, some even dared to come to our apartment to describe where the two women and the man from State Security were sitting at the entrance to this ugly concrete block and where the vehicles with the other agents were waiting in case, circumventing the first barricade, we managed to set foot on the sidewalk of our house.

In each case, both among those who called us by phone to warn us and among those who came personally to show us their solidarity, there was the occasional phrase of this type: “it seems incredible that in a country where there is no fuel, not even for ambulances, they use it for this,” “but what happens to these people that they are so nervous,” or “they have more fear than desire to live.” In short, the repressive siege reinforced the balance of negative opinion against State Security in our neighborhood and strengthened our ties with the community.

In that time locked up and without access to the great world web, Rei and I read, cooked, tended the garden, made love, chatted through the landline with numerous friends, undertook some long-overdue household chores, played with our dogs and our cat. In short, while the pathetic agents suffered the torrid climate of May sitting on an uncomfortable wall and surrounded by the ridicule of the neighborhood, we continue living, creating and writing.

The internet service was only returned to us at dawn this Sunday. The encirclement of agents withdrew late in the night when the troops had consumed their corresponding snacks, lunches and very scarce meals in the school canteens and in the hospital wards. A while ago dawn broke and we received a call again: “They’re gone now, we are with you,” a neighbor said in one breath.

Note: Today is the ninth anniversary of the founding of the newspaper 14ymedio. We will also spend its next birthday in Havana, and the next and the next… and the next… I am mentioning it, so that the agents of the political police can prepare for the May sun and the hard wall of our building.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Looting, Plunder, Pillage: The Crisis Brings Out the Worst in Cubans

A mistake made caused one of the corners of the windows to break off, but the looters were not intimidated and took it. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 17 May 2023 — The ‘Special Period‘ in Cuba is remembered for the long blackouts and food shortages, but also for having been a time when vandalism and robberies reached alarming levels throughout the Island. Light bulbs disappeared from schools and hospitals, toilet fittings remained in place barely a few hours after being installed, electrical outlets were yanked from the walls of medical offices, and even railroad ties were converted into pig pens. Electricity pylons were dismantled piece by piece and used as gates for houses, while the wheels of garbage containers ended up on wheelbarrows to carry water. The looting spread throughout society and looters came to enjoy the category of “heroes” to imitate, for their abilities to support their families with the fruits of their plunder.

In this new crisis we are experiencing, the power cuts have returned, as have the long lines to buy food and, it couldn’t fail, the ongoing theft of everything that can be stolen. This Tuesday, someone removed and took two sheets of glass that are part of one of the windows in the corridor on the 14th floor where I live in Havana. The panes had been there since this ugly concrete block opened in May 1985, even managing to escape unscathed during the predatory rage of the 1990s. However, someone calculated that with their 85 square centimeters each piece could be converted into some 5,000 pesos, and so they took them away. The operation must not have been easy: remove the aluminum beads, remove each sheet and take care not to cut yourself with its sharp edges. In front of the window, the door of the facing apartment could open at any moment and someone surprise the thieves, who would have had to have been more than one person for such a complex theft. continue reading

A mistake made caused one of the corners of the windows to break off, but the looters were not intimidated and took it. They loaded up the loot in broad daylight, leaving a large area of ​​our corridor unprotected from the wind and rain. At more than 160 feet up and in a country with an intense hurricane season, the loss of this part of the windows creates a risk for those of us who live on this floor. The solution, for the moment and given the high prices of the glass, will be to cover both holes with some boards and entrust ourselves to luck, hoping the crooks do not want to also take a couple of old pieces of wood. The problem goes far beyond a hole and the dangers of a cyclone arriving before it can be covered.

Uneasiness spreads among all the neighbors affected by this plunder. No element seems safe in the face of the fury of the robberies that are shaking the entire country. The corridors have been left in the dark again because the lamps are dismantled with speed and skill, the granite steps of some buildings are uprooted to end up installed in a kitchen, and the wood of park benches ends up as furniture or charcoal. Nothing is safe in public spaces or in the common areas of buildings, nor can people breathe easy inside their homes. Cuba is a nation where the guajiros can’t sleep a wink because their animals are stolen, mothers have to watch the clotheslines because even the baby’s diapers are taken, and in the classrooms students can’t take their eyes off their backpacks,

A feeling of insecurity runs through our lives. Nothing and no one is safe. What would have happened if, yesterday, leaving my house, I had run into the thieves of the two panes? Would they have run or confronted me? What would have happened to one of the old men who walk these floors if they discovered the crooks at work? I don’t even want to imagine it. As in that crisis of three decades ago, we live in a permanent heist, with the anxiety that the hand of an assailant can emerge from any corner, and we the insatiable prey of a thief.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

For the Cuban Regime the Passport Continues To Be an Instrument of Political Control

The government is also maintaining the status known as “regulated,” the term applied to a prohibition on leaving the island, used against someone they want to punish for their civic behavior, or who they want to force to depart without any possibility of return. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 16 May 2023 — Things must be bad at the Palace for the Cuban authorities to have renounced some of the hefty elements involved in making and maintaining passports. The document that identifies us as nationals of this Island will now be good for ten years, instead of six, and the cumbersome need to renew it every two years disappears, eliminating some abusive procedures and costs. But it’s not enough.

A citizenry that long ago stopped hoping that steps in the direction of openness and freedom would be taken from “up there,” was taken by surprise by Tuesday’s announcement from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. From so much clamoring for immigration flexibility, the demands have escalated to a point where these measures barely alleviate the situation. Their implementation points more to the economic despair of a regime to attract visitors and remittances than to a desire to break down obstacles to the mobility of Cubans.

The 24-month period, as the limit of a stay abroad, is not modified, even if the verbal trick of an exemption for those who were already visiting outside the Island at the most critical moments of the Covid-19 pandemic is presented as such, as it is difficult for them to return. In reality, this two-year limit continues to be one of the great mechanisms of coercion by the Cuban regime, as taking refuge in that time period deprives a national of the right to own property, access public health services or remain indefinitely in the country.

While they lose a few dollars if the passport doesn’t have to be renewed every two years, the authorities maintain the possibility of denying entry to the country to any Cuban who has issued critical opinions against the prevailing political and economic model on the island. They also maintain the status known as “regulated,” the term applied to a prohibition on leaving the island, used against someone they want to punish for their civic behavior, or who they want to force to depart without any possibility of return. continue reading

It is likely that these announcements are linked to the immigration negotiations between Washington and Havana. The same government that boasts of its sovereignty does not make a move without taking into account the “enemy of the North,” while it has cared little for decades about the requests of its own people. It always listens more to the White House than to ordinary Cubans. Against the financial ropes, it has had to make a gesture that paves the way to receive tourists and dollars, but is not willing to erode its ideological control over the diaspora in any way.

What is the use of a passport lasting longer if it cannot be used because its holder is prohibited from either leaving the Island or entering their homeland? How does the elimination of the need to extend this document every two years help someone who has not been able to set foot in an airport for more than five years because they are “regulated”? Is there any immigration change in sight that, in addition to monetary relief, really brings respect to the much-vilified condition of being a Cuban citizen?

This Tuesday’s announcements seek to create the false impression that something is moving and improving. But, beyond the savings in paying for the required stamps and hours standing on line outside an office, what is decreed is only a milligram in tons of demands. The main thing remains intact: a party uses national borders as part of its political penalty policy. The carrot is a more durable passport and the stick is summed up in not being able to use it.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Caimanera, One of the Most Guarded Towns in Cuba, Took to the Streets

The man, who stands out for his leadership, lists the reasons that have led them to the protest and adds: “From this moment on, I declare myself an opponent.” (Yosmany Mayeta Labrada-Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 8 May 2023 — Shirtless, with his arm raised and making the victory sign with his fingers, we see one of the protesters who on Saturday took to the streets of Caimanera, in Guantanamo.

The man, who stands out for his leadership, lists the reasons that have led them to the protest and adds: “From this moment on, I declare myself an opponent.” Pronouncing that phrase takes twice as much courage in one of the most closely watched municipalities in Cuba.

Accustomed to living under permanent observation, the residents of Caimanera reached a degree of indignation that made them leap over the fear with which they have lived for decades. A municipality adjacent to the Guantánamo US Naval Base, where the electrified fences, the uniformed men everywhere and the large mined area that borders the military site have become part of the daily life of its inhabitants.

In addition to the continuous controls on the local population, those who want to visit Caimanera must request advance authorization from the Ministry of the Interior. To obtain permission, a compelling reason is needed and the outsider is only allowed to spend a limited time – and supervised – with his hosts. Militarization extends to all aspects of life, from the limitations on fishing on its coasts to the suffocation of the informal market, essential on the Island.

But on May 6 none of these restrictions prevented unrest from leading hundreds of people to gather in front of the municipality’s Communist Party headquarters and shout, among many other slogans, the one that sums up all their demands: “Freedom!” The fears planted in the minds of these Guantanamo residents since they were little, the constant threats and the ridiculous official slogan that Caimanera is “the first anti-imperialist frontier” in Cuba were useless. In a few minutes all that ceased to matter and to paralyze the people. continue reading

After the harangues demanding a change, an improvement in the supply of food and medicines in the hospitals, the protesters saw the arrival of the black berets and the rain. What was perhaps the first downpour of May in Caimanera, waited for by many to take a shower of good luck, this Saturday became the scene of beatings and arrests. The whereabouts of several of the detainees are still unknown and the identity of the brave shirtless man has not been able to be determined.

The people who were forced to behave as the spearhead against “the enemy” got fed up with so many cardboard slogans. The empty plates were stronger than the barbed wire. Out of stock pharmacies were more convincing than police dogs. Poverty and the lack of freedoms were more discouraging than the fear of the beating and the bars. The most supervised town in the whole country shook off terror.

While in the military barracks plans and strategies were drawn up to prevent the Cubans from leaving en masse for the US Naval Base, in the homes of Caimanera it was not escape that was being forged but rather to challenge and resistance. There are no fences, sentry boxes or explosives that can contain the anger of the people.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Without Gasoline and With Faded Popular Support, the Cuban Regime Is Left Without Its May Day

Until a few days ago it seemed that the authoritarian choreography of May Day was going to happen, despite the deep crisis we are experiencing. (14ymedio/Archive)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 25 April 2023 — Perhaps the demand began at a bus stop when someone compared the lack of buses with the line of buses that would be seen on May 1st. Then the demand jumped to the patient who waited for hours for an ambulance but in the hospital he heard the call to fill the Plaza de la Revolución in Havana on Workers’ Day. Then he infected that retiree who spent half his pension on a taxi to deal with getting some paperwork notarized. The chorus became almost unanimous: “How are they going to have a parade if there isn’t even gasoline for the hearses!”

Showing that there is the convening power and political muscle to transport thousands of people is one thing, but materializing this multitudinous horde implies complex logistics: the little revolutionary enthusiasm that remains among Cuban workers must be stirred up, along with the fuel necessary to carry them to the main squares of each province and to deploy a propaganda apparatus that brings everyone from camera operators to announcers to those places, all of them thirsty for water, snacks, minutes on their mobile phones and some other perks.

Until a few days ago it seemed that this authoritarian choreography was going to happen, despite the deep crisis we are experiencing. An event that on this Island has nothing to do with the proletarian date intended for demand and protest, because here, decades ago, it was tamed and transmuted into an act of support for a regime led by leaders of the Communist Party who have never sweated in a industry, never counted the centavos to make ends meet, and don’t know the bitter taste that a devalued currency and galloping inflation leaves on the plate.

They were going, as so many times in the past, to spend what little we have lefton a day of self-promotion, in this nation where universities cancel their face-to-face classes, people avoid making plans that involve traveling to another municipality, and fights break out and come to blows in families for the few liters of diesel that the grandfather has saved in a drum. This was going to be another year, like the so many others for us who live under the delusional imprint of Fidel Castro, in which the photo from the rostrum was more important than the day after when patients urgently needed to be transported, the deceased were waiting to be cremated, and their children were waiting to get to school. continue reading

Why then, was the pragmatic decision imposed to cancel the great parade and break it up into smaller acts? The hydrocarbon crisis does not seem to be the only cause for this decision. The old panic of a parade without the hundreds of thousands they managed to summon-coerce in the past may be among the reasons. Falsifying the results of an electoral process requires the complicity of hundreds of officials, but to show a crowd where there is none, more than artificial intelligence is needed. Any photographic or propaganda trick can be quickly contrasted and dismantled in these times.

It was not only the lack of oil that caused the suspension of the parade in Havana. With this change of scenery and by lowering the importance of the commemoration by several degrees, the Cuban regime is making it clear that it has already turned the page on showing itself supported by the people, respected by the workers and applauded for its advances in social justice.

Crude dictatorships do not even need the multitudinous hordes. They do not have to be charismatic, or silver-tongued, or possess mythical profiles. Miguel Díaz-Canel’s second term began just a few days ago, but he has already defined his fundamental lines: to survive at any cost clinging to power even if, along the way, he loses the few collectivist garments he had left.

Castroism no longer needs to smile for the cameras behind that sculpture of a José Martí who appears so sad that it makes you want not to look. We are in times of absolute imposition and terror. Why do they need a parade?

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Immobility Marks Diaz-Canel’s New Mandate as President of Cuba

Raúl Castro (2nd from left, front row) very close to president Miguel Díaz-Canel (3rd from right, front row) and other senior officials such as the president of Gaesa, Ania Guillermina Lastres Morera, and the prime minister, Manuel Marrero, this Wednesday. (Screen capture)

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14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 21 April 2023 — The first rays of sunlight this Wednesday bathed Havana’s Carlos III Avenue. Where before there was a constant coming and going of vehicles, the fuel crisis has left a road deserted by cars. The conversations in the long lines focused on lamenting inflation, talking about a relative who managed to emigrate in recent days, or complaining about the power cuts. No one spoke about the parliamentarians who took office on April 19, nor was there speculation about who would be appointed president of the Republic of Cuba.

Hours later, the official media confirmed that Miguel Díaz-Canel was repeating in a second term in the highest post in the nation, while the structure of responsibilities in the National Assembly hardly changed and the cabinet of ministers did not suffer major changes either. Immobility was the pattern that defined an electoral process that hardly generated enthusiasm among citizens, more interested in finding food or managing to travel from one point to another than in following on national television the boring spectacle of a Parliament without any political diversity.

The appointment, for a second term, of the electronic engineer Díaz-Canel sends a message of continuity about the current Cuban model. A message to be read not only by the international community but, especially, by those on the Island who have been asking for a change of direction and a democratic opening for some time. The ruler, who appeared before the national television cameras during the popular protests on July 11, 2021, saying that “the order to combat” had been given, now has five more years to impose the will of his side. continue reading

His re-election will be read by many Cubans as confirmation that there will be no economic improvement in the short term and that packing up to emigrate is the wisest decision.

His re-election will be read by many Cubans as confirmation that there will be no economic improvement in the short term and that packing up to emigrate is the wisest decision. Others will conclude that there are more months of tense diplomatic rhetoric to come and that Cuba will continue to be aligned with the axis of authoritarian regimes such as those of Nicaragua, Venezuela and Russia.

Díaz-Canel also represents the tepidness in the necessary economic transformations and the excessive investments in the construction of hotels, while resources for Public Health and Education continue to be cut. His name is also inextricably linked to the more than a thousand political prisoners and the forced exile of hundreds of activists.

Why would someone with so little popularity and a history of so many unfortunate decisions have another five years at the helm of the nation? The designating hand of Raúl Castro has once again put him in that position, selecting him from among the other youngest children to watch his back, to avoid the collapse of the system and to prevent the nonagenarian general and his relatives from ending up in court or having to pack their suitcases to take refuge in the shadow of some foreign comrade.

Díaz-Canel has complied with the order that Castro gave him. He has not managed to offer a more dignified life to Cubans, but he has saved the neck of an entire clan. That is why he has been hand-picked as president again: to delay as long as possible the arrival of freedom in Cuba.

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Editor’s Note: This article was originally published on Deutsche Welle in Spanish.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: Putting Makeup on the ‘Setbacks in Victory’

Instead of turning setbacks into victory, Cuba is living in a time of total make-up, of crude cosmetics applied to reality. (14ymedio

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 11 April 2023 — Few phrases are as illustrative of Cuban voluntarism as the one that calls for “turning setbacks into victory.” Fueled by the whim of Fidel Castro, the maxim has summed up, since 1970, a way of doing politics in which boasting of victory was more important than achieving the results. It doesn’t matter if people lose their lives in the fight, if the country sinks into crisis or the economy is destroyed, but each failure must be transformed into a new, more ambitious goal to celebrate at full speed.

There was a time when that ideological compass was oriented towards delirious campaigns that presented the passage of a hurricane as a battle against nature, in which we pretended that we had the upper hand in the face of strong winds that left houses collapsed and fields devastated. After the passage of a meteor, one had to boast that the houses would be rebuilt, even more spacious and beautiful than when the cyclone knocked them down. We stuck out our tongues at the gusts and taunted the downpour with a one-finger salute.

Before each blow or setback, the response was revolutionary arrogance insisting that that misfortune was nothing compared to the “strength of a people.” Thus, we accumulated misfortunes for which we were not even allowed to mourn because we had to raise our fists and laugh from ear to ear as if we were engaged in eternal revelry. The failure of the sugar industry, the successive mass exoduses, the deterioration of the housing fund and the economic crisis received, indistinctly, the arrogant response of the ruling party and its consequent strategy to make the fiasco invisible.

Over time, this obsession with winning at all costs has led to putting makeup on the disaster in a more clumsy and ridiculous way. Thus, we have heard the Cuban leaders assure, after the explosion of the Saratoga Hotel, that the building will be rebuilt “better than before,” although from the results of the expert investigation that determines responsibilities for the death of 47 people, no one has had any more to say. Something similar to the tragedy in the Matanzas supertanker base, where the disaster has been covered with the triumphalist headlines about the reconstruction of the tanks. continue reading

The excesses of conceit came to celebrating the Team Asere players as champions, after they lost in the game against the United States in the World Baseball Classic, with a score of 14 to 2, or ensuring that the result of the recent electoral process to ratify the deputies to Parliament was a boost to the system although there was a marked abstention. Each time, the distance between what is applauded and what actually happened widens more and more. Instead of turning setbacks into victory, we are living in a time of total make-up, of crude cosmetics applied to reality. But, unlike a few decades ago, the regime no longer even wants us to believe it.

With smeared mascara and grotesque lipstick, Castroism does not want us to see it as a triumphant system, but prefers that we fear it. In the end, it is a repressive machine capable of crushing lives while pretending to save them, of sinking a country while pretending to have rescued it.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Deprived of the Right to Take to the Streets, on March 8 Cuban Women Will Wear a Black Ribbon on Their Hands

Feminist groups have begun to wear a black ribbon tied to the wrist to symbolize their rejection of male violence. (YoSíTeCreo)

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14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 8 March 2023 — Gladys lives in Caibarién, a small coastal city in the center of Cuba. Two months ago, her son left with other young people on a rustic raft to try to reach the United States. She since then she has heard nothing from them. A teacher by profession and retired a decade ago, the woman spends her hours checking social networks and calling the family of the other disappeared rafters to find out if they have any news. This March 8, International Women’s Day, will be longer than usual for her: without celebrations or laughter.

“There, that’s where they killed her,” says a resident of Camalote, in the province of Camagüey, when someone inquires about 17-year-old Leidy Bacallao Santana. On February 3, the young woman sought refuge at the police station in the face of threats from her ex-boyfriend, but he chased her and ended up killing her with a machete in front of the uniformed officers. Since the beginning of the year, 16 Cuban women have died in sexist attacks in a country where official propaganda refuses to recognize the femicides that leave so many families in mourning. From the Government, the only stories narrated are those of happy woman, fulfilled and grateful for the system.

Wearing her white coat, Danurys leaves every morning for her job at a doctor’s office. She graduated just a few months ago and dreams of later doing a specialty in pediatrics. This week she has not had anything for breakfast despite the fact that the salaries in the Public Health sector are among the highest in the country. The devaluation of the Cuban peso and the rise in the price of basic products, together with the chronic shortages and the productive inefficiency of the country, mean that a piece of bread, a glass of milk or a sip of coffee have become unaffordable for the pockets of many. continue reading

The young woman from Galena does not want to pack her bags and leave, as more than 350,000 Cubans did last year, but she does not know how much longer she will be able to cope with material hardships and low salaries. She doesn’t even plan to have children in the coming years: “Giving birth here, no, that’s clear to me,” she concludes categorically.

One hundred years ago, the grandmothers of Gladys, Leidy and Danurys took to the Cuban streets demanding their right to vote, they celebrated having achieved the first Divorce Law on the Island after decades of demands, and they fought for labor inclusion and salary dignity. During the first half of the 20th century, the feminist movement on the Island achieved important reforms in the Civil Code and significant demands regarding marriage, maternity, study and work. They were not easy conquests. Many of them spent their tears and their energies at rallies, conferences and public protests, but significantly paved the way.

This year, a group of Cuban feminists decided to deliver a letter to Parliament requesting permission for a peaceful demonstration. The National Assembly did not accept the letter and some of these women were subsequently harassed and detained. The repression has forced them to launch another initiative: to wear a black ribbon on their hands during this day as a sign of mourning, against femicides and in favor of a Comprehensive Law that protects women from sexist violence. A “virtual march” is being organized on social networks to replace the physical demonstration vetoed by the ruling party. Gladys, Danurys and Leidy’s relatives will have to settle for showing their indignation on the internet. At the moment their demands are only allowed in the digital space, but one day they will recover the streets. Almost there.

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Editor’s Note: This text was originally published by Deutsche Welle ‘s Latin America page .

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Arrest, Condemn and Exchange, the Tactic of Authoritarianisms Against Dissidents

Nicaraguan opponent Félix Maradiaga during a meeting with the press in Washington DC (La Prensa/Facebook/Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Merida (Mexico), 9 February 2023 — When I met Nicaraguan opposition member Félix Maradiaga I knew immediately that Daniel Ortega must hate him rabidly. The activist is the antithesis of the old caudillo: hyperactive, charismatic and an excellent communicator. This Thursday I learned that the former presidential candidate is among the 222 political prisoners that the Managua regime has just sent into exile in the United States. I breathed in relief.

The tactic of arresting dissidents, sentencing them to long prison terms and then using them as a bargaining chip with Washington, the Vatican or the European Union has been recurrent among the authoritarian regimes that continue to cast a shadow over Latin America. The Cuban regime has a whole bachelor’s degree and several doctorates in this strategy that has allowed it not only to put pressure on democratic governments to obtain favors, but also to loosen social pressure within the Island.

Ortega is a faithful disciple of Fidel Castro, who used the opponents prosecuted during the Black Spring of 2003 as a bargaining chip with the Catholic Church and the Spanish authorities. Dissidents who were in jail 20 years ago were barely allowed to choose between the bars or exile. Only a few rejected the pressure and remained on the Island. Two of those who stayed, Félix Navarro and José Daniel Ferrer, have been in prison again since July 2021. continue reading

Now, moreover, the list of Cuban political prisoners exceeds a thousand people, so Miguel Díaz-Canel must feel that he has enough trump cards to obtain succulent benefits with them. The signs that a trade move is being coordinated behind the scenes could not be more evident: several US officials have recently warned that prisoners of conscience are an obstacle to the normalization of relations between the two countries and Cardinal Beniamino Stella has just visited Havana, from the Vatican, and urged the Cuban President Díaz-Canel release the 9/11 protesters.

The maneuver that Ortega carried out this Thursday may only be a preview of what his Cuban comrades are planning. A consensual action so that both regimes get rid of their critics, deactivate any civic movement born from the demands of an amnesty and, incidentally, receive in exchange some perks that can include economic benefits and diplomatic silences. In the case of Havana, these terms could have the added demands  that the island be removed from the list of state sponsors of terrorism, and that the arrival of remittances and tourists from the United States be made more flexible.

So far, it seems that the old tactic of “capture, convict and trade” results in a total win for authoritarianisms, which always end up getting away with it because on the other side of the table democratic governments are willing to give in so that a group of people can embrace their family again and not wither away in a punishment cell. Dictatorships play on all those diplomatic and emotional springs. They feel superior in this field because their “chips” are human lives, an element that has little value for totalitarianism. But they are wrong.

The time that they manage to buy with these maneuvers are increasingly shorter and nor is exile the political death of their adversaries. The Castro regime itself has verified that the repressive blow against 75 opponents, of that two decades ago Black Spring, did not appease the popular discontent that ended up pouring out into the Cuban streets in numbers and with never-before-seen libertarian demands. The leaders expelled from the country were succeeded by others and exile itself gained prominence in the formation of political opinions within the Island.

Daniel Ortega, although it seems that he has Nicaragua in his grasp, has just carried out a maneuver born of desperation. Díaz-Canel may be preparing another similar one, which will also be the result of the urgency felt by a regime with a growing – and increasingly public – popular rejection. Neither of them can expel the millions of citizens who oppose them, nor silence international criticism with these crude stratagems. They know that their dictatorships will fall, and instead of paving the way and opening the door for new players, they continue to play the old cards of yesteryear. The only ones they know, and ones which will lead them, sooner or later, to defeat.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Three Wise Men Return to Cuba at the Hands of a Generation that Grew Up Without Them

The cost of gifts, toys and sweets represented a good part of the salary of Cubans but they have ended up buying something. (14 and a half)

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14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 6 January 2022– Dozens of people appeared at dawn this Friday outside the main currency stores in Havana with the hope of acquiring a toy or some candy as a gift for Three Kings Day. Curiously, among those anxious faces waiting to buy a doll, a plastic car, or some sweet cookies, there were many Cubans who grew up at a time when it was forbidden to talk about Melchor, Gaspar, and Baltasar.

In front of the entrance door of the Plaza de Carlos III in Central Havana, expectations were lowering by the minute. If in the early hours of the day there were those who still hoped to get some children’s toy or a table game, little by little it became clear that the only offers of the day were ham sandwiches and fried chicken that were sold in the area where one could pay in Cuban pesos.

The most cautious, and those with freely convertible currency (MLC) cards, had already devastated days earlier whatever candy, party favors, children’s costumes or trinket went on sale in those stores. Others plunged into the black market to buy some of the same merchandise resold at prices with three, four, and even five leading zeros. But there were also those who could not do either.

“Are you going to get something for the children?” asked a woman in her 50s today, who first looked over the counter at the entrance to Plaza de Carlos III in search of stuffed animals, balls or, at least, some modest colored pencils. She did not find what she was looking for with her eyes and did not receive an answer from the employee, more focused on explaining how many snacks they had per person and warning that one could not “line up twice.” continue reading

This Friday, a man was counting his money to buy a doll, while next to him, a 45-year-old woman haggled over the price of a small fire truck. (14ymedio)

The woman who asked the unanswered question belonged to one of those generations of Cubans who did not directly experience the tradition of the Three Wise Men. By the time they were born, all religious practice had been demonized by the official discourse and the most extreme atheism had imposed itself in every corner of life on this Island. It was time to hide the image of the Sacred Heart of Jesus in a room, far from the prying eyes, to condemn the orishas in a corner and to hide a scapular under your clothes.

For decades, those monarchs who arrived on camels loaded with gifts remained alive only in the stories told by grandparents. To complete the burial of the tradition, Fidel Castro arranged that the time of the year in which Cuban children were going to be able to buy new toys would be in the month of July, far from January 6th, which is too close to another date that caused him resentment: Christmas.

Whoever seeks to erect a new creed and plant the columns of his own dogma begins by tearing down the pillars of all previous doctrine. To build Castroism, its main architect swept away any other previous belief. He wrote a new gospel, this time Marxist; he exalted himself as Messiah; he made rancor his favorite law and also sacralized his own images of bombers elevated to the revolutionary altar, and of guerrillas who, instead of promoting love for their neighbor, were invited to become a “cold killing machine.”

In this new and obligatory faith that was being built, some gentlemen who came to venerate a small child and give as a gift some gold, incense and myrrh, did not fit anywhere. The history they embodied was the opposite of what Castro sought to implant in Cuba because they spoke of humility despite power, of human understanding as well as social classes, and of an ancient tradition that dwarfed his social experiment.

So children who grew up in the 1960s and well into the 1990s didn’t write letters with their requests, nor did they experience that fluttering in their stomachs the night before they woke up and ran to find the gifts. Nor did they prepare water and grass to alleviate the fatigue of the camels. However, burying a tradition is a thankless task for someone who wants to undertake something as elusive as the spiritual practices of a community of individuals.

The insults against what the official press labeled as foreign custom, which the ideological extremists cataloged as petty-bourgeois backwardness, and the opportunists, who wanted to win points against power, pointed out as a form of cultural imperialism, were of little use. Little by little the Kings have been returning hand in hand with precisely those who did not enjoy them in their own childhood.

This Friday, at the corner of San Rafael and Galiano streets, just at the entrance to Havana Boulevard, a man was counting the money to buy a doll for his granddaughter. Next to him, a 45-year-old woman was haggling over the price of a small plastic fire engine and, a few yards away, a couple was hesitating between choosing a pink bear or a multicolored unicorn.

For all of them, the cost of those gifts represented a good part of their salary, but they ended up buying the toys. They did it because they are from that generation that, when they give a gift on January 6th, they are also making up for everything that the forbidden camels of their childhood did not bring them.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Artificial Intelligence Has Serious Proposals to Develop the Cuban Economy

ChatGPT has the good nature, the pragmatism to put reality before ideology and knowledge that are so scarce among the leaders of the Communist Party. (EFE)

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14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, 2 January 2022 — One of the diversions that I have given myself for the new year has been interacting with the ChatGPT developed in 2022 by the OpenAI company, and which is promoted as “specialized in dialogue.” On the first day of 2023, I greeted the “entity,” who responded to me with kindness, restraint and in almost perfect Spanish. I immediately questioned it about urgent issues on the Island and its suggestions for the Cuban economy seemed to me more accurate than everything said by Cuba’s Minister  of Economy and Planning Alejandro Gil since he has been in office.

With a ponderous tone, which warns that it does not issue its opinion and avoids predicting future situations, the algorithm behind the chatbot detailed some measures that could help our country get out of its economic quagmire. The resulting list is not very different from what is heard in lines or in conversations between friends when the crisis we are going through and its possible solutions is discussed, but it is quite distant from the official discourse.

If the need for foreign investment, the promotion of agriculture and the obligation to stabilize the currency are points of contact between the responses of this artificial intelligence and what is discussed in the Cuban streets and with the phrases that Cuban leaders constantly repeat, ChatGPT distances itself completely from the latter, because it does not stop at proposals that never come to fruition and rhetorical fireworks. Far from triumphalism and polarization, it warns of the urgency of increasing the educational level of the people and also of promoting political changes “necessary to implement broader economic reforms.” continue reading

Without slogans, without calls to sacrifice or partisan slogans, the phrases of the friendly bot also arrive equipped with the warning that any reform of this type also requires “a long-term commitment.” In the field of political openings, it was much more forceful: greater transparency and accountability are needed on the part of the authorities, more citizen participation, respect for freedom of expression and the press, in addition to stopping the violation of human rights human rights on the island o its tracks.

And to finish off the lively exchange, the artificial intelligence said goodbye: “Have a good day and, if you need anything else from me, I’ll be here,” a courtesy far removed from the insults that would spring from the throat of any Cuban official if a citizen would dare to pose such questions. ChatGPT has the good nature, the pragmatism to put reality before ideology and knowledge that is so scarce among the leaders of the Communist Party of this country.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Latin America and the Eternal Political Pendulum of the Caudillos

Cuban president Miguel Díaz-Canel and the president of Mexico, Andrés Manuel López Obrador, during a military parade in Mexico City’s Zócalo in September 2021. (José Méndez/EFE)

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14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, 1 January 2023 — Some call it the political pendulum, others classify it as the necessary ideological fluctuations imposed by history and there is no shortage of those who compare it with a cachumbambé (or seesaw) that sinks some party leaders in Latin America today while elevating others. The academic definitions or the labels coined by the headlines of the press matter little: the ideological oscillations between the governments of the continent are becoming, in all the essentials, less and less differentiated.

When Gabriel Boric came to power in Chile, Havana’s Plaza de la Revolución rubbed its hands. The Cuban authoritarian regime believed that in the South American president it would have a faithful follower who would accept its policies and silence its human rights violations. This has not been the case and, over the months, the new president has been turning towards pragmatism and more moderate positions. Although from the Moneda Palace a clear voice condemning the repression in Cuba is not heard, nor is complicit applause is not heard and the accusatory finger he raises at the excesses of the autocrat Daniel Ortega in Nicaragua is clearly seen.

The disaster of Pedro Castillo in Peru also calls into question the theory of ideological oscillation in the region. With a campaign that presented him as a humble teacher who was going to rescue the poorest social classes from oblivion, the Puña native ended up surrounding himself with a cabinet that had little to do with his initial left-wing discourse or with his proletarian demands. Caught between his ineptitude and the complexities of governing such a diverse nation, he preferred to flee forward and embark on the ridicule of a failed coup.

President Andrés Manuel López Obrador is another of these. A declared critic of the press, a promoter of various conspiracy theories or falsehoods that he tries to validate in his soporific “mornings,” the Mexican leader moves according to convenience between a discourse that borders on populist clichés and opportunism. Although in international forums he stands side by side with Pedro Castillo, the recently sentenced Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, or the unpresentable Miguel Díaz-Canel, towards the interior of his country he plays with a confusing rhetoric that is said and unsaid every day. It’s like a pendulum, coming and going as it pleases.

Nor is El Salvador’s president Nayib Bukele, chameleon of chameleons, spared either. The one who presents himself as a “tweeter in chief” also breaks into Congress with armed soldiers. He can be hypnotic in his speeches, modern in his use of social networks and even innovative in his proposals to fight organized crime, but in the end he is nothing more than the grotesque and well-known Latin American caudillo who believes that citizens should be treated as small children and punished as if we were still in diapers.

Faced with so much political decadence, the shameful Nicolás Maduro can always remain as an extreme example. Clumsy, incapable and ridiculous, the Venezuelan caudillo helps us understand that it is not about ideological colors or a dilemma between liberalism versus socialism. Our region is sick with autocrats or apprentice dictators. Decades after the publication of The Autumn of the Patriarch by Gabriel García Márquez, The Recourse to the Method by Alejo Carpentier or I, the Supreme by Augusto Roa Bastos, Latin America continues to be a region of caricature leaders, of leaders who produce more fear or laughter than admiration.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORKThe 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.