Stuffed Toys / Yoani Sanchez

On the couch there’s a stuffed dog missing an eye and losing an ear. Thirty years ago he was the plaything of a little girl who now has two children. Neither of them is old enough to have experienced the ration market when it offered manufactured products. So when their mother explains that the dog was a “basic category” toy, they look at her as if she’s speaking Chinese.

For them, everything is different. Since they were small they’ve known that toys are only sold in hard currency. Sometimes when they go to the big market in Carlos III Street, they press their noses to the glass in front of a pink pony and a plastic house with a fireplace.

The two distinct generations are united by a similar unease. In her thirties she experienced the era of Soviet subsides and regulated distribution of everything… or almost everything. Her children, for their part, have lived in times of a dual currency system and scarcities. For her, Three Kings Day isn’t celebrated on 6 January, rather it was officially moved to July and given another name, but her children have seen the frantic rebirth of many traditions. continue reading

In the eighties the grandmother of that little girl with the stuffed dog whispered to her the story of Balthasar, Melchior and Gaspar. Once she grew up she taught her own offspring — openly — the ritual of the letter with requests and the water ready for the thirsty camels.

Today that girl of days past greets the dawn outside a toy store very different from those of her childhood. No employee will demand a ration book with coupons to tear out and checkboxes where the number assigned to each product is entered

Now there are convertible pesos — that hard currency she doesn’t receive her salary in — the only money that will give her children access to the dolls, the toy cars, or simply to some marbles.

She manages to buy a plastic flute and the tiniest stuffed dog. He has big floppy ears and blue eyes.

6 January 2014

Three Kings Day in Revolutionary Cuba / Orlando Luis Pardo Lazo

Three Kings
Photo: Waitingfortheword via Flickr.
Ask any Cuban child the question: “What are the names of the Three Kings?”

I still don’t even know them myself. I always forget one of them. Or pronounce their names badly.

Of course, ignorance is far preferable to insanity. Or rather, to the audacity with which I’ve heard more than one young kid (and even some that aren’t so young) say: “The Three Kings are Fidel, Camilo, and Che.”

Even our Catholic traditions seem to begin at that chapter of Genesis 1:1959, marked by the triumphant January of the Cuban Revolution. However, religious persecution on the island wasn’t satisfied with its history of expropriations, prisons, concentration camps, lifelong exile, shootings, and other barbarities. Right from the start, God fought a losing battle against Castroism, which is now in decline. But yet another defining phase is rearing its head: The phase of forgetting. continue reading

In a country without religious teaching in schools, where not a single clergy member has appeared in the media for more than half a century, there’s no point in waiting for a miracle.

In fact, it’s pointed out from time to time that on January 6, 1959 it was Fidel Castro himself who flew in a small plane over the Sierra Maestra, throwing down toys to the poor peasant children like manna from heaven.

“Without magic and without legends, but with struggle and with love, the Revolution will come without star-covered saints,” sang Pablo Milanés in one of the most beautiful ballads of the revolutionary epic.

How long has it been since anyone in Cuba reprinted or imported the Bible, even for profit?

Let’s not ask the Cuban children any of these questions. They are the future, and it’s not their fault that their predecessors have robbed them of so much.

Perhaps Pablo Milanés was right in his forgotten theme song “Día de Reyes” (Three Kings’ Day) when he sang: “Save your laughter for tomorrow and dry your tears, while freedom comes.”

Translated by Alex Higson

From Sampsonia Way Magazine | 6 January 2014

Self-employed Construction Workers: The Next Victims? / Orlando Freire Santana

sanlazaroAt this point few will doubt that in a totalitarian system like Cuba, centralized control of the economy by the state is inherent; and if the leaders agree to allow some space for private initiative, they do it as a tactical maneuver and not with strategic overtones.

This is demonstrated by government repression against certain private activities, especially when they expose the inefficiency of the state bureaucracy. In 1986, for example, the authorities banned the first version of Free Farmers Markets. The reason? Well, in those markets which responded to the laws of supply and demand, people could buy roots, fruits, vegetables and meat products that didn’t exist in the markets run by the all-powerful state.

Moving forward in time, the private owners of 3D cinemas had to close their establishments at the behest of the ruling party directives. According to the government, these cinemas showed films that were inconsistent with the cultural policies of the nation. However, everybody knows that the official Cuban Institute of Cinematographic Art and Industry (ICAIC ) was unable to equip their theaters with the technology used by individuals.

And lately we have seen them end the selling of imported clothing by the self-employed, who supply clothing more attractive than those sold in state shops. continue reading

All these elements give us a preview of what might happen to bricklayers, plumbers and carpenters practicing self-employment. During the most recent session of the National Assembly of People’s Power they reported on the failure of the plan to build homes in the state sector in 2013. In addition to poor planning and diversion of resources, the deputies argued that a major factor that led to the failure was the instability of the labor force in the sector, a instability caused, essentially, by the exodus of state construction workers towards self-employment.

To self-employment, although it is difficult

Giraldo is a bricklayer who left a state position and requested leave to work as self-employed. As stated, the main cause of these movements is the low wages
paid as a result of absurd payment systems that are used.

During his last semester in his contigent, neither he nor his fellow brigade could earn the bonus pay, due to the existence of a payment system that this mason could never understand.

The mechanism in question involves, in addition to the completion of the work objectives by the brigade, the salary bonus would only be paid if there was a positive correlation in the contingent between the increase in the average salary and the growth in productivity; that is, the growth in the second has to be more than the growth in the first.
Giraldo’s brigade met its work objectives, but the correlation described was negative, and with this the salary bonus went up in smoke. Giraldo didn’t conceive that a macroeconomic indicator, which does not always depend on the labor of the workers — in this case, the average salary was inflated due to excess administrative staff on the payroll — prevents the workers from being duly rewarded after such an arduous task.

Moreover, Giraldo mentioned abnormalities affecting other state construction workers, and they come to be discouraged, as the constant transfers between jobs — sometimes they start a new job without having completed the previous one — and so they paralyze their productivity because of the lack of aggregates and other construction materials.

When asked how he’s doing with self-employment Giraldo responded that not everything is rosy. For example, he must pay tax every month, regardless of whether or not he has work. However, as long as the authorities allow self-employment, he thinks he will not return to the ranks of the state construction workers.

However, in light of the information provided in the National Assembly, as well as what has happened to other self-employed people, it is not surprising that the political masters are devising ways to stop the drain of skilled personnel to the private sector. And it is very likely that they will not open pathways that promote the welfare of the builders within state enterprises, either with salary increases or improved working conditions; rather they will use the ways they  know very well: prohibitions or other administrative constraints.

The latter could include increasing the tax burden on occupations in the construction sector, and thus discouraging the move of workers into the ranks of self-employment. We will be watching to see what happens.

Orlando Freire Santana

From Diario de Cuba | 3 January 2014

Happy New Deception / Camilo Ernesto Olivera

55-aniversario-cabezalHAVANA, Cuba, January 6, 2014 / www.cubanet.org – Twelve midnight rang on 31 December, and 2013 ended. Havana said good-bye with its streets half-empty streets in Vedado and the speakers all reggaeton in the indigent heart of Buenavista. Apparently almost no one paid attention to the televised speech, where the government tried to wish Cubans a happy new year.

Nor were cheers for the Revolution heard, nor for Raul, and much less for Fidel. No one responded much to the fireworks on the Malecon, prohibited by law, but traditional, fired into the air.

According to what I was told by friends walking along by the exclusive clubs in the Playa area: “The music stopped, but so that everyone could join the chorus in the last ten seconds of the year. At 12, people burst into applause, hugged, and then went on dancing. continue reading

Throughout the night, a steady stream of small explosions, seemed like the shots of a 22 caliber..dominated the streets of Buenavista. Some “bomblets,” invented by guys who know how.  It was hard and loud. As if they knew what the firing squads sounded like five decades ago…

The tradition of throwing buckets of water into the street was repeated. People don’t lost hope that with the old year the evil will go. For others, the new year smells of new deception. The truth is in the street and not in the meetings of the Council of State: “Any reason is good enough for us to grab a bottle of rum or some beers. Why beat your head against the wall of what can’t be fixed?” So a group of young people, halfway to sloshed, answered me on the first day of 2014. One of them added, “For me, they closed the 3D cinema with which I was earning some pesos, I sold the plasma TV and the chairs, luckily I just stay in Cuba.”

Fin-de-año-2013-2-300x224“My mother gave me the money for the business from France but she warned me. That these people are cheaters, they say one thing today and something else tomorrow. She was always clear. It’s not worth investing a penny in this country, not even a penny, and much less a drop of your time. In the end, they’ll cheat you.”

I comment to them that it’s hard to find someone under forty who doesn’t want to emigrate. “The only people who count here are all those old people who are on Raul’s side in power.” “Aside from them, no one has the right to prosper and have a decent life.”

Someone else in the group said, “When I studied at Lenin Vocational, I learned where “Papa’s kids” went at the end of the year: Cancun Mexico, Punta Cana in the Dominican Republic. And naturally they let you go, because they know that the comedy of their grandparents is over and they live convinced that they’re going to inherit the country.”

Fin-de-año-2013-3-300x224“I asked Ochun for a Yuma (foreign) girl and it seems that she heard me, I’m “trabajando el paño” — he tells me semi-confidentially, one of those hustles that so abound here. He and another guy have hooked two German girls who are enchanted with the grace of the “Cubaniches.” I ask him about the future and what he wants for the new year: “I can sum it up for you in one sentence,” he answers, “that this cute blonde gets me a visa and guarantees my ticket with no return. That my old age doesn’t find me in this country.”

Fin-de-año-2013--300x224The wall of the Malecon is a historical melting pot of parties and lamentations. Walking around I met a group with a small speaker, taking and drinking. I asked them what they expect from the new-born 2014. “Nothing new, we have to continue to struggle with what there is,” one of them told me. “The return of the Five Heroes!” another jokes, and they all busted out laughing.

At that moment Cuba’s top hit came on, in the voice of the Puerto Rican Marc Anthony: “I gonna live, I’m gonna enjoy, live life…” and everyone sang along like a hymn. Perhaps this song sums up, despite everything, what a good part of Cubans expect from the new year.

Camilo Ernesto Olivera Peidro

From Cubanet | 5 January 2014

Pachanga* and Repression / Regina Coyula

vista-desde-la-azotea-de-sats

The schoolchildren brought to “repudiate” the Human Rights Conference at Estado do Sats

Organizing my version of this two-day International Conference on the UN Covenants, I keep coming back to the final images of the movie Godfather II. Over in South Africa, the world mourns one of the best politicians I’ve ever known. Our General-President, invited to speak at the mournful event, exalts the forgiveness and reconciliation that define the greatness of Nelson Mandela. While in Cuba, an impressive police and vigilante operation conscientiously lends itself to the task of criminalizing differences, of fracturing our broken society a little more.

As I have decided to behave as a free person, and my visitors last week sought to prevent my attending, advanced my arrival at the venue of the Estado de SATS by twelve hours. It might seem exaggerated, but around midnight a perimeter was established with access controls and by the early morning and there were people who could not come. The few who managed to evade controls reported on the numbers of people who had been arrested, and through text messages and other means we learned of more actions and arrests.

On the morning of December 10, the street in front of Antonio Rodiles’ house, the site of Estado de SATS, was closed to traffic for about 25 yards, and elementary, junior high and high school students began to arrive for festive activity on Human Rights Day, a reactive move by the government since five years ago when the opposition gained the initiative for this celebration. continue reading

The government’s ‘celebration’ was as hard-edged as are all such unspontaneous events; the children delighted to be at a pachanga (party) with music ranging from Silvio to Marc Anthony, and not in school. When the moods are warm under the cloudless sky of this December that denies winter, reggaeton or Laritza Bacallao can get the kids moving.

I imagine they were summoned for a celebration, or at best an act of revolutionary reaffirmation, and I wonder how many parents were consulted about the use of their minor children, among those who assumed they were in their classrooms.


Among the blare of the loudspeakers and the concern as reports came in about more arrests, the panel on Journalism and New Technologies was held. All the theory expressed by the panel is what we are living in practice and we also experience the lacks: Communication via text messages with Twitter and with friends and family, contact with media, documenting everything via audiovisuals, doors within and on the street; the lack of internet connections — once again — that tool that will not free us but that allows us to express ourselves freely.

By noon on the 10th, it was clear they would not allow anyone else to arrive, always creative in managing things, but if I left, I would miss Boris Larramendi on the following day.

The night was very peaceful thanks to the absolute closure of the Avenue in front of the house. From dawn on the 11th it was clear they were going to repeat the spectacle in the street. For those who believe in energy, I can assure you that the atmosphere in the house was admirable: some unknown only the day before, heterogeneous from any point of view. Scaling mountains makes men brothers, a Cuban dissident said.

The fright came at 11:00 in the morning when Ailer María González — artistic director of Estado de SATS– left the house to walk among the small children who had been encouraged to paint on the street in front of the house. Camera in hand, Ailer walked among them without distracting or bothering them.

Immediately, to political police paparazzi surrounded here and Antonio Rodiles and Gladys, his mother, approached from one side and a group of plainclothes and uniformed police from the other. They exchanged words in the midst of the music and it seemed everything would be fine, but in front the sidewalk door to the house, Kizzy Macías, from the Omni-Zona Franco artistic project, was filming and a woman dressed in plainclothes came up quickly from behind and snatched the camera.

Like in the movies, everything seemed to slow down. The videos show it better and I hope they have been distributed on the web thanks to the solidarity of five surprised students from the Semester at Sea who were thinking about an art project and came face to face with the face of the wolf disguised as Little Red Riding Hood.

Ailer sat down in the street as a protest and Antonio’s phone rang on the table. I answered the calls from whomever, because of the arrests of Rodiles, Kizzy, the journalist Calixto Ramón Martínez and the computer whiz Walfrido López went viral on the social networks. And then I went to the kitchen to make lunch for more people than I’ve ever cooked for in my life, me, who is a very lousy homemaker. Being busy kept me calm.

The poster exhibition and the concert began under major uncertainty. Arnaldo and his Talisman and Elito Reve with his orchestra threatened a thunderous night and they played with enormous amplifiers from the street. What can I tell you. I must have been in a ridiculous state singing along with Boris on all the songs and rapping with David D’Omni. At my age I don’t often feel myself to be young, but last night I sang for my son and for all who couldn’t be there.

If prayer has any value, it had it last night, because the prayer of many was that the concert would end without incident and a total downpour, what we call a “water stick,” canceled the activity planned for the street. In closing, our arrested friends showed up at 8:00 at night, and I have no idea what time it was when we took the photo that informally closed this eventful meeting.

After the return of those arrested.

I was afraid. Afraid for Ailer advancing against the crowd in an image that will stay with me when I have forgotten many thing, afraid for my arrested friends who had been treated with the violence born of hatred, afraid for Gladys, the owner of the house, a woman of steel but not a healthy one, afraid because that was the preamble of more, and afraid for myself, not even having a phone at that moment to communicate with my family, who knew nothing of the situation.

Afraid because it’s one thing to be told about it and another thing to see it, and something very different entirely to experience it first hand, which was not what happened in my case. I had a glimpse of the dirty face of repression. But just that. This fear set off an enormous rush of adrenaline, which is certainly bad for my physical health; but for my mental health, there has been a before and an after.

*Translator’s note: Pachanga is a “festive, lively style [of Cuban music] and is marked by jocular, mischievous lyrics.” (From Wikipedia). The word also applies to the party itself.

13 December 2013

Booby-trapped Roofs / Pablo Pascual Mendez Pina

It was the evening of November 29, it was still raining in Havana and Rebollar Augustine, a retired 71-year-old resident of Vedado, stood crestfallen covering his face with his hands so no one would see him cry.

His mattress, appliances, clothing, furniture were all wet and to worsen his mood, his neighbor below started to shout insults when her roof also started to leak.

At an impasse in the downpour, Rebollar looked at the sky with the hope that the storm clouds would disappear, but the downpour increased and he furiously began stomping on the floor and yelling obscenities to let off steam.

Manuala, Olimpia, and Barbarita — neighbors of Rebollar — suffered under similar storms, and after the collapse of a connecting wall of their apartment, the police drove them to a shelter in the town of Boyeros, where they remain permanently evacuated.

Unfortunately, Fidel Vega and Pastora Góngora, residents of 619 Campanario Street in the municipality of Central Havana, died after being suddenly crushed when their dwelling collapsed. continue reading

There were countless victims and more than 2,000 evacuated due to the intense rains after the arrival of the fourth cold front of the current season.

In 72 hours the precipitation reached 300 millimeters (11.8 inches) in the northern municipalities of the capital, causing a catastrophic 227 collapses, 201 of which were partial and 26 of which total, according to government figures.

“Our ceilings are booby-trapped,” warned some of the capital’s residents in reference to the possibility that the downpours could cause their roofs to cave in. “Havana is like a sick old man,” noted others, meaning that the city recovers from one slump only to suffer from another.

In the prologue to the most recent edition of The City of Columns by Alejo Carpentier, Dr. Eusebio Leal portrays it as: “The city of the unfinished, the lame, the asymmetrical, the abandoned.”

In an study by María del Carmen Ramón entitled “Havana Is Expensive But It’s Worth It,” published in the online magazine Cuba Now, the architect Mario Coyula, the city’s director of architecture and urbanism, presented a more realistic and frightening image the capital’s future:

“Havana could end up being a Dante-esque vision, a great ring of piled-up trash or an empty crater where a city once was.”

 The solution is the problem

Coyula points out that, if we look at the scale model of Havana, we will notice that the color yellow predominates. This color coding is used to designate areas of urbanization from the first sixty years of the 20th century.

We can therefore surmise that, since then, the socio-economic development of the capital, judging from housing construction, has been poor.

In hindsight, we can see that only Alamar, San Agustín and some areas developed by micro-brigades have been added. The population density increased, however, and with it has come overcrowding, especially in Central Havana, which has about 1,000 inhabitants per hectare*. If we take into account the area’s many low-rise buildings, this suggests that people are practically living on top of each other, like canned sardines.

Coyula notes that Havana still has the same infrastructure it had early in twentieth century, as exemplified by the case of the aqueduct. Now a hundred years old, much of it has collapsed. Its pipes were providing service to 300,000, though it was designed for twice that capacity.

Today the city is home to over two million people and requires heavy investment if it hopes to curtail the sewage spills running through its streets.

Coyula recalled that in a very interesting meeting with a development group in the capital many years ago a specialist from the Ministry of Construction said, “It will cost $3 billion to fix Havana.”

“But the cost is much greater,” claims Coyula. Havana is expensive but worth it and the only way to solve its repair problem is to find a way it can generate money for itself, as Eusebio Leal did with his Historic Center project.**

For 50 years the Ministry of Construction (MICONS) ignored building maintenance of the housing stock. Although the National Housing Institute (INV) created companies to deal with this, its efforts did not meet demand and instead it began shoring up housing in poor condition as a solution to the problem. This solution, however, proved inadequate, confirming that the approach to the problem was misdirected.

“Current home construction is only intended to replace those dwellings that have collapsed,” Coyula points out, “but government cannot be the only sector responsible for solving these problems. People cannot just wait passively for the paternalistic state to fix their house or build a new one.

“Similarly, the new law which legalizes the sale of houses could have a positive effect. It could encourage people to take care of their properties, not just their roofs, because it is an asset that at some point in time could be monetized.”

Coyula’s views are not shared by everyone. Fermín Álvarez, a 52-year-old economist, questions the feasibility of generating more than three billion dollars to fix the city’s problems given the failure of the current economic model and a monetary system made up of two weak currencies, factors which inhibit interest from foreign investors.

Similarly, Alvarez points out that the regime seems more preoccupied with squelching the self-employment sector, which represents a mere 2% of Cuba’s GDP according to official estimates, rather than encouraging individual initiative and development of the non-state sector, which could generate revenues for public services.

An ex-director from the former Ministry of the Materials and Construction Industry (MIMC), who requested anonymity, describes the law legalizing the sale of residences as a subterfuge by the regime to free itself of responsibility.

“For more than 50 years the government was the real owner of all homes, preventing the ’inhabitants who use them’ from selling to other individuals. They could only sell them to the state, which shamelessly took it upon itself determine their value,” he says.

“This situation caused many buildings to deteriorate, especially multi-family homes. After all, if the state was the owner, then it was also responsible for the upkeep.”

The shortages and high prices of construction material in Cuba are a consequence of a decision by the government to set aside most of these products for export and as aid to regional trading blocks while giving lower priority to the domestic market.

A 42 kg bag of cement costs 6.60 CUC (or dollars), the equivalent of half the average Cuban’s monthly salary of 15 CUC. How many people who depend on a salary can make such an investment and still be able to eat?

In addition, there is the purchase of other materials. But the most expensive is the skilled labor to undertake the repairs. “It would be delusional to believe that with the weak credit offered to the most vulnerable people reconstruction costs would be covered, after over 50 years of mistakes and stupid prohibitions by the government,” says the former director of MIMC .

Unexpected

Ninety percent of those affected by the weather event  that occurred on the 28th, 29th and 30th November, say they were surprised by the rains.

They note that the Institute of Meteorology offered a softer forecast, and nothing alerted the public about the possibility of heavy rains, with over 300 mm (12 inches) in the northern municipalities, which would resemble a “bombing” as those regions present the greatest construction problems in the capital. Nor were there any special announcements to keep the population informed.

Nor did the Civil Defense agencies — given their vertical structure — alert anyone nor offer information to support the victims. Hence, 95% of those consulted said there was indolence that caused unnecessary risks and loss of life.

I said “good-bye”

Agustín Rebollar said that on this occasion the downpours never let up so that he could climb to the roofs and sweep our the drains, as he usually does in such cases. He said that to waterproof the roof he’d applied cement aggregates to plug the leaks, but he didn’t know whether or not he did it right.

“If at least they’d show something on educational television to teach us how to do it,” he said, “I myself would do it, despite my 71 years, because with the 270 Cuban pesos (11 CUC), they pay me as a pension, I can’t afford to pay a mason.”

Inside his home, Rebollar shows a beamed and tiled ceiling, arched and covered in slurry for the dampness, which hasn’t come down thanks to a shoring up with wood logs.

“The next time, if there is a next time,” resolves Rebollar, “I will be forced to do what the deceased Álvarez Guedes recommended: Give myself a kiss on the ass and say good-bye.”

Pablo Pascual Méndez Piña | Havana | December 16, 2013

From Diario de Cuba

Translator’s notes:

*According to Wikipedia, Havana overall has a population density of approximately 7,500 people per square mile; Old Havana has a population density of 63,500 per square mile. This is higher than that of Kolkata (Calcutta) India. The density for Central Havana reported here is about 260,000 per square mile; Wikipedia reports the density for this area (possibly for different boundaries encompassing a larger area) as 102,400 per square mile; even at this lower number, of all the cities in the world only Manila has a higher density on a city-wide basis.

** In 1982 the historic center of Havana was designated a UNESCO World Heritage Site and became eligible for funding for its preservation. Tourist taxes are also dedicated to this purpose.

16 December 2013

Poetry That Does Not Reject Words / Luis Felipe Rojas

I’m fed up with poetry that doesn’t speak, that doesn’t shake you up, that doesn’t give you that punch in the face that we expect from every book. In the end this is the literature of a kind of sado-masochism to which we’ve been accustomed. However, Joaquín Gálvez showed up on December 6 at the regular group at Cafe Demetrio in Coral Gables, with a handful of poems which are a benediction.

I’m talking about the verses woven on Gálvez’s personal blog in his Hábitad (Neo Club Press, 2013) right now. This book is written as though fleeing from the finish line and the applause and it seems to me to be one of the primary resources. “Thief and police: they imprison you, punish you, kill you… / and in the end/ you show them that playing is the only triumph.” The passages flowing with the poetic impulses in Gálvez’s work, cleanse and light the way for those we left behind: perhaps readers. continue reading

I imagine that Hábitad undertakes the difficult course of the empty shelves, the book facing the child with his nose pressed to the glass, but it is fortunate that the time is now. Poetry is a very strong antidote for sentimental and lost souls, those who imagine that cannot live without poetry.

Joaquín Gálvez has thrown himself into the vacuum with this new book, has screamed obscenities in the midst of the concert and that is laudable. To write: “I had enemies because of the light with which I could do good,” is an act of magic in poetry itself. This tightrope of words plays with everything to weave the meaning of his life, of our lives, and is bringing light to everyone, facing the gate where we go to throw stones like on condemned to death. For this he has written his Hábitad.

4 December 2013

New Years in Havana / Ivan Garcia

Fin-de-año-en-La-HabanaThe State brigade arrived in Vibora’s Red Plaza and in no time at all erected a slapdash wood and metal platform. On the nights of December 31 and January 1, a crowd fueled by cheap rum and bad beer will see in 2014 dancing to a Cuban timba orchestra.

The guys who set up the stage, ex-prisoners and amateur carpenters, under the blazing sun, had a good time drinking rum and tossing out rude compliments to the neighborhood women who do their shopping in nearby stores.

“It’s not easy working when almost everyone is celebrating, raising their elbows,” says Yaison, who have serving five years in prison for butchering cows, and not having too many job offers, enrolled in a People’s Power Brigade charged with looking after the equipment for the various political and musical activities. continue reading

In each of the 15 municipalities of the capital will be celebrations to commemorate the 55th anniversary of the Revolution on January 1. Joshua, 16, a student, reviews the cultural scene. He thinks about going to a concert where Buena Fe or Descemer Bueno will perform, his favorite artists.

“The last thing we are celebrating is the anniversary of the Revolution. For young people, talking about Revolution is talking about the past. Something that no longer exists. Today, the reality is a badly managed country, with an economy in the tank, and a ton of young people who want to leave Cuba. I go to these concerts because I have no other options. Going to a good nightclub costs 10 CUC and my parents can’t give it to me,” says Josué.

Raudel, 19, dressed like a reggaetoner, with retro wave glasses and a body-fitting shirt, plays dominoes and drinks Havana Club out of plastic cups with three friends in a doorway in 10 de Octubre Street. Meanwhile, they listen to reggaeton at full volume on a small battery powered radio.

“We’ll greet the New Year with Alexander, El Micha or Los Desiguales, playing in Alamar or Marianao. It’s the only chance we fans with little money have to dance to our reggaeton idols without paying a dime,” says Raudel.

Apart from the economic crisis, the question mark of a future and the high cost of living, the refrain of ordinary Cubans is: bad weather, a good face.

On Carmen Street, a stone’s throw from Red Square in Vibora, thanks to private businesses or remittances from Miami, three families are repairing their homes. Due to the disbursement of hard currency , they will see in the new year modestly with chicharrones, fried plantains, beer, rum or red wine.” I’ve spent 3000 chavitos (CUC ) and I still have covered only half of the arrangements. I have to prioritize the repair of the house,” says Diana.

These days, thousands people search through the city’s farmers markets looking for pork, cassava, tomatoes, lettuce or cabbage, to prepare the traditional dinner: roast pork, white rice, black beans, yucca and salad. And, if all goes well, a couple Spanish nougats.

In 21st century Havana few talk about the Castros’ Revolution. Some, when they do so, it is to criticize the state of things. Daniel, 35, feels that he has no power to change the system so he lives in the present and enjoys whatever he can.

“The Revolution and its leaders are no longer the brilliant heroes they were three decades ago. They’ve faded. We see them as nostalgic old men clinging to power. In the era of the Internet and globalization, we deserve modern leaders. Many of those who celebrate the coming of 2014 in activities organized by the Party, if given the opportunity to emigrate, would do it without a second’s thought, they wouldn’t think twice,” Daniel affirms.

With two and a half million inhabitants, Havana is the heart of the island. In its streets, parks and corners, this New Year, people prefer to talk about telenovelas; the good showing by the Industriales in the  National Baseball Championships; whether Messi will soon rejoin Barca; or if Cristiano Ronaldo or win the Ballon d’Or.

Even the cash-strapped see in the new year with a dinner. This is the case for Renato, an old man beset by ailments who sells plastic bags at the entrance to a bakery.

“We are four friends and we each bring something. Then, on an old Russian radio, we listen to traditional boleros and sons. What we have in common is that our relatives have forgotten about us,” confesses Renato in a weak voice, muffled by the noise of the cars on a filthy Havana street.

Iván García

Photo: Buying pork in a specially authorized booth in Havana. From independent journalist Víctor Manuel Domínguez, for Cubanet.

3 January 2014

A Literature Against the Gallows / Luis Felipe Rojas

Newspaper accounts written by different independent groups of the private sector in Cuba do not supply the images that emerge from the histories, essays and poems produced by the experience of being imprisoned under the Castro dictatorship in the 54 years that it has been in power. From José Martí to Carlos Montenegro; from Pablo de la Torriente Brau to Ernesto Díaz and Huber Matos, there exists a testimonial chain that’s hard to break.

Rafael Saumell provides continuity to Cuba’s imprisonment history and narrates the process in an essay which maps out what it means to be behind bars, inside the moats and the horrors of imprisonment in the island, seen through the eyes of extraordinary authors who wrote about their own personal experiences. From Manzano, Martí, De la Torriente, Montenegro, Díaz…to the present day.

How much of your own experience is there in “La cárcel letrada” (Betania, 2013), how much of your own frayed skin can we find in the book and what did you get out of writing it?

There are several references in the book’s introduction as to how much of me there is in La cárcel letrada.  If you read through those first few pages you will find that the main idea was to intellectualize my experience as a political prisoner within the context of national culture: who preceded me, how they expressed their experiences, what they said and what they denounced. I chose authors and writings that I felt were meaningful, considering that they were representative of different historical eras, several political regimes and varied literary styles.

I did not exclude the common prisoner because I was a witness to it in the prisons of Guanajay and in Combinado del Este. I did not live together with them, but I met a lot of inmates who were part of that sector of the prison system. In that aspect, I followed the examples offered by Carlos Montenegro and Pablo de la Torriente Brau. continue reading

At the same time, I researched, read and analyzed their writings and learned many concepts related to certain literary theories and philosophical principles. I adapted them to the study of each work and author while maintaining a dialogue with my ancestors in slavery and imprisonment.  In this fashion, I tried to carry out a catharsis using the academic essay as a tool and linked the continuity of our political tragedy from the colonial era, the time of the Cuban Republic and the period after 1959.

In addition to being locked up, driven into exile and death, the Castro dictatorship has produced a sub-genre which has been denominated ‘prison literature’. Do you think it will transcend as a style and why?

Prison literature (poetry, story, novel, theater, film, documentary if we refer to Conducta Impropia and Nadie escuchaba, for example), exists although it does not reach the majority of its natural audience (the Cubans who reside in the island) for reasons we all know.  Those of us who write about these matters know we are writing for the future, that is, any fate that our work will meet will be tied to the intensity and the quality of the political changes that may come.

Meanwhile, in the areas of publishing and academia, lectures and conference circles we are part of the “immense minority” as Juan Ramón Jimenez would say.  For that reason, the work we do will continue to amass and gather dust in the bookshelves until its time comes.  I see it as a sort of unearthing, an illumination of shadows, a hullabaloo and the airing of clean and dirty laundry coming out of the closet, every voice free and liberated.

The declassification and the opening of police files, the judicial archives and prison files will be necessary and inevitable.  Moreover, for those events to take place, we first have to uncork the bottle, there has to be a real opening …otherwise the pot and pan will be half covered, only lukewarm. A half truth is a total lie.

What inspires you to keep writing?

What inspires me are: the literary vocation I discovered in my youth; the personal, mental and physiological need that forces me to read a private journal, or sit at a computer in order to thread the ideas that emanate from me; the opinions that I want to share with others; the emotional zeal that I have for literature in general and from which I continue and will continue to learn. I write because I have no other choice but to obey my nature and do what it dictates to me.

Besides, it does not compel me to commit crimes, unless someone ironically says about my work: “he committed a triple crime by writing an essay, a story and a novel.”  Since May 9, 1988 when I left (and I did not abandon) my country, I have all the freedom in the world to write, without fear of censure or fear from a reader who could report and denounce my “counter-revolutionary” writings to the police.

I do not depend on any business or institutional subsidy. I am financially independent and therefore I have earned my intellectual freedom to write what I want and as I see fit.  I am solely responsible for the failures or recognitions of my profession.

What is your connection with Cuba, with Cubans, with the current Cuban literature?

I still have very good contact with Cubans and Cuban literature writers in the four corners of the planet.  I read Tyrians and Trojans alike; I don’t discriminate against authors because they have political beliefs different from mine.  If I took to read only those who agree with my point of view, I would probably only read what I myself wrote and that, of course, is narcissism, egocentricity; it is anti-democratic and unjust, naturally.

I read other Cuban authors because it is my vocation, my duty and because real charity begins at home.  Furthermore, as far as arts and literature, we are at a much higher level and quality of life, we are so much more advanced than the country governed by the “revolutionary government.”

Any advance on what you are cooking up for the future?

As far as any advances, here is what I am planning: a play, a collection of exchange letters and memoires of the entertainment world when I worked as scriptwriter for radio and T.V. programs.  Unless my health fails, I will be very busy with those projects, in addition to the education of my children and grandchildren, the unending nurturing of my relationship with my wife, with my family, with my friends.  Of minor importance is the fact that the economic base for those plans is rooted in my job as Spanish Professor in a Texan university: “I have earned my keep/let there be poetry.”

25 November 2013

Who Can Buy a New Car in Cuba? / Ivan Garcia

coches_cubaWalter had his doubts. He was vacillating between a US-made Willys Jeep from the ’50s, with a Toyoto diesel engine, German air brakes, recently painted and restores, for 32,000 convertible pesos (about $35,000), or wait until January 3, to see if the State would sell the jeep more cheaply.

“I don’t think they’re going to sell a Cherokee or a Hummer, because of the blockade (embargo), but perhaps the government will offer something French- or British-made. I’m thinking perhaps I would like to use it as a taxi. And with the bad state of the roads on the island, I don’t think the modern jeeps can stand up to it like the suspensions of the American cars from the ’40s and ’50s, which are true war tanks,” says Walter.

The official announcement of the marketing of cars by the government still has not led to a substantial lowering of prices in the private market where 95% of the cars sold are used. Aurelio, after showing his 1957 Chevrolet which he maintains like a jewel, says “I won’t sell it for less than 35,000 chavitos (convertible pesos or CUCs).” continue reading

If you check on the capital’s car market, you’ll see that any antique out of Detroit from six decades ago, right now costs between $12,000 and $30,000, depending on how well it’s preserved.

If it’s one like Aurelio, which still has its factory engine and the original upholstery, you’ll have to pay at least $40,000. On on-line sites like Revolico.com, new or second-hand, fluctuate between 25,000 and 50,000 CUC.

In Havana, it’s common for an old car to cost more than a new two-bedroom apartment. The prohibition against selling cars, except those made before 1959, raised the prices in an absurd way.

Between 1970-80, the authorities sold Russian cars at 4,500 pesos, less than 200 CUC in current values. These same Ladas or uncomfortable Moskovich today cost between 10,000 and 15,000, depending on their technical state. Then they couldn’t change hands. Their owners couldn’t sell them. In the case of death, the child or other family member inherited the car, and they could not sell it either.

Of course, in the underground Cuban economy Ladas and Moskoviches were sold and even tractors were sold by the piece. In 2011 the regime understood that so many misguided prohibitions contributed to feeding the exaggerated prices.

And they authorized the sale of cars. But established a bureaucratic hurdle: you could only buy and sell old cars, US- or Russian-made. New and second-hand cars could only be acquired through a letter granted by an official.

Which is what happened. On no few occasions, the letters cost more than the vehicle you were going to buy at a state agency. A colossal web of corruption emerged. To put the brakes on the dance of notes under the table, as of 3 January 2014 the regime will involve itself in the business.

According to the official notice, the government will open agencies at current market prices in Cuba. Daniel, a self-employed worker who wants to buy “an economical little South Korean car, nothing spectacular,” put his hands to his head when a friend tells him that a model that costs no more than $3,000 in the U.S. or Brazil, sells in Havana for 9,000 CUC, almost $10,000.

The pretext of the regime for maintaining inflated prices is that the earnings will be dedicated to buying buses. In 55 years of “revolution,” the country has never had decent but service. It could seem like a good idea to subsidize public transport through the sale of cars.

Suppose the regime will undertake some market research. Perhaps 200,000 Cubans can buy new cars costing between 9,000 and 30,000 CUC. Let us assume that 200,000 citizens can  purchase at an average of 10,000 CUC. That would be a net sale of 2 billion CUC.

Excluding the purchase and freight, the profit would be a billion dollars. With this money we could acquire 10,000 articulated buses at 100,000 dollars each. It would seem to be a magic solution; a handful of people, let’s call them the middle class, would provide the public transport that for 55 years of the Castro regime has always been a disaster.

Will they also allocate money to repair and expand the worn out roads. But we live in an autocracy that answers to no one. And to demand transparency from its institutions is synonymous with “counterrevolution.” So we will never know how they are going to invest the earnings that come from the sale of cars.

Walter was one of the first to tour the places where they are displaying the different car models. When he saw the prices, it was clear: he will by the restored Willys jeep for 32,000 convertible pesos (CUC).

Iván García

Photo: Cubans look in one of the parking lots in Havana turned in to retail auto lots. the cheapest sold the first day was a 1997 BMW at 14,457.60 CUC, and the most expensive, a 2010 Hyundai minibus at 110,000 CUC .

 Official price list

2013 PEUGEOT for sale in convertible pesos (CUC)

  • PEUGEOT EXPERT TEPEE 2013 ………………… 212,940.00
  • PEUGEOT 4008 2013 …………………………………  239,250.00
  • PANEL PEUGEOT PARTNER TEPEE 2013…..  145,612.50
  • PEUGEOT 206+ 2013 ………………………………..     91,113.00
  • PEUGEOT 301 2013 …………………………………..   108,084.00
  • PEUGEOT 301 2013 …………………………………..   109,684.00
  • PEUGEOT 301 2013 …………………………………..   109,699.00
  • PEUGEOT 5008 2013 ……………………………….    232,193.50
  • PEUGEOT 508 2013 …………………………………    263,185.50

Other NEW VEHICLES for sale in convertible pesos (CUC)

  • GEELY CK T/A 2010 …………………….  26,550.00
  • GEELY CK T/M 2009 ……………………. 25,950.00
  • GEELY FC 2009 ……………………………. 37,500.00
  • GEELY MK 2009 …………………………… 30,000.00
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/A 2011 ………… 45,000.00
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/A 2009-2010.. 37,500.00
  • HYUNDAI ATOS 2009 …………………… 21,450.00
  • HYUNDAI 110 T/A 2009 ……………….  29,250.00
  • HYUNDAI 110 T/A 2009 ……………….  31,500.00
  • HYUNDAI 110 T/M 2009 ………………  25,000.00
  • HYUNDAI 110 T/M 2009 ………………  28,500.00
  • KIA RIO 2011 ……………………………….  42,000.00
  • SEAT ALTEA 2008 ……………………..   45,000.00
  • VW JETTA 2010 ………………………….   51,000.00

USED VEHICLES for sale in convertible pesos (CUC)

  • MICROBUS HYUNDAI TQ12 2009-2010 ……. 110,000.00
  • JEEP HYUNDAI SANTA FE 2009-2010 …….    90,000.00
  • JEEP SUZUKI JIMNY 2008 ……………………..    69,195.00
  • JEEP SUZUKI JIMNY 2008 ……………………..    30,000.00
  • AUDI A4 2000 ………………………………………..    45,000.00
  • BMW SMOD 1997 …………………………………….   14,457.60
  • CITROEN C3 2008 ………………………………….    46,025.10
  • CITROEN SAXO 2003 ……………………………..    26,431.65
  • CHANA-ALSV ALSVANA 2010 ………………….   31,950.00
  • DAIHATSU GRAND MOVE 2000 ……………..    22,000.00
  • FIAT PUNTO 2008 ………………………………….    28,950.00
  • FIAT UNO 2002 ………………………………………    18,000.00
  • GEELY CK 2010 ………………………………………    26,149.95
  • GEELY CK 2010 ………………………………………    26,150.10
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/M 2007 …………………    35,000.00
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/A 2011 ………………….     45,000.00
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/A 2009-2010 ………..     37,500.00
  • HYUNDAI ACCENT T/M 2011 ………………..     45,000.00
  • HYUNDAI ATOS 2007-2009 ………………….      21,450.00
  • HYUNDAI AZERA 2009 ………………………..      75,000.00
  • HYUNDAI GETZ 2009 …………………………..      32,250.00
  • HYUNDAI SONATA 2009-2010 ……………..      60,000.00
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ………………………………..      38,285.40
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      40,854.60
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      41,486.40
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      37,189.80
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      37,782.45
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      35,000.00
  • KIA PICANTO 2008 ………………………………      28,000.00
  • KIA PICANTO 2011 ……………………………….      42,000.00
  • KIA PICANTO 2009 ………………………………      35,000.00
  • MERCEDES BENZ 2006 ……………………….       60,000.00
  • MITSUBISHI LANCER 1997 ………………….       20,000.00
  • PEUGEOT 406 1999 ……………………………..       28,000.00
  • PEUGEOT 106 2003 ……………………………..       16,222.95
  • PEUGEOT 206 2008 ……………………………        85,227.60
  • PEUGEOT 206 2004 ……………………………        30,000.00
  • PEUGEOT 407 2004 ……………………………        30,000.00
  • PEUGEOT PARTNER 2008 …………………        25,600.00
  • RENAULT CLIO 2005 ………………………..         25,000.00
  • RENAULT SM3 2008 ………………………..         46,116.30
  • RENAULT SM3 2008 ………………………..         30,000.00
  • RENAULT SM3 2008 ………………………..         31,500.00
  • RENAULT SM7 2008 ………………………..         90,000.00
  • SEAT ALTEA 2008 …………………………..         45,000.00
  • SEAT CORDOVA 2008 ……………………..         31,500.00
  • TOYOTA COROLA 2006 ……………………         39,224.80
  • TOYOTA YARIS 2003 ……………………….         25,000.00
  • TOYOTA YARIS 2002 ……………………….         25,000.00
  • VW JETTA 2010 ……………………………….         51,000.00
  • VW PASSAT 2008 …………………………….         54,000.00
  • VW PASSAT 2010 …………………………….         67,500.00
  • VW POLO 2007 ……………………………….         25,000.00
  • VW POLO 2007 ……………………………….         25,000.00

4 January 2014

A Common Platform / Fernando Damaso

Photo: Rebeca

The year 2014, complicated for the authorities, is no less so for the peaceful opposition. If the government is forced to deepen, widen and accelerate its reforms, faced with demands from citizens who are worried about the present and tired of waiting for a bright future that never comes and always seems further and further away, the opposition, without trying to achieve unity, must agree on a common platform where at least some of the nation’s immediate interests are addressed in a way that will make possible the passage from the totalitarian regime to democracy.

Among these could be: economic restructuring and, in addition to state ownership, recognizing private property with all its rights and duties, freeing the productive forces, both in the countryside and in the towns and cities; the formation of political parties and organizations that truly represent the variety of Cuban society, rejecting the absurd, obsolete and unnatural concept of a single party; the restoration of all civil liberties, first of all the right of expression, assembly and the press; the dismantling of the repressive apparatus and reduction of armed forces to the minimum necessary for the tasks assigned to them, so that they are no longer a burden to the country; and the revision and adaptation of the judicial system to the new conditions. Although these are not all, they could be used to start, adding to them later, according to how events unfold. continue reading

For this platform, to become a viable project for all Cubans, it must provide for participation in its realization of the peaceful opposition inside and outside the country, as well as that of citizens who have for years served within agencies and government institutions, with honesty, responsibility and professionalism. Solving national problems is a difficult and daunting task and will require the participation of all Cubans who desire the best for Cuba, beyond political and ideological criteria, without any exceptions whatsoever.

Although this will be a complex task, thanks to the too many years of division, on the base of accumulated experiences, it is possible: we just have to take firm steps in this direction.

4 January 2014

Raul Warns of Capitalist Digital Avalanche Targeting Cuban Youth

raul-castro-santiago-de-cuba-ain-580x385-300x199In Carlos Manuel de Cespedes Plaza, in Santiago, decorated with giant photos of Fidel age 33, and a young Raul, age 28, the 82-year-old Raul Castro, often tongue tied and clearly grumpy, let out a cry of alarm against the powerful forces “inside and outside” the Island who are trying to undermine the Communist system among young people.

Raul was presented not as the head of the government, but as commander of the Second Front, which fought against the troops of Fulgencio Batista.

Plaza-Santiago-de-Cuba-discurso-de-Raúl-2014In his desperate harangue from the same balcony in Santiago de Cuba from which his brother Fidel proclaimed the Revolution 55 years ago on New Year’s Day, the old former guerrilla warned: “The challenge is greater now.”

On an island where the government tries to control what you read, watch on TV or hear on the radio, the avalanche of digital information distributed from house to house constitutes the most serious threat to the totalitarian regime. continue reading

Raul-Fidel-en-1959-300x187In olive-green, with his commander’s epaulet and its four stars, Cuba’s foreman stressed, “There is an ongoing campaign of subversion” directed at the young. “We see attempts to subtly introduce neoliberal and capitalist ways of thinking, to dismantle socialism in Cuba from within.”

Raul said, “Let there be no mistake, the new ideas are driven by powerful forces inside and outside” of Cuba, and have created “a pessimism with respect to the future.”

Fidel Castro, now 87, has not attended the New Year celebrations since he officially ceded power after undergoing emergency surgery in 2006, and formally handed it over in 2008.

Before three thousand guests, the speakers preceding Raúl focused on praising the gains of the healthcare and educational systems of the island in the 55 years since the Revolution brought down Batista.

The younger Castro recalled that the U.S. attacks against the Cuban government left more than 3,000 dead, and thanked the former Soviet Union for its strong support.

In his speech of about 20 minutes, Raúl received only five rounds of applause, including one when he mentioned his brother Fidel.

From Cubanet
2 January 2014

Speaking of Resolutions / Yoani Sanchez

To climb to the sky… you need a big ladder and a little one. Photo: Silvia Corbelle

Any day is a good day to start a project, to realize a dream. However, at the beginning of each year we repeat the ritual of setting goals for the coming twelve months. Some of them will be met, others will remain unfinished and added to the agenda for the following January. There are those that address personal matters, like having more time for family, playing sports, making that postponed visit to the dentist… but the list can also be tilted toward professional aspirations such as changing jobs, finishing some research, getting a degree in a new subject.

I’ve asked some friends and acquaintances what their desires are for 2014 and the answers are a kaleidoscope of intentions.From “get strong in the neighborhood gym,” “sell the biketaxi to buy a motorcycle,” “fix the roof”… to “finish my university degree,” “reunite the whole family in Miami,” “make a video,” or “open my own snack bar.” Visas to emigrate remain among the commonly shared desires, particularly for young people. To the point that many professional plans are primarily aimed at accumulating resources so as to be able to leave the country. Nearly six years after they were begun, the so-called “Raul reforms” have not managed to significantly improve our individual standard of living or the national economy. continue reading

Personally, after a 2013 that changed my life, my sequence of projects is so diverse as to be impossible to complete in its full scope. I will continue offering courses to teach people how to use the new technologies. This year my dream of an independent digital media will finally see the light, a project that has had me running all over the place the last few weeks. Like all births it will bring rupture, pain, joys and anxieties. In the coming weeks I will publish the schedule for the “birth.” Stay tuned.

In my room there is a mountain of books that I would like to read for the first — or the umpteenth — time. How deluded am I  to believe I will have the free time to do it?! I want to return to the pages of the masterful Kapuscinski, reconnect with Truman Capote, and find some texts of Javier Cercas that are missing in my library. I will continue to devour magazines about apps, gadgets, software… because, I confess, every year I am little geekier.

Friends and readers have an important place in my annual plans. Hopefully I can pamper you a little more, spending time in good conversation with a coffee in front of us. To those who are far away, I only hope that “the gods of technology” will take pity on me and give me greater access to the Internet so that I can answer your emails. But you already know, Olympus is capricious and Zeus does not release the lightning bolt of connectivity.

My house, my little family, my plants and animals, which complicate my life and make it happy, are also among the priorities. I can’t complain, really, because they don’t ask for much and they give me everything. I hope to review with my son his first lessons in philosophy, and to bring Reinaldo to that “dirty piece of sea” we made ours twenty years ago. I will focus on them. Because in times of increasing pressure, they have been the people I love who have helped me to keep smiling.

The center of all my plans is my country. Without it I would have neither home, nor family, nor friends, nor things to write about, not plans to make… nor even a potted yagruma to care for. Although I know that home can be anywhere, mine, I have decided — for good or ill — is located on this Island. I stay, despite so many acquaintances having departed and the continued blocking of the great national potential by an outdated and intolerant power. I stay, also, to help create, through journalism and information, a free, democratic, prosperous and inclusive Cuba.

As you can see, I have in hand the list of resolutions for 2014. I will have to cross some out along the way. Which? I don’t know. But for now I like to think that all of them are possible.

2 January 2013