With Public Transportation Operating at 30%, Havana Residents Spend Hours at Bus Stops

Drivers of state vehicles do not stop in response to signals of the new inspectors and, if they do stop, they do not take on any passengers. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 30 May 2022 — “Transportation is bad, but not worse than other days.” Havana residents have not been taken by surprise by the declarations of the provincial authorities acknowledging the critical situation the sector finds itself in, because they have been putting up with it daily for at least three months.

Neither is it any better. This Monday, after the Havana government made the announcement that 286 vehicles, “school buses and from different institutions and organizations,” would be added to the urban buses that are circulating in the capital “as part of the strategy to alleviate situation in this sphere”, there were more Transmetro buses, which normally transport state workers, but this hasn’t seemed to have alleviated the problems, the waiting lines or the crowds.

The inspectors, uniformed in blue, also returned this Monday. Their function is to force state vehicles to stop to take possible passengers who are going in the same direction but, in this regard, they do not impose much of their authority either. As this newspaper was able to testify, either the drivers do not stop in response to their signals or, if they do stop, they do not allow anyone to get in either.

The Government’s voluntarism, which has promised to expand “electric tricycle routes in the municipality of Boyeros” and study a “similar system” for Guanabacoa, does not hide what they themselves have acknowledged: “Currently, Havana has the lowest technical readiness coefficient of the last ten years”, Granma cites, based on statements by First Deputy Minister of Transportation, Marta Oramas Rivero.

Until April, Havana Provincial Transport Company only had 442 vehicles in operation, reports the same official press, which transported more than 580,000 people daily, “a figure that is far from the 780 buses scheduled three years ago, with 20% in reserve”.

Last Friday, the governor of the province, Reinaldo García Zapata, stated that “the situation is critical”, since only 30% of the total fleet of transport buses is active.

The authorities did not refer to the fuel crisis that, for a few days, has shaken the country again. They did mention “the energy issue”, only to announce “saving measures in the non-residential sector to reduce consumption during peak hours”.

At any rate, Cubans are resigned, although they can no longer stand the analyzing. “It’s one lie after another with the problem of electricity,” complained a man on crutches, while waiting for a bus this Monday in Central Havana, to which another man replied: “If they stopped building hotels, they could improve the state of the National Electric System.”

Translated by Norma Whiting

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In Havana, It is Not Two Men Who Are Judged, But a Symbol

Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo in Havana, when they were still free. (Anamely Ramos)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, 31 May 2022 — The last Monday of May dawned cloudy and humid in Havana. However, it was not the possibility of a shower or the difficulties of getting around in a city paralyzed by the fuel crisis that were the main features of the day. In the Court of Marianao, a neighborhood in the western part of the Cuban capital, a trial is taking place that thousands of eyes are watching. The artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and the rapper Maykel Castillo Osorbo are the accused.

Although in recent months oral hearings against those who participated in the popular demonstrations of last July, or to sentence citizens who show their disagreement on social networks have become common, this week’s process marks a climax of repression in the country. Otero Alcántara is being tried, among other crimes, for placing the Cuban flag on his body for days, in an artistic action that has annoyed a ruling party that hijacked the national emblems for its particular ideological and partisan crusade.

For his part, Osorbo is blamed for having insulted the figure of the ruler Miguel Díaz-Canel and for holding Prime Minister Manuel Marrero responsible for the lack of supplies in hospitals. Both accusations, with a prosecutor’s request for seven and ten years respectively, would hardly carry a small fine in democratic nations or, simply, would not constitute a crime under a rule of law. But the two artists have been in jail for long months and are only now being brought before a court, whose ruling is governed more by the whims of a group in power than by the rigors of justice.

To avoid showing solidarity with the defendants, the surroundings of the Court woke up under a strong police and security services operation, the telephone lines and Internet access of innumerable activists and independent journalists were cut, and an intense campaign of demonization was deployed on social networks to try to counter any show of support for Otero Alcántara and Osorbo. But the effect of this offensive seems to be just the opposite of what the regime is seeking: people who were not aware of the trial have found out after inquiring about the many uniformed men they have seen in that part of the city, and the insistence on defining them as “criminals” in the official media has aroused more sympathy than rejection.

In the hands of Castroism — like a hot potato that burns if held between the fingers and ridicules if it is dropped — are the lives of two young people who represent the failure of a system. Coming from a humble neighborhood, both were supposed to blindly embrace the political model established in the country more than six decades ago because, according to official propaganda, they are part of the sectors most favored by the Revolution. But instead of that, Otero Alcántara and Osorbo have denounced the lies and arbitrariness of the leaders in olive green, the poverty of their neighborhood of San Isidro and police impunity.

By arresting and judging them, the Cuban system itself is showing that it only accepts total obedience from citizens, never criticism or dissidence in any of its forms. It has turned them into a banner of the fragility of a citizenry that has been cut off from all peaceful paths to change the status quo.

In the next few days the sentence against the two artists will be known. It is very likely that they are sentences designed to send an exemplary message to the rest of the population. But the Cuban regime has already lost this battle, it can lock up their bodies for years but it will not be able to put behind bars the symbol they have become.

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Editorial Note: This text was originally published in Deutsche Welle in Spanish.

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Cuba: Confusion Over Andy Garcia’s Return to Prison Following his Release

Andy García Lorenzo on Monday in a video where he criticized the trial of Otero Alcántara and “Osorbo”, shortly before his re-arrest. (SailydeAmarillo)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 31 May 2022 — Andy García Lorenzo, one of the July 11 (11J) prisoners released in Santa Clara last Wednesday, was newly arrested on Monday and his situation is confusing, although, according to the latest information, his transfer to an “open regimen”* was revoked and he must return to prison.

His sister, Roxana García Lorenzo, explained yesterday on Facebook via an unstable connection, that in the morning a summons which arrived at the house stated that Andy García must appear at the tribunal to be notified of the date on which he must appear at the camp to serve the rest of his sentence. The same message also reached the others released on the same conditions.

Andy García went to the designated location where they communicated that on Tuesday at 2 pm he must report to El Jabú, the labor camp where he was to continue his sentence. Shortly after, the young man went to the Guamajal prison accompanied by his father, Nedel García Pacheco to pick up some belongings which were still there. On his way back home, on motorcycle, both were detained “to talk” and they took them to the 5th unit in Santa Clara, according to activist Saily González Velázquez.

Roxana García, who went to the detention center seeking an explanation, denounced that she was treated “like a dog.” “After this, my brother came out barefoot, handcuffed with several police officers. Barefoot, that was incredible: all of them, quiet. My brother was the one who began to tell me ‘they revoked me, they revoked me.’ It is the only thing Andy was saying to me, with tremendous anger,” she said.

“I’m okay because soon your time will come. Your family will go through all of this because of you. What happened for Andy to be in the infirmary? Before all of this, Andy had to get some tests done due to kidney-related health problems. He is urinating blood. They didn’t even allow him to get the tests done,” she confirmed. continue reading

Pedro López, Roxana García’s father-in-law said, “this is Patria y Vida [homeland and life] until it’s over. The trial was a circus, they had to reduce his sentence because they realized they didn’t have any evidence against Andy and look what they do now: they arrest him arbitrarily and they take him. Then they don’t want us to say that this is a dictatorship. It is a dictatorship, it has no other name. We live in a dictatorship.”

Twenty-four-year-old Andy García Lorenzo had been sentenced to four years in prison on January 10th along with 15 other protesters who went out to the streets on July 11th.

Following an appeal, he was “released momentarily” on Wednesday, while awaiting “the completion of his sentence in an open prison,” announced his family who at that moment had warned that although they were happy he was by their side, they knew the struggle was not over.

In an interview shared by Cubanet, García Lorenzo had denounced that the few days he’d been on the street he was being subjected to constant surveillance, “Tracking! A caravan. They follow me everywhere. It’s incredible how they waste resources,” but he seemed proud of his participation in the 11J protests.

“How could I regret the act I’m most proud of in my life, that of all Cubans, the happiest day in history, the day in which the people rose up against the oppressor,” he said.

Hours before his arrest, on a video shared on social media, the young man also spoke of the trial of Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo, which began on Monday and is expected to conclude today, Tuesday. “That trial is more than done. Injustice reigns in this country. Those of us that have been through those trials, that is a mockery. They will try to intimidate the people with that type of trial.”

“The San Isidro Movement has been an inspiration that, in the future, things can happen, future movements to finally create a party that will truly take on the communist Castro regime until there is multi-party system in this country. Freedom for my brothers and hopefully justice will truly be done and they will be released,” he added.

*Translator’s note: An “open regime” is similar to a labor camp, versus incarceration in a “regular” prison.

Translated by: Silvia Suárez

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Arrests and Threats for Cuban Activists During the Trial of Alcantara and Osorbo

Caption: Police control access to the tribunal where the trial against the artists will take place in Havana. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Madrid, 30 May 2021 — On Monday, May 30th, an impenetrable operation guarded the Tribunal in Marianao in Havana, where the first day of the trial was held for Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo.

Some witnesses who were able to attend the oral arguments relayed to 14ymedio that, based on the behavior of the Tribunal and the Prosecutor, they sensed that the trial ended on Monday, though officially it is planned to last two days. Outside the building where the trial was held, the operation the regime maintained in the afternoon was impressive.

Patrol cars, ambulances, buses, countless undercover State Security agents and uniformed police remained in the surrounding area, confirmed artist Julio Llópiz-Casal, who attended along with painter Lázaro Saavedra, called by Alcántara’s defense.

Saavedra’s wife also attended but was unable to enter the tribunal. Without looking at a list he had in hand, she said, a State Security agent let the first two pass after looking at their faces and prevented her from entering.

According to Llópiz-Casal, who was only able to enter the courtroom where the trial was held when it was his turn to testify, the space was large and from where he was seated, he was unable to make eye contact with Alcántara. While he was testifying, the questions centered on emphasizing “his basis for endorsing [the activist’s] artistic trajectory.”

Moreover, the political police arrested actor Daniel Triana, reported independent journalist Claudia Padrón Cueto. Triana himself shared a video in which he declared his intention to leave his house “in protest” and solidarity with the prosecuted artists. Before crossing the threshold, he passed the phone to his sister, Amanda, who filmed how the agent that “attends him,” Adrián, attempted to block the actor and attack him and the young woman. “Call the patrol car because I’m going out,” Triana says to the opressor; he [Triana] managed to walk a few steps from his house and get lost in the distance.

Similarly, Camila Acosta was arrested while leaving her house. “Two police officers and two women dressed as civilians stopped me and put me, without explanation, into patrol car No. 786. I was headed to a meeting with my lawyer,” the journalist posted on her social media. “The State Security official let me go some 20 minutes later, when he spoke with his superiors, though not before warning me that my criminal case was still pending and I was under house arrest, and that “any crime” committed would aggravate my situation,” she explained, referring to the public disorder charge against her for reporting on July 11th. “I have not paid the fine they imposed last week,” Acosta explained. She recalled, “I signed an act of freedom, I am a free person (though in a dictatorship). Any arrest or preventing my public movement is a violation of my human rights.”

Dagoberto Valdés, director of Convivencia magazine, also received threats; he stated that a chief of police summoned him on Monday at 2 pm “in the sector” in Pinar del Río. continue reading

Since the early morning hours, part of 14ymedio‘s team in Havana has been without internet conection. On the ground floor of Luz Escobar‘s building, which is also without internet, there is already a guard to prevent her from leaving. Afrika Reina, a close friend of the artist and a member of the San Isidro Movement, has also denounced that an officer arrived at her house at 6:21 to tell her she could not leave nor go to the courtroom as she had intended. The journalist and activist María Matienzo is also under surveillance.

A white vehicle transported a Swedish diplomat who attempted to cross the police perimeter, but the agents did not allow it. (14ymedio)

Access to the Marianao Tribunal is closed and unauthorized vehicles are not allowed, as confirmed by 14ymedio. A white vehicle transporting a Swedish diplomat attempted to cross the police barrier, but the agents did not allow it. Outside it, international media, such as AFP and diplomats from Germany, the Czech Republic, Sweden, Norway and the Netherlands remained.

“We simply want to enter to observe the trial and until now we have not received permission,” said a German diplomat in statements made to international media, picked up by EFE. The diplomat added that they will continue placing “much attention” on the case and assured, “We want human rights to be respected in all places and countries.”

This daily counted at least one hundred agents guarding the location and several points under surveillance on 33rd street. Neighbors in that area added that, next to the nearby playground there was a rapid response brigade vehicle and there were undercover State Security agents at the street corners. The only cameras in the area were those of the state-run national television and the traffic is building, since the block is closed off.

Access to the Marianao Tribunal is closed and unauthorized vehicles cannot pass, as this newspaper confirmed. (14ymedio)

The trial began around 9:00 in the morning and during the previous days both opponents have been subjected to new arbitrariness by the authorities.

The artist and leader of the San Isidro Movement has been punished and not allowed to make phone calls for having released an audio recorded on May 17th and shared by Claudia Genlui. In it he spoke of the repression he has suffered in the last years, the regime’s offer to release him in exchange for exile, which he rejected; and of the fighting spirit he wishes to transmit to his son and all Cuban people. Otero Alcántara has been in Guanajay prison since July 2021 when he was arrested before he was able to join the protests on the 11th of that month.

For his part, Osorbo has been punished with a change of attorney a few hours before his trial and all the damage that could entail. The information was provided by Anamey Ramos, who on Friday explained that the rapper’s attorney, Ginett del Solar Vega, was disqualified by authorities.

These events occurred the day before when, during a visit to Villa Marista prison, where Maykel Castillo has been transferred after a year in detention, she was informed that “she had had some problems at the law firm and they had restricted her from trials until August 1st.” As of now, Yoilandris Savón is in charge of his defense.

“An act such as this is very suspicious, just days before the trial. For us it was pretty obvious that it was a new trap set by State Security, to which the Cuban judicial system lends itself. It is odd that an attorney is removed from trials that are already scheduled, in any case new contracts, and less than a week before the trial,” said Ramos who demanded answers from the law firm and again requested that foreign press, diplomats on the Island and foreign governments cover the proceedings which began on Monday.

About twenty Cuban exiles met at Callao plaza in Madrid, among them Yunior García Aguilera, Mónica Baró, Hamlet Lavastida, Carolina Barrero, Yanelis Núñez and Heidi Hassan. (Facebook/Alicia Fernandez Acebo)

This morning, some Spanish media outlets extensively covered the start of the trial.

On social media, the San Isidro Movement has also requested support from the population, through the promotion of hashtags #freeMaykelOsorbo #FreeLuisma and #LibertadParaLosPresosPoliticos. Furthermore, several actions are planned abroad. In Miami, at 6 pm, a human chain will be formed outside the Hermitage of Our Lady of Charity, while in Madrid a similar activity took place outside the Sun Gate at 7 pm.

On social media, the San Isidro Movement has also requested support from the population, through the promotion of hashtags #freeMaykelOsorbo #FreeLuisma and #LibertadParaLosPresosPoliticos. The small protest in the Spanish capital was attended by about twenty Cubans, among them Yunior García Aguilera, Mónica Baró, Yanelis Núñez, Heidi Hassan, Hamlet Lavastida and Carolina Barrero, who met at Callao plaza and marched along Preciados street to the Sun Gate.

Otero Alcántara is facing seven years in prison for aggravated contempt, public disorder and instigating a crime while prosecutors seek for Osorbo ten years for assault, public disorder and evasion by a prisoner or a person under arrest.

Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International issued a joint statement requesting support from the international community for what they consider a trial for “exercising their human right to criticize their own Government… Latin American governments should not remain silent when artists are threatened with prison sentences, a demonstration of extreme intolerance typical of the brutal dictatorships that governed the region in the past.”

Translated by: Silvia Suárez

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Cuban Regime Prevents Saily Gonzalez from Going to U.S. to Attend Summit of the Americas

Saily González, a businesswoman and activist from Villa Clara, asked the other governments to advocate for the participation of Cuban dissidents. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, May 29, 2022 — Villa Clara businesswoman and activist Saily Gonzalez was informed by State Security that she would not be allowed to attend the ninth Summit of the Americas, which she was invited to attend as a representative of Cuban civil society.

Word was sent through her family that the activist will not be allowed to pick up her visa at the United States Embassy in Havana. She received a summons from the political police, who notified her of the travel ban and also reminded her that she was still the subject of an ongoing criminal investigation.

“To do so they brought an arbitrary criminal proceeding against me for urging people to join the civic march for change on November 15. They resort to this whenever they see fit,” Gonzalez denounced on Twitter. At the Criminal Investigation offices, Gonzalez was met by an agent going by the name “Daniel,” who has arrested her twice before, on November 20 and January 13.

The young activist insists that, in spite of the threats against her, she still plans on participating in the Summit of the Americas, which will be held from June 6 to June 8 in Los Angeles, California. Gonzalez was planning on flying to Los Angeles on Saturday at 11:50 A.M.

Gonzalez called on the region’s democratic governments to lobby for the participation of Cuban civil society and the dissident community in the summit. She anticipates she will not be the only one barred from attending. “I think it’s time to act like the regional bloc we are and demand that Cubans be allowed to participate, that the Cuba government allow Cubans to participate in this summit,” she says. “Of course they’re not going to invite government representatives. Those people represent absolutely no one.” continue reading

This week the U.S. government confirmed that it was not inviting Venezuelan or Cuban officials to the Summit of the Americas but has still not confirmed whether or not it has extended invitations to their Cuban counterparts.

When asked on Thursday by Senator Marco Rubio if Cuba had been invited, summit coordinator Kevin O’Reilly responded, “Not to my knowledge, sir.” In explaining the U.S. government’s position, O’Reilly stated, “We want to have as broad a participation from civil society [as possible] from every country where authoritarians or dictators are seeking to snuff out public debate.”

In a series of four tweets posted Wednesday night, Cuban president Miguel Diaz-Canel criticized Washington’s handling of the event and stated, “In no case will I attend.”

“It is well known that the government of the United States conceived the Summit of the Americas as a non-inclusive event. It was its intention from the beginning to exclude several countries, among them Cuba, in spite of strong regional demands to do away with such exclusions,” he wrote.

In reaction to Cuba and other possibly other countries being sidelined, Mexican president Andres Manuel Lopez Obrador said he will attend only if everyone is invited. Bolivian president Luis Arce and Guatemalan president Alejandro Giammattei have also indicated their attendance is conditional. Likewise, Argentina’s Alberto Fernandez and the Hondura’s Xiomara Castro have also raised doubts about their attendance for similar reasons.

After announcing that it would not attend the Summit of the Americas, Cuba proposed holding an improvised ALBA summit with leaders of countries the United States has described as undemocratic.

Text of Tweet: I am counting on social actors from other countries whose governments do not behave in the same arbitrary way towards civil society as the Cuban government, which is denying us the opportunity to attend the IX Summit of the Americas. @CumbreAmericas pic.twitter.com/kihviYVBoy — Saily Gonzalez Velazquez (@SailydeAmarillo) May 27, 2022

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Audience Shouts ‘Freedom’ During Carlos Varela Concert in Havana’s Ciudad Deportiva Coliseum

Carlos Varela’s performance this Saturday in Havana, when cries of “freedom” were heard. (Arbol Invertido)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 30 May 2022 — Cries of “libertad” [freedom] crept in on more than one occasion during Carlos Varela’s performance this Sunday at the Havana World Music Festival, at the Ciudad Deportiva Coliseum in Havana.

The audience chanted the word at two moments, first when he finished singing Foto de familia, and later when he was interpreting La feria de los tontos [The Fair of Fools], according to what concert attendees shared with this newspaper. At the end of his performance, the singer-songwriter shouted “Viva Cuba libre” and thanked the organizers – with Eme Alfonso at the head – of the event, whom he praised for “having the ovaries” to invite him to sing in Cuba.

Text in tweet: It’s thrilling… the young people shouting “Libertad” [Freedom] from the Sports City Coliseum in Havana… it is the roar of a people silenced by repression and prison… the night will not be eternal! #Libertad

The singer-songwriter Carlos Varela became the musical spokesman for the desire for change in Cuba, especially in the late 1980s and early 1990s, when the winds of perestroika and glasnost arrived from the USSR, which allowed the countries of Eastern Europe break free from Moscow’s influence.

At that time, his song Guillermo Tell [William Tell] became an anthem, where he talks about the need for a generational change of power in Cuba. This, along with other themes such as Jalisco Park, were not only manifestations of the desire for democracy in Cuba, they also portrayed the reality at that time, during what called the ‘Special Period’.

Text in Tweet: According to sources who attended the Saturday concert in the Ciudad Deportiva, #Havana, the public screamed #LIBERTAD [Freedom] during the Carlos Verala @noeselfin concert as in the ’80s and ’90s he was in favor of the majority demanding change in #Cuba.

These positions led to ostracism and censorship. Varela has frequently been away from major Cuban events and his participation in this concert, in which Buena Fe and Haydée Milanés were also present, is striking. The official press, which covered the activity, barely mentioned the artist and did not, as might be expected, mention the exciting moment when the word “freedom” was heard shouted from the stands.

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No. The Cuban Agricultural Sector is Not Doing Well

Farmers believe that the new measures only support “on paper” what they had already been doing. (Archive)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, 25 May 2022 — The worst thing that can be done to a person is to deceive him or take him for a fool, or both at the same time. This is what can be concluded from the Round Table program in which the Castroite Minister of Agriculture, Ydael Pérez, participated, and which Cubadebate has outlined with an article entitled “A year after their approval, how are the 63 measures to boost agriculture going?”

Well, they’re going badly. Very badly. They don’t produce the expected effects, no matter how much makeup you put on them, and now, in addition, as a council of economists in Davos warns in a quarterly report, a global food crisis is coming that won’t pass by Cuba, far from it. As happens in these cases, the blame for everything lies with the American embargo, and the rest is a mere formality.

It was another Roundtable program wasted for Cubans, in which Randy Alonso limited himself to agreeing with everything the communist minister said. Yes, the regime is concerned with looking for solutions and energizing agricultural production; yes, the processes in agriculture take time and some are long; yes, there are 63 measures and 658 actions with measurable goals and indicators, which are accountable to their promoters, and endless explanatory arguments that don’t convince anyone because once again they entertain themselves with indicators of process and not with the results, when what really matters to people is being able to eat every day. Very communist.

I ask, what Cuban is interested in the ministry’s decisions being divided into seven groups related to the management and finances of the agricultural system, the productive program, the cooperative system, the cadres of the sector, science, innovation and communication or the agricultural communities? What Cuban is interested in knowing that 16 agricultural policies, seven decree laws, 11 decrees and 19 resolutions have already been approved, to favor and unblock issues related to production? What Cuban is interested in knowing that the National Assembly recently approved the Law on Food Sovereignty and Food and Nutrition Security? As if hunger and food shortages were resolved by publishing laws and more laws. continue reading

The minister missed a golden opportunity to assume responsibility and speak clearly about why there is a lack of food in Cuba. Surely he knows why and also that getting lost in talking about a process indicator does nothing more than bore an audience that doesn’t give a damn that there is a reorganization of the ministry or that the role of the municipalities is strengthened, passing employees from one place to the other, as well as Raúl Castro’s old idea of producing in pots, parks and gardens.

At one point in his speech, the minister alluded to the restructuring of companies, which have reduced their workforce by 39%, especially the OSDEs*, which, out of an average of 180 contracted workers, now have fewer than 70. To avoid panic, he said that it’s not a matter of leaving people unemployed, but of “relocating them” and cited the example of “comrades who were heads of UEB** who today are heads of an irrigation-machine labor collective.” In other words, UEBs don’t help much, if budget tables can be dispensed with.

The minister said that “we need to look for more people dedicated to production.” it seems that he doesn’t have enough, that almost 20% of the employed population in Cuba is in the agricultural sector, and he wants more people producing with the result of lower productivity. On the other hand, he talked about “inflated structures” so we don’t really know what to expect.

He also talked about increasing foreign investment, recognizing that not enough progress has been made in agriculture. In fact, it has been on the margins of the projects, due to the legal structure of property rights that has to change.

He referred to the agricultural development bank, which in his opinion “has been very well received by producers,” but in reality has a marginal existence, since only 1.8 billion pesos were granted last year “mainly to producers linked to pig production, cattle ranching, and the cultivation of rice, bananas, cassava and guava” without significant increases in production, as revealed by ONEI*** data.

Other beneficiary products such as tomatoes, soybeans, pigs and livestock, in addition to rice, beans, corn, potatoes, bananas, cassava and sweet potatoes, also did not experience any improvements, with the exception of tomatoes. The 18,282 credits approved do not reach 10% of tenants and independent producers, and the 5 billion pesos are a drop in the bucket for the real needs of the sector. The farmers have turned their backs on the “dynamizing measures” of agricultural production. They have done the right thing.

Then, after talking about the need for more labor in agriculture, the minister said that “there is a lot of land to be exploited,” and in this case, once again, the direct responsibility is his. In reality, if “idle or poorly exploited land remains in Cuba, a problem to be solved in order to raise production,” the regime has to recognize that collective ownership of land is a strategic error and that it should be transformed into private property, as the Chinese and the Vietnamese did.

If the minister wants “our people to feel that making the land produce is part of their life project,” what has to be done is to give the land to those who work it, but with all the consequences, so that its use can be increased, reduced, sold, rented, or freely decided without ideological or partisan slogans, only with the criteria of efficiency and profitability.

The minister doesn’t seem to bet on this. For him, it’s more important to take care of labor groups as part of the land delivery process. He cited the more than 1,500 labor groups, with almost 15,000 workers, who could benefit from the approved measures, but acknowledged “that they’re not received everywhere in the same way (…) We find problems with the bosses, because they don’t change their methods. That doesn’t create a sense of belonging in the workers, and we need efficient management there as well.”

With regard to the delivery of land, the minister was critical and pointed out the delays in meeting the deadlines and resistance of the administrations to deliver idle land. The picture is bleak: premature requests that have to be resolved through political management, many more in process and the people going hungry.

The minister spoke of “working more intentionally with producers, approaching them and offering land to them.” But he stressed in this regard that “we don’t want to concentrate the ownership of the land in usufruct [a form of leasing], but in the management of that land.” And it was justified by the delivery of land for livestock, because of more than 7,000 hectares of land delivered, due to the lack of imported feed, no increases in production have been achieved.

In livestock production, milk and meat, the minister spoke of the recovery of more than 1,000 typical dairy farms, as well as the efficiency of the more than 150,000 producers, the 27,000 ranchers with 10 or more cows that “are key in our plans and we are visiting them” to give them land. Apparently it doesn’t work; they want to give them up to 555 acres of land but the average is around 165. No one wants to contribute their work and effort to something that will never be theirs. Let’s see when they learn. The minister acknowledged that there is a decrease in the livestock mass and said that “we have just over 3.5 million head of cattle, but only 40% of our cows give birth. Although we are complying with the milk plan, this is an area where more can also be done.”

In organic farming, the minister pointed out that the cultivated areas have grown but are insufficient. For example, bananas need 70,000 more acres, while malanga needs another 27,000 and cassava needs more than 125,000. The disturbing question is who decides which areas are organically cultivated, how and why?

He also pointed out that in the cultivation of food and vegetables, “more could be done” and cited as an example the autonomy of municipalities to agree on prices as a stimulus to production, while helping not to raise costs excessively, in his plans is to recover urban agriculture.

At another point he said that in Cuba there are 4,494 cooperatives and more than 400,000 producers and noted that “in the Political Bureau, 17 solutions for cooperatives were approved, and work is currently being done on a new legal norm that gives them more independence.” The organizational form is in crisis.

Regarding the training of cadres, with which he was dissatisfied, he pointed out that work is being done on skills and on the projection of the cadre and insisted that “we have to continue to improve work with young people.”

He reserved another part to talk about the role of scientists and science, which in his opinion has allowed progress in innovation-based management having achieved “247 innovations, 33 topics and 117 indications from the president.” In this regard, he said that “dissatisfaction persists. We must look for mechanisms that allow what has been achieved in one producer to spread more quickly to others.”

In summary, the minister defended the implementation of the 63 agricultural measures by justifying their positive impact, but didn’t offer a single indicator of improvement results. The recent publication of ONEI still gave figures very close to the negative balance of the agricultural sector in 2021. Therefore, following the lines of Minister Gil, the head of agriculture joined the official speech that “progress is being made, although we can’t feel pleased. We are totally dissatisfied.”

The question is, what gradual progress should be achieved to be satisfied with something that obviously doesn’t work? Because at this rate, either a new model for the Cuban agricultural sector is identified, or the food crisis anticipated by analysts and experts is closer than ever.

And it may be true that the solution is not to import consumables, as the minister said, but to find a way to produce them here, but perhaps others should look for and implement solutions. Cubans can’t be fooled any longer. Don’t take them for fools. Their daily meal is not secure. Things are getting worse and worse.

Translator’s notes:
*Organizaciones Superiores de Dirección Empresarial [Higher Organizations of Business Management]
**Unidad Empresarial de Base [Basic Business Unit]
***Oficina National de Estadisticas e Información [National Office of Statistics and Information]

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cubans Pay 30,000 Dollars to Avoid Getting Killed in Mexico

Bárbara Rodríguez Téllez and her son Sadiel González were kidnapped in Mexico, they were threatened and after paying an extortion they were released. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 29 May 2022 — “A miracle we are alive,” said Bárbara Rodríguez Téllez. This Cuban woman told CNN en Español the nightmare she experienced while being held captive for 26 days in the border city of Ciudad Juárez across from El Paso, Texas. “Seeing that they could kill my son… They would point a gun at me here [pointing at her neck] and make him kneel down. If I didn’t say what they told me, they would kill my son.”

Rodríguez and González left the island on March 17. They flew to Nicaragua and began the journey in search of reaching the United States. After almost two months of travel and a few kilometers from the border in Ciudad Juárez, an armed group stopped the bus in which they were traveling.

“There they take us to a place on the left side of the highway, a few kilometers inside, which is like a desert,” said González, keeping them in the bus for 26 days. And it was thanks to her aunts, her mother’s sisters living in the US, that they were able to pay the money they demanded to be released. “They’ve spent almost $30,000 on the two of us.” continue reading

Human trafficking is one of the most profitable illicit activities. Recently, it has been estimated that the income of smugglers who traffic migrants from Latin America and the Caribbean to the United States was almost 7 billion dollars per year, according to figures from the National Office for Central America, North America and the Caribbean.

This mother and son crossed into the United States, but were returned. Gónzález insisted that they will remain in the refuge, waiting for a resolution, because to “Cuba, I will not return.”

The area of ​​Ciudad Juárez, where Rodríguez and González were kidnapped, is controlled by the Juárez Cartel and the Jalisco New Generation Cartel, the latter under the command of Nemesio Oserguera Cervantes, El Mencho , for whom the US State Department is offering an award of 10 million dollars.

Faced with the flow of migrants seeking to reach the US, Mexican cartels have extended their tentacles to illegal human trafficking. In December of last year, the Government of Mexico recognized that there were networks operating from countries in South and Central America, which charge each migrant between 5,000 and 15,000 dollars with the promise of taking them to US territory.

“It is a criminal organization that is putting many people at risk,” Mexican Foreign Minister Marcelo Ebrard told the media that same month.

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Mother of July 11th Protestor in Cuba Explodes During the Appeal: ‘We’re Tired of Holding On’

María Luisa Fleita Bravo and her son, Rolando Vázquez, sentenced to 21 years in prison in La Güinera. (14ymedio)
14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 25 May 2022 — The patience of María Luisa Fleita Bravo, mother of Rolando Vásquez Fleita, one of the detainees from the Havana neighborhood of La Güinera for the demonstrations of July 12*, was exhausted last Monday. That day, at the appeal trial for her son’s 21-year prison sentence for sedition, the desperate woman lashed out at the court.  

“Don’t touch me, because this is going to be for mothers now!” Fleita shouted at the police officers who took her out of the courtroom, alluding to the rebellious attitude of the so-called 11J (July 11th) mothers, like her. “We are tired of putting up with all this.”

The woman recounts that in the trial they let her son’s lawyers speak, but that upon hearing the prosecutor’s accusation, her son began to shout: “Mom, it’s a lie!” According to Fleita Bravo, the accuser said that he had left Cantera Street to demonstrate.

“My son lives here on Second Street, if he left Cantera Street it is because he had come from Russia a week ago and went to see my family, and my whole family lives on Cantera Street,” Vásquez Fleita’s mother reproached, insisted that her son only crossed the street after having bought a soft drink, when returning home.

Her spirits heated, she told her son: “Pipo, don’t worry, everything will pass… I know it’s a lie.” A guard told her to shut up, but Fleita refused to listen: “I’m not going to shut up, that’s my son and I’m not going to shut up.” The woman was encouraged by another woman present in the courtroom, who praised her right to defend Rolando. continue reading

“I turned to the prosecutor and I myself, yelling at him, told him: what they are committing is an injustice,” says Fleita, who did not give up: “What you are committing is an abuse, it is fine now, we are tired of putting up with everything, and just so you know, I’m his mom.”

Fleita says that there were three cameras recording everything, but doubts that the images will be published. They took her out of the court and outside her she found more police officers whom she also reproached for the arrests and insisted that she would not remain silent. Because of this, she was taken to the police station where she was interrogated by a State Security agent until after six in the evening.

“They talked nonsense with us, the same crap as always, it’s what they do to us, that we have to be calm, that I screwed up everything,” Fleita tells 14ymedio. She maintains that the prosecution wants to “ship off” the accused without evidence.

In addition to La Güinera, there were also appeal trials in the Provincial Court of Matanzas, which resolved on Monday the request of Samuel Pupo Martínez and maintained his seven-year prison sentence for the crimes of contempt and public disorder, after having climbed a overturned vehicle and shouted “Down with communism! Patria y Vida! [Homeland and Life] in the demonstrations of last July 11, in Cárdenas.

His wife, Yeneisy Santana González, pointed out that, although the lawyer presented arguments and a “brilliant defense,” the sentence was ratified. In a post on Facebook, the woman said that eight of the 17 individuals convicted for the protests in that municipality appealed.

“I can’t find words to describe how I felt to see you climb into the cage with shackles and handcuffs like a criminal. And I keep asking myself: What did you do? Raise your voice, demand your rights!” Santana wrote on the site. She adds that she will continue denouncing until he is released. Meanwhile she wonders: “I don’t know how to explain to our son why dad has been in prison for more than 10 months and doesn’t come home.”

Pupo suffers from scleroderma, a degenerative and autoimmune disease that affects the skin and other organs of the body, and has been in the prison infirmary twice, but neither this condition nor all the arguments were enough to free him.

In an interview with 14ymedio, Yeneisy Santana González reported that Pupo was arrested on July 11, in a violent manner, and was taken to the headquarters of the Communist Party by three uniformed men and a man dressed in civilian clothes. Inside, they threw him on the floor and kicked him. She did not hear from him until 103 days later, and she never stopped searching.

In other cases, the sentence was also confirmed for 11 of 12 appeals filed before the Military Chamber of the Supreme People’s Court, for the convictions of protesters on July 11 such as Yasmany Porra Pérez, who was sentenced to 17 years in prison, for sabotage, robbery with force and attack.

“I am outraged because it is 17 years and he did not kill anyone, he only went out to demonstrate, to demand his rights as a citizen of this country and what he received in return was beatings and mistreatment,” said Yasmany’s wife, Rosmery Bello Castillo, to Radio Television Martí.

Bello recounts that her husband cannot hear in one of his ears, because the authorities burst his eardrum during an interrogation, when they tried to get him to admit his guilt. Yasmany Porra Pérez was arrested on July 16 of last year and accused of allegedly looting stores.

In addition to Porra, 11 more people received a final sentence: Wilfredo Castillo González sentence of 15 years in prison was ratfied, while Adrián Fernando Domínguez Hidalgo, received 13 years and 9 months; Yoel Montano Alpizar also received 14 years and 6 months, and Rolando Sardiñas Fernández, 12 years.

In the same process, the court confirmed the sentence of 11 years for Omar Herrera Moré and 10 years and six months in prison for Andy Alexis Martín Pérez, in addition to 10 years for Yordan Puentes Morera. Those who have the shortest sentences, although without modification, are: six years for Dainier Flores Oliva, five years for Roberto Díaz Martínez and the same sentence for Andy Ortega Murgado, only that in the latter it will be correctional with internment.

These results abound in what the Cubalex and Justicia 11J organizations have been demonstrating: that the appeals of those convicted of these demonstrations are barely serving to modify the sentences.

According to the registry of these independent associations, to date 40 people have received a response to the review of their sentence in the first instance, of which only one achieved notable success, going from one year in prison to being acquitted.

*Translator’s note: The demonstrations started throughout the Island on July 11th, and continued in La Guinera in particular on July 12th.

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In Havana, Purchases in Pesos in State Stores are Further Restricted

The line to enter the La Mariposa state store which takes payment in pesos, in the Havana municipality of Nuevo Vedado. (Fernando Damaso/Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 24 May 2022 — The provincial government of Havana took a further step in rationing, by decreeing new limitations for the sale of products through state businesses that sell in national currency, to take effect on Friday, May 20.

A month after it was announced that people could only shop in the establishments of the municipality of residence, the new provisions obliged people to access more restricted spaces.

Through the new regulations, in addition, the bodegas — ration stores — will be linked to the Cimex and Caribe stores.

According to a note released this Tuesday by local authorities, the reorganization has been carried out “with the aim of reducing the crowding of people in establishments and the need for better marketing of the products most in demand by the population.”

Another of the new measures that came into force is a reform in the “organization by cycle” of the sales, so that a new cycle will not begin until 90% of the family units assigned to the establishment have not made their purchases. continue reading

How these cycles are going to be defined is one of the questions people have. “Will the cycle be by products or will it start one day of the month from what is in the store’s warehouse?” asked a customer who just found out about the regulations outside the La Mariposa store, in New Vedado.

“If the cycles are according to products, then this is going to be chaos, but if they do it in another way, then people will need to sleep outside the store for several days ahead of time, to be able to acquire the greatest amount of food at the beginning of the cycle,” the woman ventured. The market workers had no answers to those questions.

The measure, it’s true, does not include stores that only take payment in freely convertible currency (MLC), which continue to be outside the purchase restrictions based on municipality. This morning, in the market on Boyeros and Camagüey streets, several customers inquired with the employees about the possibility that the regulations might be imposed at those businesses.

“We have not received any official communication about that, so we will continue to operate as we have done up to now,” a local worker told this newspaper. In the store they do not require people to show their identity card, either to enter the store or when paying, although it is mandatory to present a bank card in MLC associated with a national bank or a Visa or Mastercard from a foreign bank that is not American.

Most products are still not rationed, although there are quantity restrictions on frozen chicken, sausages, tuna and other frozen or meat products.

On the other hand, in stores that take payment in pesos, purchases will continue to be written down in the rationbook and limitations will be applied to the number of products that can be bought based on availability.

It will also continue to be an essential requirement to show the identity card, which will be scanned to have a record of what has already been withdrawn.

At the entrance of the establishment, “a primary control model will be established where the nucleus [family] number will be registered” that must be supervised by a representative of the so-called ’Fight Against Coleros*’, a verification mechanism introduced by the Government in August 2020 and that It basically consists of having agents at the doors of stores to ensure that buyers do so in accordance with established rules, aided by a series of technological tools.

*Translator’s note: “Coleros” are individuals who stand in line for others, for a small payment.

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Pedro Luis Boitel, Prisoner Number 26621

Pedro Luis Boitel died 50 years ago today in prison, during a hunger strike. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Pedro Corzo, Miami, 25 May 2022 — That was the numerical identification that the prison administration of the Isla de Pinos prison hung on Pedro Luis Boitel, who on May 25 marks 50 years since he died on a hunger strike.

Giving political prisoners a number was a form of dehumanization, of standardization, but they did not achieve their goal, because the prisoners proudly displayed the number, which reflected their time in prison and, to a certain extent, the fight for democracy.

This martyr of the country, a worker at the emblematic Cuban radio and television company CMQ, was also a leader of the historic University Student Federation (FEU), an independent entity that was distorted by Castro’s totalitarianism.

Pedro Luis was a man capable of reaching the maximum stage of a human being in society, that of a citizen fully aware of his duties and rights, always ready to claim and defend his prerogatives without fear of consequences.

In the documentary, Nobody Listened (1984), Boitel’s mother, Clara Abraham de Boitel, expresses with great pride that her son could not bear an injustice. She affirms that he was a man not destined to live long because of his strong commitment to the truth and fairness. His mother knew him very well because his life was soon distorted by Castro’s totalitarianism.

His life was short, but full of national glory. He was one of those men who fully conformed to Martí’s expression: “When one dies in the arms of the grateful homeland, death ends, the prison breaks; life finally begins with dying!” continue reading

Boitel faced the regime of Fulgencio Batista. Persecuted by the Police, he went into exile in Venezuela, where he fought groups that sought to destabilize the incipient democracy of that country.

In Venezuela and before the triumph of the insurrection, he had his first confrontation with the Castro brothers, who were drastically opposed to him informing the world of what was happening in Cuba, a sign that, even before coming to power, the fateful brothers intended to establish absolute control over information.

His status as a student leader was contested by the Castros and the 26th of July Movement (M26J). The moncadistas did not trust Boitel to preside over the FEU, his independence of opinion made him unpredictable for the interests of the new regime, and they decided to support another university student, Rolando Cubelas, a government official, commander of the rebel army and leader of a rival organization of the M26J during the insurrectionary stage, the Student Revolutionary Directory.

The new leadership of the FEU led to this prestigious entity becoming one of the transmission belts of totalitarian power. The Cuban student body was subdued and the historical rebellion crushed before the firing squad or with long prison sentences.

Pedro Luis went to prison for many years. His colleagues remember him as a tireless man, always ready to report any abuse and willing to endure any punishment without ever giving up.

His rebellion was such that he even escaped from the Isla de Pinos prison. His companions in the escape, Armando Valladares, the only survivor of that brave deed, evokes with admiration the leadership of the student leader before and after being captured, evokes his stoicism in the face of the insanity of the henchmen and affirms that he learned a lot from Pedro Luis.

For many of his colleagues, he has been the most emblematic Cuban political prisoner after José Martí. His rebellion and constant hunger strikes made him unique in a setting where brave men like Alfredo Izaguirre, Armando Sosa Fortuny, Onerio Nerin Sánchez, Roberto Martín Pérez and Israel Abreu, just to mention a few, left traces of exceptional courage and national convictions.

Pedro Luis Boitel’s legacy of heroism and fidelity to Cuba was picked up by many Cubans, particularly those of more recent generations. Jorge Luis García Pérez Antúnez founded the Pedro Luis Boitel Political Prison organization in the Castro prisons; his sister, Berta Antúnez, formed the Pedro Luis Boitel Civic Resistance Movement, and the numerous times imprisoned hero of the Black Spring, Félix Navarro, organized the Party for Democracy under the name of an unforgettable martyr.

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Once Again, Long Lines at Gas Stations and Fuel Shortages in Cuba

At the gas station of G and 25th, in El Vedado, normally very crowded, they only sold regular gasoline and diesel. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 27 May 2022 — A new fuel crisis looms over the country, judging by the long lines at numerous gas stations that Havana woke up to this Friday.

In the Cupet station at San Rafael and Infanta, a line of vehicles that occupied a block and a half was waiting to be served.

Unlike last March, when due to the increase in demand – according to the government version – Cuba spent almost a week with controlled fuel sales, this time there was no official explanation or posters in the gas stations announcing any measures.

The San Rafael employee informed another guy who entered with a gas can, that these days “we are directed not to fill containers,” only to fill the tanks directly.

“What they don’t want is to create a scandal,” the kid said between his teeth as he left, “don’t you see that the owner of the oil is here?” he said ironically, referring to President Nicolás Maduro. continue reading

The longest line, surrounding the entire block, was at the Tángana gas station, on Malecón and 15th, where there was regular and special gasoline. (14ymedio)

Together with the leaders of the countries of the Bolivarian Alliance for the Peoples of Our America (Alba), the Venezuelan is meeting this very day in Havana at the impromptu Summit called by Miguel Díaz-Canel in response to the United States’ doubts about whether or not to invite the Island to the Summit of the Americas, which will be held in Los Angeles between June 6 and 10.

The line of cars was repeated at the gas station at G and 25th, in El Vedado, normally with a large number of customers, where they only sold regular gasoline and diesel. With conditions. “Yes, there is diesel, but it can only be sold with a letter of authorization, because they are state reserves,” an employee of the establishment explained to a customer who came in to ask.

The line did not reach the dimensions of March, but it did reach 23rd Street. “It is going to be fixed,” expressed a taxi driver. “Because if here they only have the Government’s reserves for diesel, there is no special gasoline and only regular, that means that in other places there is none.”

They only sold regular at the service center on 17th and L, where there was also a respectable line of cars. (14ymedio)

This is what happened in Cupet de Malecón and 23, also in El Vedado. However, a small group of waiting cars was also visible, not resigning themselves to leaving the place despite the fact that there was no fuel for sale.

“Is there regular?” asked a customer, desperate. “I wish there was, at the moment there is nothing,” the employee replied, without giving further explanations.

The largest line, surrounding the entire block, was at the Tángana station, on Malecón and 15, where there was regular and special gasoline.

They only regular was sold at 17th and L, where there was also a respectable row of cars.

The lines at the gas stations were s long as those at the bus stops. Transportation in the capital is beginning to suffer in the face of the imminent and umpteenth new crisis.

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Several Young 11J (July 11th) Protesters Released in Havana

Outside the Jovenes de Occidente prison at the time of the release of several of the young 11J (July 11th) protesters. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 28 May 2022 — At least five young people who were tried for the July 11 protests in Havana were released after a appeals trial held this Friday at the Diez de Octubre Municipal Court in Havana. Among those released are Rowland Jesús Castillo and Lázaro Noel Urgellés Fajardo, who had been sentenced to 18 and 14 years in prison.

Also released were Kendry Miranda Cárdenas, sentenced to 19 years in prison and Brandon David Becerra Curbelo, who received a 13-year prison sentence. All of them participated in the protest in the vicinity of the Toyo corner in the Havana municipality of Diez de Octubre.

From that group, Lauren Martínez Ibáñez, 18, who had been sentenced to the same amount of time in prison, was also released.

Activist Salomé García Bacallao detailed in a Facebook post that both Becerra Curbelo and Urgellés Fajardo had their pre-trial measure changed from being interned in a penitentiary center to serving house arrest, while Castillo Castro and Miranda Cárdenas will have to spend the rest of their sentences in a labor camp.

When announcing the appeal trial this Friday, the Justicia 11J platform alerted that the modifications “are not final sentences as long as a document has not been issued that closes the criminal process.” It also insisted that “the releases related to possible modifications of non-custodial sentences are not definitive, but only temporary.”

The platform reported that five young protesters from La Güinera were also released, due to a change in sanction after an appeal trial, although “the sentences have not yet been issued.” They are Eloy Bárbaro Cardoso Pedroso and Juan Yanier Antomarchi Nuñez, both 18 years old and both sentenced to 8 years in prison. continue reading

Added to the list are Dariel Cruz García, 20 years old and sentenced to 8 years; Yurileidys Soler Abad, 20, with an initial sentence of 15 years in prison; and Liliana Oropesa Ferrer, also 20 years old, with a sentence of 9 years in prison.

Justicia 11J expressed its concern about the lack of knowledge of “what will be the final sanctions that must be complied with” by the young people who have been released in recent days. Among them are also Andy García Lorenzo and four more demonstrators from Villa Clara and another five in Havana, including Jonathan Torres Farrat and Eloy Bárbaro Cardoso.

Regarding the actions of the regime with the latest releases, the platform insisted that “false expectations not be spread within civil society and families that give rise to the consolidation of a benevolent image of the State” in relation to the release of the 11J demonstrators, since these decisions do not point “to the achievement of massive changes in sanctions or mass releases.”

“Even less is there a shift towards the granting of dismissals and acquittals, the only valid ways to solve the irreparable damage to the Cuban people by the State, which has not yet taken criminal or administrative measures against the repressive forces, which caused the confrontations in the protests,” it insisted.

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Crisis and Autophagy in Havana, the Cycle That Does Not End

A bodega (ration store) located on Calle E between 23rd and 21st in El Vedado, Havana, announces with signs that there is no coffee. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 28 May 2022 — There is a hunger that is not satisfied with food nor diminishes even if food is obtained and is not lacking again for a long time. It is the hunger that remains in the memory and makes the stomach burn even if it is full. That chronic feeling of emptiness runs through the story of a young man in the Cuba of the Special Period that the writer Enrique del Risco has published with Plataforma Editorial.

Nuestra hambre en La Habana* [Our Hunger in Havana] is a testimony that must be read after dinner and, even so, it will provoke in the reader intense bursts of anxiety about putting something in his mouth, constant trips to the refrigerator and the kitchen. The volume, of a little more than 300 pages, plunges into the crisis of the 90s and crudely portrays the national obsession around plates and pots.

Del Risco shows the exposed ribs of a society reduced to the cycle of the most basic survival, where getting around, standing in line, and trying to chew anything took up most of one’s time. With a direct, ironic style and, many times, appealing to the most stark humor, the writer allows us to accompany him along the path of voracity that took over the entire Island.

Thus, in the hands of a young man with a recent degree in History, we are witnessing the moment when the false bubble of prosperity that the Soviet subsidy allowed in Cuba during the 1980s begins to crack. Like a gathering cloud, the first symptoms of an economic crisis begin, on which Fidel Castro hung the euphemism of a “Special Period in times of peace.”

While trying to satisfy the immense appetite of a twenty-something, the protagonist of Nuestra hambre en La Habana must also deal with the ethical deterioration of a society willing to do almost anything to put food in the table. With his bicycle, which crosses the city from one side to the other, he witnesses the increase in assaults, the massive hunting of stray cats to eat them, the increase in prostitution with foreigners, and the only pursuit in which the country continued to excel and over excel throughout the Island: repression. continue reading

Upon completing his studies, the young man gets a job at the Colón Cemetery, the place that puts the lid on the dramaturgical handle of history. There he lives with the looting of tombs, the nameless niches of those who had fallen into disgrace and the juggling of a state work center where denunciations and incriminating reports were the order of the day. The necropolis inserted in that other city of the dead which, on the other side of the walls, multiplied the tragedy of the graveyard.

And with sex and distilled alcohol as the escape routes from all that oppressive reality. An impudent nation that took advantage of every staircase, every dark building to make love to each other with that frenzy with which they would have preferred to bite into a hamburger. Drink until you forget about hunger or kiss until you fall asleep so as not to have to think about the condensed milk that is no longer sold, the beef that has disappeared or the chocolate that had become a mythological product that was talked about in circles around the candles that eased the blackouts.

However, despite the detailed description of all that collective famine that left us with rags as underwear, that made our collarbones jut out until it seemed that they were going to burst the skin, and forced us to live with the muffled squeals of the pig which had undergone surgery so that it would not make a sound in the bathtub of the apartment where it was being raised, none of that leaves a feeling as overwhelming as the return of that nightmare.

Reading Nuestra hambre en La Habana right now in Cuba is like unfolding the map of scarcity that has once again taken over our country to review which seasons we have gone through and which ones we still have to live through again. The nod in the title to the novel by British writer Graham Greene anticipates that this time it is not about following the trail of spies or discovering conspiracies, but rather about pursuing jama [food] through the intricate paths of a dysfunctional system.

While my eyes traveled the pages of this book by Enrique del Risco, the rooster that my neighbor is raising on his balcony barely allowed me to concentrate. When I was already halfway through the volume, I had to interrupt it for two days because a friend called me to go “to the country to buy food” that we later hid in the trunk of an old vehicle and that’s how we managed to get it into the city. I had barely finished processing the last few paragraphs and a relative told me that he had turned his grandmother’s mahogany display cabinet into firewood because in his town “there are no blackouts anymore, only alumbrones**.”

There is a hunger that never goes away because there is always fear that it will return. Even if you have a plate at hand and chew for a while, you sense that everything has been a fiction of prosperity and that soon hunger will jump from a corner and take over your table. It is the hunger that haunts an entire country, including those who emigrate and who, in the early days outside the Island, swallow everything they can and what they could not before.

We have returned to that point that Del Risco details in his text: to the nervous autophagy of an entire people willing to leave behind nothing where they can sink their teeth.

Translator’s notes:
*The title is a play on words on the title of Graham Greene’s 1958 novel “Our Man [hombre] in Havana” and ‘hunger’ [hambre].
**Alumbrone – a word that means when the lights (and electricity) are ON, as the normal state — a blackout or ‘apagone‘ — is that they are not.

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Cuba: ‘No One Should be Forced to Choose Between Leaving Their Country or Facing Abusive Charges’

The artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara (left) with rapper Maykel Castillo months before his imprisonment. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 27 May 2022 — Just four days before the start of the trial against Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo Osorbo, the international human rights organizations Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch have issued a joint statement in which, in addition to demanding once again the release of both artists, they condemn the practice of exile used by the Cuban regime to get rid of opponents, a tactic that the two activists have rejected but that many others were forced to accept.

“No one should be forced to choose between leaving their own country or facing abusive criminal charges for which they should never have been prosecuted or imprisoned,” the two organizations reproach. In the text, they explain that they were aware of the offer made by the Cuban authorities to Otero Alcántara and Osorbo to be released and that the former publicly rejected it, while in the other case it was retracted. “This is a practice that the Cuban Government has carried out historically and with other critics in recent months and that violates the human right of everyone to enter their country of origin,” they say.

Tamara Taraciuk Broner, Acting Director for the Americas at Human Rights Watch, said that both artists “are being prosecuted for exercising their human right to criticize their own government” and has demanded that the countries of the continent take a stand in a this situation. “Latin American governments should not remain silent when there are artists threatened with prison sentences, a sign of extreme intolerance typical of the brutal dictatorships that ruled the region in the past.”

For its part, Amnesty International’s representative for the region, Erika Guevara-Rosas, demanded that if the trials continue, as they take for granted they will, the governments of Latin America and Europe be able to closely follow the trials “against these Cuban prisoners of conscience, who should never have spent a day in prison… In a country where more than 700 people, including some under the age of 18, are imprisoned simply for expressing themselves, it is of the utmost importance that these trials are subject to international scrutiny,” she added.

The organizations note that these cases are just the tip of the iceberg and that these trials are only “part of a much broader pattern of systematic abuses against Cuban artists and other critics of the Government and protesters in the country. In recent years, the Cuban authorities have imprisoned, criminally prosecuted and forced into exile dozens of Cuban artists, including those of the San Isidro Movement and the 27N [27 November], who bring together artists, intellectuals and critical journalists.” continue reading

The trial against Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara and Maykel Castillo begins this coming Monday, May 30th, in Marianao, Havana. The Cuban Prosecutor’s Office requests seven years in prison for the first for aggravated contempt, public disorder and incitement to commit a crime, and ten years for Osorbo, for attack, public disorder and evasion of prisoners or detainees. Alcántara also carries the accusation of outrage against patriotic symbols, for creating a work of art, “Drapeau,” with the Cuban flag.

Otero Alcántara, declared a prisoner of conscience by Amnesty International, has been in the Guanajay maximum security prison since July, from where he sent a message on May 17. “We have endured all this and more in search of a dream and responsibility for the Cuba of today and tomorrow. And they are dreams that as of today nothing has erased,” he said, adding that for those dreams he is willing “to sacrifice the flesh of the artist, my flesh of the artist, my freedom-loving spirit.”

For his part, Castillo, who was arrested on May 18 of last year, has been in the maximum security prison of Kilo Cinco y Medio since May 31. His family, the organizations report, learned of his whereabouts days after the United Nations Committee on Enforced Disappearances urged the Government to disclose it.

In January 2022, the United Nations Working Group on Arbitrary Detention concluded that Castillo Pérez had been arbitrarily detained and said that the Cuban Government should release him immediately by determining that he had been arrested for exercising his fundamental rights and had suffered violations of due process, including abusive limitations on his right to defend himself.

Amnesty International and Human Rights Watch close the statement demanding that the authorities allow the presence of journalists, human rights observers and personnel of foreign embassies in Cuba in the 11J trials, which, in any case, should be annulled.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.