Cuban Opponent Ariel Ruiz Urquiola Hospitalized on the Eighth Day of His Hunger Strike

The biologist and Cuban activist Ariel Ruiz Urquiola, this Monday in front of the offices of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva.

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Geneva, 11 July 2022 — On Monday, the Cuban biologist Ariel Ruiz Urquiola, an environmental and LGTBI activist, completed eight days on a hunger strike in front of the headquarters of the UN Office for Human Rights in Geneva, which he is demanding intervene to stop the harassment suffered by his family in Cuba.

“The only thing left for me is to ask the high commissioner (Michelle Bachelet) to adhere to the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which has been violated against my sister [Omara Ruiz Urquiola] and me through medical torture and crimes against humanity,” the Cuban activist, resident in Switzerland since 2019, told EFE.

Ruiz Urquiola accuses the Cuban regime of having expelled him and his sister from the University of Havana for their political activism, of trying to confiscate the land they work, after not being able to dedicate themselves to teaching, and now of preventing his sister from returning to Cuba after traveling to the US to treat breast cancer.

In addition, the activist affirms that Cuban authorities inoculated him with the HIV virus in 2019, when he was on another hunger strike, and that they have given his sister placebo treatments on several occasions instead of the medicines she needs against her cancer. continue reading

“Now that my sister is prohibited from entering Cuba, my mother is left alone and they are going for her: they want to confiscate our farm,” said Ruiz Urquiola, who has been sleeping outdoors in a Geneva square since July 4, and assured that it will remain there “as long as the body lasts.”

“The Geneva medical services and the police have been very concerned about my health, but my choice is to continue,” he said, and blamed the UN Office for the medical consequences that the current strike, the fifth it has carried out in almost 20 years of activism.

The Cuban expert added that just one person in charge from the office headed by Bachelet has been interested in his health these days, for which he considered “disastrous” the response of an institution before which he had already done a shorter strike hunger in 2020.

Translated by Andrea Libre

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Law Presented in Cuba to Require Press to Support ‘The Goals of the Socialist Society’

The regulation says that “freedom of the press constitutes a right of the people”, yes, but that this is exercised “according to the aims of the socialist society.” (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 July 2022 — On Tuesday, the Cuban government presented a preliminary draft of the Social Communication Law and opened, according to the official Granma newspaper, a “specialized consultation process” to support “the knowledge and study of the population regarding this norm.”

The 32nd version of the law was signed on April 15, but it was made public one day after the anniversary of the historic 11J (July 11th) protests throughout the island. Although the official press posits the law as an instrument to “regulate” the content in the press, already from its preliminary dispositions it makes its character clear: it says that “freedom of the press constitutes a right of the people,” yes, but that this is exercised “according to the aims of the socialist society.”

The text does not recognize any other type of ownership of the local media that is not state, as indicated in the 2019 Constitution.

At a press conference, Onelio Castillo Corderí, vice president of the Cuban Institute of Radio and Television (ICRT) and member of the document’s drafting commission, highlighted as the most important aspect of these consultations “being able to collect the opinion of the citizens, who constitute the core of all the communication processes that the standard describes.” continue reading

The document will go through a consultation starting this Tuesday that should end in September, commented the vice president of the state Union of Journalists of Cuba, Jorge Legañoa, without offering more details about the legislative path prior to its eventual approval. For the consultation an email address as been established an email, as well as “telephone numbers and other channels, through social networks, in many communication media, in organizations and institutions in the country,” Granma said.

The journalist, accompanied by two other press and social communication officials, stressed that the regulation covers the institutional, media and community spheres, and that it is the result of several months of investigation.

Legañoa described the preliminary project as “unprecedented, robust and as an opportunity to educate the public in matters of communication.”

The  regulation announced this Monday, which contains 69 articles, includes a regulation that prohibits the use of content “to make propaganda in favor of war, of a foreign state hostile to the interests of the nation, terrorism, violence and the apology of hatred among Cubans, with the aim of destabilizing the socialist rule of law,” among others.

It also points out that the country’s social communication system has the purpose of “fostering consensus and national unity around the Homeland, the Revolution and the Communist Party of Cuba.”

It also recognizes the income generated by advertising as one of the ways for the economic management of the media, as long as it does not go against “the principles that govern” the “socialist society” of the Island.

There is no recognition of independent media critical of the government and operating in a legal vacuum.

Last May, Cuba approved its new Penal Code in which, among other things, it sanctions with one to three years in prison “whoever spreads false news” with the purpose of “disturbing international peace, or endangering the prestige or the credit of the Cuban State.”

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

For Diaz-Canel, ’11J’ Protest in Cuba was an ‘Unpleasant Event’

Miguel Díaz-Canel doing “voluntary work” this Sunday with young people on an agricultural farm. (@PresidenciaCuba)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — The official Cuban press has also made an 11J [July 11th] “special.” It is a series of opinion and analysis pieces, including an editorial, dated this Monday to talk about what it calls a “soft coup.” The roll-out began this Sunday, with a conference dedicated to young people, supporters of the Government. “We have full confidence in the Cuban youth, and we feel the shows of support every day in the fight against the media war and the active participation in the development of the country,” said Miguel Díaz-Canel.

The president, guataca [hoe] in hand, appeared at an agricultural farm in Bauta, Artemisa, to participate in “voluntary work” and talk about the demonstrations of a year ago. The demonstrators were, for the most part, young people, many of them today in prison, many others in exile, and the few that remain, warned so that today they do not think of repeating the feat.

“I want to remind you that it is true that (on July 11) we experienced unpleasant events, which we do not want to happen in our country. There were acts of vandalism, some with cruelty and with tremendous vulgarity and aggressiveness,” Diaz-Canel said.

However, the president celebrated that day that “the people took to the streets to defend the Revolution, the young people took to the streets to defend the Revolution, and in less than 24 hours, in much less than 24 hours, there were no more disturbances and the acts of vandalism and totally denigrating crimes against facilities, against people, had been extinguished.

Surprisingly, the leader decided to appropriate the spirit of 11J stating that “if there is something to celebrate this Monday, it is the victory of the Cuban people, of the Cuban Revolution, in the face of the attempts of those who wanted to turn (that) into a soft coup.” continue reading

The message plays in the editorial this Monday in the official newspaper Granma, entitled Un Girón en Julio*, although it contradicts a certain tone with Díaz-Canel. The president gave a long dissertation in Bauta on how love is always in the essence of Cubans and the Revolution loves love. Amid so much sweetness, he identified the J11 (July 11th) protesters and those who supported them with hate and evil. “Now, from the call they make, they are also calling for ruptures from positions of vandalism, from positions of events against citizen stability, against the stability of life in the country.”

In its editorial, the Cuban Communist Party’s newspaper, however, contemplates July 11 as one of the many battles that, according to the text, the Revolution has faced since its birth and against which it emerged victorious. “Because the dangers are true,” it says, “it is that the Cuban people have always been in the throes of combat. This was demonstrated on July 11, when they crushed that skirmish in a few hours,” it says, without being very clear if, finally, the prevailing belief is that the demonstrations were a serious coup attempt or an insignificant disturbance.

The newspaper also believes that there is an interest in “generating the false idea that material shortages and difficulties respond to inefficiency in the management of the revolutionary government, and to cover up its real cause: the inhumane economic siege of the United States.”

For its part, the official website Cubadebate opens full page with an analysis in which several specialists participate to address the “skirmish” or “soft coup.” In it, reference is made to how the complicated circumstances that Cuba was going through a year ago — and which now are far from having improved — were used to “intoxicate” and “thus generate citizen mobilization in the street.”

There is also space on the web for Reinaldo Rosado Roselló, responsible for logistics at the University of Informatics Sciences, who suffered a wound to the forehead on July 11 and has become a preferred witness of the ruling party, which uses him as a victim of “violent” protests.

There is no mention of Diubis Laurencio Tejeda, killed by a police shot. Nor to the hundreds of detainees, many of them sentenced to more than twenty years, nor to the combat order of Miguel Díaz-Canel to take to the streets to defend the system, with weapons if necessary.

*Translator’s note: Un Girón en julio — A Girón in July — references what the US calls the ’Bay of Pigs.’

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

The Cuban Police Should Have Protected Him, But They Ended up Killing Zidane, Age 17

Zinédine Zidane Batista with his father Yosvany Batista, in a photo taken in May of last year. (Facebook/Yosvany Batista)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Havana, 12 July 2022 — When Zinédine Zidane Batista Álvarez was born, 17 years ago, his own father, Yosvany, wrote his name, that of the renowned French footballer, on a piece of paper, so that they would not make a mistake in the certification. “Then it turned out that he liked baseball more than football.”

Yosvany Batista, 43, speaks to 14ymedio with bitterness and without fear. He has been devastated since his son’s life was taken from him on July 1 in the El Condado neighborhood, in Santa Clara, where the family lives.

The images, which immediately spread through social networks, are brutal. The young man lies on the ground, handcuffed and with blood oozing from a gash in his thigh. A policeman approaches and kicks him in the abdomen. Then he fires a second shot into the chest, and the body stops moving.

Zidane had been experiencing an intense neighborhood conflict for months in which the authorities had hardly mediated, despite the complaints made by the family. His father is blunt: the uniformed men who should have protected him ended up killing him.

“That same morning, July 1, my son and I went to the 5th police station because we had a citation,” recalls Batista. The family was immersed in a dispute that had escalated in recent months, with occupants who broke into the house where the young man, his wife and his children had sneaked in some time before. “It is a house that has been empty for five years because the owner left for Spain and died there,” explains the man.

They spent two hours at the police station with the prosecutor who was handling the case. Upon returning, the man lay down for a while and his son played video games. “Around half past two in the afternoon we got the news that that other family, with whom we had already had many problems, had attacked the cousin of my son’s wife, who was in the La Latina store,” he says. continue reading

They immediately returned to the police station to report this new attack, but they were told that they could not do anything “against these people who entered the house one day when they took advantage of the fact that my son went to take one of the girls from his wife to the hospital, and after that they didn’t want to go out anymore.”

Faced with what he denounces as inaction by the authorities, he urged his son to resolve the conflict on his own. “I told the occupants to get out of the house and that this problem had to be resolved and we stopped in front of 217 Rodolfo Valderas Street, in El Condado,” he details ,with the Batista address.

“After about 20 minutes waiting for the other family,” he recalls, they started down the road in another direction, when, suddenly, “they hit us from behind. They threw stones at us and we also responded with stones. I received a flat blow with a machete and a stone on the forearm. When the police arrived, more or less an hour after the conflict began, everything was more of a verbal fight.”

Batista says that his son had a machete and he himself had a knife, and that he gave Zidane both weapons when he heard the sirens of the patrols, telling him to return to the house. And he insists: “The police did not try to calm the situation, but rather intensified the violence. When they arrived, they immediately went upstairs to beat me. My son was already leaving, seeing me on the floor he comes back.”

The policemen who pounced on Yosvany to hit him took the young Zidane out of sight. “I only heard him shout that no one was going to hit me and then I felt the shot. It was the second, because I didn’t hear the first one. I got the strength from I don’t know from where and got up, but I already saw him handcuffed on the ground and bleeding while they continued to beat him.”

Yosvany tried to help him, carrying him, but he couldn’t: “He was already almost dead.” The forensic report confirmed after one shot entered through the thigh and the other through the upper left area of ​​the thorax. “They took him to the hospital because people started yelling at them to help him. His wife’s cousin was the one who put a tourniquet on his leg.”

“I started chasing the policeman who had shot him and he fired two shots at my feet. Luckily, none of them hit me.” At that moment, says Yosvany, his youngest son, 11 years old, crossed his mind, and that was what prevented him from killing the agent: “Now I would not be doing this interview, but in the cemetery.”

Batista believes that, since he was already wounded and could not flee, the second shot was not necessary. “When he was already on the ground, handcuffed, they shot him again. That’s the image you see in the video. They finish him off on the ground, without having any chance of defending himself. I saw the blood on his pants, but I I thought it was a small wound.”

Zidane Batista’s parents have been married for 19 years and have five grandchildren, they are pastors of the Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry. (Courtesy)

The man continues: “The second shot lodged in his lung and by the time he got to the hospital and they tried to revive him, he was already dead. My wife didn’t have the courage to dress the body when it was handed over to her for the funeral. Now we’ve been told that there is an investigation. I am going to make statements this week to see if we can prosecute the police officer who killed him.”

Zidane, recalls his father, was born on Calle Martí, in El Condado Norte. “He liked horses and he was a good son.” He loved animals and raised pigeons. Both Yosvany and his wife, who have been married for 19 years and have five grandchildren, are pastors of the Apostolic and Prophetic Ministry.

“When she and I met we had housing problems and we occupied an empty Medical Office, we lived there for almost ten years,” he details. “Later we moved to Camajuaní as shepherds. Zidane was asthmatic, also very intelligent, although he did not like school very much. He had a great memory for historical events.”

“When Zidane met his partner, she was already pregnant and he gave the baby girl his last name. He adored that girl,” he says. “They have told many lies about my son, but most of what they say about alleged crimes is false. He was detained because he witnessed the July 11, 2021 protests and they fined him 2,000 pesos for violating sanitary measures*.”

On the day of the historic demonstrations last year, Batista insists, Zidane “went to bathe in the river and then to get some yogurt for the girl. They stayed as spectators looking at the people who were protesting and for that he and his wife were fined. They arrested him, mistreated him, beat him up and only released him after seven days. From then on he had to go sign in at the fifth police station.”

Although the father insists that Zidane was surprised by the protests on the road, “I told the police that if he shouted something, at least he had the courage to express what he felt, because Cuban youth have no choice at all, no possibility of developing themselves. Parents spend a lot of work to be able to support them.”

The pain, now, is unbearable for him. He could not go to his son’s funeral because he was detained at the time after the fight. “I haven’t been able to go to the cemetery because I don’t have the courage to see his grave.”

*Translator’s note: “Violating sanitary measures” most likely means not wearing a facemask.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Pope Francis Confesses: ‘I Have a Human Relationship with Raul Castro’

From left to right, Pope Francis, Raúl Castro and his grandson, Raúl Guillermo Rodríguez Castro, ’El Cangrejo’, son of the recently deceased Luis Alberto Rodríguez López-Calleja. (Granma)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 12 July 2022 — Pope Francis avoided referring to the protests of July 11, 2021 in Cuba this Monday, when the first anniversary of that historic day was celebrated. Journalists María Antonieta Collins, from Univisión, and Valentina Alazraki, from Televisa, specifically asked him about this in an interview. However, the pontiff did not want to mention the demonstrations and the current situation on the Island and diverted his response to the 2014 “thaw” between the US and the Island.

“I was happy,” he said, “when that small agreement with the United States was made, which President Obama wanted at the time and Raúl Castro accepted… It was a good step forward but it has stopped now,” the pontiff said, adding that he is aware of new “narratives” and “probing dialogues” to “shorten the distance” between Havana and Washington.

“I confess: I have a human relationship with Raúl Castro,” said the Pope, who said he felt, as expected, “very close to the Cuban bishops.”

“Cuba is a symbol. Cuba has a great history,” concluded the Pope, who in 2016 had described Havana as “the capital of unity,” during the signing of a controversial joint declaration between the Vatican and Patriarch Kirill of Moscow at the José Martí airport.

Pope Francis was one of the main actors in the restoration of diplomatic relations between the island and the United States. The late Cuban Cardinal Jaime Ortega described the Vatican mediation between Obama and Castro as a process characterized by “extreme discretion, secret conversations, quest for access to key personalities, hidden encounters, tenacious overcoming of obstacles.”

The Pope’s sympathies towards the Cuban Government have remained intact since those years. During the 11J protests, many expected an expression of condemnation of state violence and closeness to the people, but on that occasion he was no less evasive. continue reading

After a long silence, during the Angelus prayer on July 18, he listlessly mentioned the situation on the Island: “I ask the Lord to help you build an increasingly just and fraternal society in peace, dialogue and solidarity. I urge  all Cubans to entrust themselves to the maternal protection of the Virgin Mary of Charity of El Cobre. She will accompany them on this journey.”

To this was added that, in October 2021, the Vatican authorities and the Italian Police prohibited a group of Cubans from demonstrating in Saint Peter’s Square, under the pretext that they could only enter as pilgrims and not to make political demands. The demonstrators recalled, in turn, that in 2008 several Italian citizens entered the same place, with a banner demanding the release of the five Cuban spies detained in the United States.

Collins and Alazraki also asked Francis how he felt about being accused of being a communist by different figures and the media. “I’m not worried. I see it as something outdated,” was his response.

“Certain media groups dedicate themselves to ideologizing our position. Sometimes they do not know how to distinguish what communism is from what Nazism, populism or popularism is. So with the communism thing, I say: this is outdated, those accusations are over,” he added.

The interview, which has already been applauded by the Cuban official press, also addressed the rumors about the pontiff’s resignation due to his health problems. “I don’t feel that the Lord is asking me,” he said, although he did not rule out that in the future he could leave the papal seat, which he has chaired for 9 years, if it became an “obstacle.”

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

To Speak of Tourism in Cuba Requires More, Much More

Several tourists take pictures in the Havana’s Plaza Vieja. (EFE)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, June 22, 2022 — Not to rain on your parade, but tourism in Cuba deserves a more respectful podium, and one more in tune with the economic and social reality of the island, new economic actors and the global environment. Cubadebate titled a report in the following manner, “Tourism is transitioning to a new era, a new traveler and an economic challenge,” referring to sessions at the XV International Journalism and Tourism Seminar, which was held recently in Havana, at the  headquarters of the José Martí International Journalism Institute. This activity was organized by the Tourist Press Circle, UPEC, and the José Martí Institute, and highlights diverse issues related to tourism and the transformations in this sector due to the COVID-19 pandemic and the global economic crisis.  I insist they should be more ambitious.

The underlying thesis of some participants who presented at the seminar is that, following the pandemic, the world will shift “toward a new tourism, a new traveler and toward a new era,” and also, “a rebirth rather than a recovery of tourism,” taking into consideration the very negative impact the pandemic has had on tourism which we hope to put behind us.

This vision seems relevant and coincides, in general, with that which we have put forth in this blog when analyzing why tourism in Cuba continues, in 2022, to be below the levels seen in 2019, the last normal year. Meanwhile, the Dominican Republic, Costa Rica, Cancún and even Honduras, are reporting more favorable estimates and are preparing to reach historic numbers of travelers and income this year.

Why is Cuba falling behind while others gain a competitive edge? A good question which has not been answered during the seminar. If communists would allow themselves to be advised, they’ve received the first kick in the nose, when they say we are facing a new tourism, a new traveler, and a new era. But not only has demand changed, which is true and will require directing financial resources to research the new market and identify its preferences and needs, but also Cuba has changed the supply and no one seems to have noticed that. A new network of private actors has emerged and are betting on offering all kinds of tourism in an efficient and competitive manner, adding value to the product. continue reading

But the communist leaders don’t give a damn. They’d need to recognize that the exploitative model of Cuban tourism (hotels owned by the state and Spanish management companies) have barely changed since Fidel Castro authorized tourism as an economic activity some time in the 1990s. They’ve been doing the same things for 30 years, and as was said in the seminar, everything has changed.

They spoke of the Caribbean, without a doubt one of global tourisms privileged zones, with an increased dependency on this activity, a surface of 300,000 square kilometers and a population of 52 million, similar to that of Italy. The Caribbean Sea is 2,763,800 square kilometers and as stated during the seminar, is divided into two large zones, an insular Caribbean reached by plane or ship and the other, continental, reached by train or road, which has allowed the Caribbean to maintain supply chains.

There are 30 tourist destinations in the Caribbean which compete for market share; the tourist who goes to Jamaica does not come to Cuba and one who goes to the Dominican Republic does not go to Jamaica or Cuba. In the insular Caribbean, known as the Antilles, a decline in tourism of more than 50% was reported, but it was not clarified that the decline varies notably among the different destinations. Cuba has experienced a decline of 75% but the Dominican Republic, for example, has surpassed pre-pandemic levels. It was reported that the Antilles contain 380,000 rooms in more than 2,000 ranked hotels. The region includes 51 international airports and 97 ports, 15 of which are equipped to berth cruise ships.

The Caribbean tourism supply expo did not serve to highlight that these destinations do not only compete amongst themselves, but for years the Caribbean as a region has competed with other areas of the planet, even far away regions such as East Asia, because air travel has allowed globalization of those destinations. We must begin to view the Caribbean as an integrated zone, and align tourism policies, or things will not go well.

To this point, someone in the seminar asked, “For what are all these hotels being built?” comparing the vertiginous pace at which the hotel supply was expanding, as in Cuba, with the decline in tourism. They justified themselves by saying that this is an international practice and that in Cuba, few are being built relative to the global scene. Which is not completely true, if you take into consideration the source of funding, which in Cuba is public. This requires neglecting other items and social needs. In contrast, at the international level hotels are built using private funds.

Another statement which did not align with reality is that the hotel sector actually belongs to the real estate sector and not tourism as such. This is only true when hotels belong to a proprietor who leases them, but in most cases, the hotel belongs to a chain that manages them and the property rights, valued in the accounts, is a very important factor in obtaining financing and the consolidation of budgets. This is not possible in Cuba since hotels are state property. What do they intend to do, convert the Cuban communist state into a lessor of hotels?

There is also a significant preoccupation with the buying and selling of islands and islets in the Caribbean to transform them into luxury destinations. It is said that this could create governance issues on the islands in the future, which any prospective analysis would conclude. However, this is an option to take into consideration, for which a potential market exists, willing to invest in this type of operation and it is inconvenient to lose the potential of these keys which exist in Cuba, which in many cases remain on the underutilized.

Then, betting that Cuba will consolidate in sun and sand tourism, with the sole aim of accounting for the 77,809 existing hotel rooms, does not seem appropriate, taking into consideration the trends of the tourism sector. Mature European destinations have been abandoning this model at a quick pace, and betting on quality and service, incorporating elements of value in tourism for the new traveler of the new era.

Contrary to what was said, the tourism sector in Cuba has little potency when faced with tourism’s challenges, motivated by its concentration: 44% of hotel rooms are five star, which influences the comparative price of travel packages, and 48% of lodgings belong to Grupo Gaviota, another 22% to Cubanacán, 18% to Gran Caribe and 12% to Islazul. On the other hand, about 50,000 rooms are managed by foreign hotel companies, mainly Meliá, Iberostar, BlueDiamond, Roc, Barceló, Blau, Kempinski, Accor, NH, Axel, Be Live and Sirenis. There was no reference made to private individuals who provide tourist accommodations in their homes or other properties, which in some urban destinations compete directly with hotels.

And what can be said of the marketing and tourism campaign with the “Única” [“Unique”] message presented at the seminar? Well, another failure. They reassured that the campaign aims to associate the destination of Cuba with the people, Cubans, “primary ambassadors of the attractions.” We caution against that message, which could raise expectations that cannot be confirmed later by tourists upon reaching the Island, with increasing misery and desperation; and this can have a devastating impact on the tourist. There is no doubt that Cubans are hospitable people, happy, supportive, but at this time, there must be a prudent glance at the social reality to see whether those patterns continue.

During the seminar they will also cover other topics, such as climate change and tourism, resilient tourism in Cuba, the impact of tourism on local development, the role of travel journalism, and with the Be Epic conference, there will be featured sessions dedicated to Meliá, Vive y Punto and Blue Diamond, the Canadian hotel group. We’ll see where this all ends up.

Translated by: Silvia Suárez

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

11J (July 11th) in Cuba: ’14ymedio’ Was Here and Will Stay Here

People demonstrate in front of the Cuban Capitol, in Havana, on July 11, 2021. (EFE/Ernesto Mastrascusa)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — That July 11, the 14ymedio reporters were in the streets of Havana and Santiago de Cuba, anonymously, like almost all Cubans who went out that day to demonstrate peacefully. They were unable to immediately transmit the photos and videos they had collected. That same day and for the next three, the state telecommunications monopoly Etecsa cut off telephones and the internet, in an attempt to prevent the example of San Antonio de los Baños from spreading to the rest of the country.

Etecsa did not succeed and it did not manage to prevent this newspaper from continuing to work. El Cafecito Informativo, the podcast that is published daily with the most important news of the day, did not miss a single one of those days. Through a small thread, the Editorial Office in Havana managed to send the information.

It was confusing, at first. The networks spoke of deaths and injuries everywhere and of thousands and thousands of detainees. One thing was certain: the “combat order” given by Miguel Díaz-Canel on the afternoon of 11J had materialized in violent repression.

The next day, in La Güinera, a police officer killed a young man, Diubis Laurencio Tejeda, from behind, in a case that still has no clear explanations. The detainees, whose names were compiled little by little by Justice 11J, a group of women sponsored by the Cubalex legal organization, number 1,484 as of today, of which 701 are still in prison and 622 have been prosecuted.

The trials, this newspaper has also reported, were pantomimes and the sentences were excessive. Hundreds of Cubans – mostly young, some under 18, and poor – sentenced to prison terms as if they had raped or killed. Their crime: shouting “freedom,” “down with the dictatorship,” “Díaz-Canel singao [motherfucker],” “Patria y Vida” [Homeland and Life].

One year after the historic protests, 14ymedio pays tribute to them. First, offering its readers a special PDF that brings together the interviews conducted by our director, Yoani Sánchez, with several mothers of 11J detainees.

We also publish a first-person chronicle by Alejandro Mena Ortiz, one of our seasoned reporters who documented the demonstrations in Havana. A testimony from within the Island, from the heart of the protests.

But, outside of it, the hearts of thousands of Cubans in exile also beat, in suspense, between surprise and the hope of seeing, for the first time in 62 years, a people challenge the dictatorship. For this reason, we wanted to ask several of them, artists, writers and historians, what they make of 11J.

The conclusion is bittersweet. After the protests, the country is experiencing the greatest exodus in its history, repression has increased notably, several independent projects have ceased to function and the idea has settled in the minds of many Cubans that “if it wasn’t on 11J, then it can’t be.” However, the causes that brought thousands to the streets are still valid. The next outburst will be different.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuba: 11J (July 11th), the Day We Swallowed Our Fear

A group of demonstrators in Havana during the protests on July 11, 2021. (Marcos Evora)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yoani Sánchez, Generation Y, Havana, 11 July 2022 — No one foresaw it, no analyst included it in their forecasts, and even the most optimistic had put aside, years ago, the possibility of a popular protest in Cuba. “People have gotten used to it,” “young people prefer to jump into the sea than to demonstrate in a plaza,” “their civic-mindedness has been amputated,” “they have become meek and docile,” were some of the phrases repeated to us from all sides, but the day of 11 July 2021 was enough to destroy all those diagnoses that made us seem like a people unable to raise our voices.

That Sunday morning, the spark did not even catch fire in the two largest cities in the country, but in the streets of San Antonio de los Baños, in the province of Artemisa, a community that until then we associated in our minds with the Ariguanabo River, a good-humored town with its international film school and long blackouts. The first images of the popular outrage reached us through Facebook and Twitter, but our own skepticism dampened the enthusiasm and many of us thought that it was just something momentary and small.

Then the demand spread through Palma Soriano in Santiago de Cuba, Cárdenas in Matanzas, different points of Havana and many other regions. What no one had predicted was happening. For many, that was one of the most important days of their lives, to the point that everyone on this Island remembers what we were doing when the demonstrations began. Like the day a child is born to us, a parent dies or a natural catastrophe occurs, 11J has left a mark on our lives.

And then came the repression pushed and propelled by Miguel Díaz-Canel and the “combat order” that he issued before the cameras of national television, a summons that could one day take him before a court to be tried for inciting violence and launching the military against unarmed people. Not only did we see the uniformed officers viciously beat young people and teenagers, but also the official press – which had initially been left without a script and did not know how to react to the people in the streets – begin to try to create a different story, one parallel to the reality.

In that narrative, dictated by the Plaza de la Revolución, the protests were small, violent, carried out by criminals, vandals and the marginalized. To impose this fiction they appealed to the monopoly of television, radio and printed newspapers, but the truth of 11J had already crept into the retinas of millions of people thanks to social networks and the independent press. In the images that came out of hundreds and thousands of mobile phones, we can see a citizenry that once again, after being gagged for decades, proves its civic voice. It was the day we swallowed our fear, chewed it for a long time and realized that we, the dissatisfied, greatly outnumbered the repressors.

After those bright hours, in which the protests showed their libertarian and massive character, the long night of repression arrived, and we continue under it now. But it is enough to remember that Sunday last summer to conclude that Cubans are no longer the same. We have shouted in the streets, we have chanted freedom and we have shown the world that we are neither cowards nor bowed down, just that a calculated dictatorship has prevented us from taking our places for a long time. The next outbreak will also be neither announced nor predictable, but it may be the last time the regime can crush the unrest and respond with punches, gunshots and trials. On 11J we also learned that fear changed sides.
____________

Editor’s Note: This text was originally published in DW in Spanish.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Opponent Guillermo Farinas Has Been ‘Kidnapped by State Security’ Since Friday

Cuban opponent Guillermo Fariñas was arrested last Friday by State Security agents. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio/EFE, Havana, 10 July 2022 — Guillermo Fariñas is “kidnapped by State Security officers,” Haisa Fariñas denounced on her social networks. According to Fariñas’ daughter, he is “in the Provincial Operations Unit of the State Security Directorate.”

The family already had contact with the dissident. “They only allowed my grandmother to enter the unit so that she could see him and bring him his medicine, food and toiletries,” Haisa explained. Fariñas was arrested by State Security agents last Friday in the province of Villa Clara, three days before the first anniversary of July 11.

Haisa Fariñas made it known on Friday that the political police patrol car with number 266 was watching her father’s house. Almost an hour later, she indicated that the agents of the unit were joined by those of patrol car number 250 to arrest Guillermo Fariñas. “He was arrested in his own home,” she noted. “His whereabouts are unknown, they did not want to give details of the reason for the arrest and where they transferred him.”

At the beginning of this month, Fariñas published an investigation carried out together with Mabel Hernández White, and the former Ladies in White Dayamí Villavicencio Hernández and Yaima Villavicencio Hernández, on police violence against Zinadine Zidan Batista Álvarez in the El Condado neighborhood of Santa Clara. The 17-year-old teenager, killed at the hands of the Police, the opposition revealed, participated in the protests on July 11, 2021 and after spending 23 days in detention, he was released and fined 3,000 pesos.

Guillermo Fariñas, winner of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought (2010) has been arrested and then released on several occasions, one of them in May, on his return to Havana from a tour of Europe and the US.

In one of those interrogations, he said that State Security threatened to charge him with rebellion or incitement to war, if he continued “issuing instructions” to incite another social outburst.

Fariñas is one of the best-known Cuban opponents, particularly for the numerous hunger strikes he has held in protest against the regime since the first in 1995.

The longest was in 2003 when he fasted for 14 months, and the 25th fast was in 2016, which lasted 54 days to ask the government to end the repression against dissidents.

The Government of Cuba, for its part, considers the dissidents “counterrevolutionaries” and “mercenaries” at the service of US interests and denies that it has political prisoners in its jails.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

11J (July 11th) Far From Cuba

Artists, writers, historians tell this newspaper how they experienced 11J from a distance. (Collage)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — Thousands of Cubans in exile joined their compatriots on the island in the surprise and hope entailed in 11 July 2021. A year after those historic demonstrations, 14ymedio asked 15 of them – artists, writers, historians – what did 11J mean, how did they experience it from a distance, and whether they think another social outburst is coming soon?

Ernesto Hernández Busto. (Facebook)

Ernesto Hernández Busto (poet, essayist and translator, Barcelona): “The taboo of ‘the street belongs to revolutionaries’ was broken.”

I covered the events for a digital newspaper, so I forced myself to watch all the videos that flooded the networks in almost real time. I confess that I was surprised, not only by the magnitude and extension of the protests but also by the clearly political slogans. It was as if a curse had been broken. I also realized that the protesters themselves were surprised at what they had done, what they had achieved. They didn’t quite know what to do with that oppositional energy. Shortly after, when the authorities (also surprised) reacted, it was too late to achieve the change. Repression began again, turned into a struggle for the survival of the dominant caste. And we began to see how those same videos that had made us scream with emotion were used to hunt down protesters. In any event, the taboo of “the street belongs to the revolutionaries” was broken, the idea that in Cuba there was never going to be a protest in the streets of that magnitude, and the omnipotence of State Security and the repressive forces. It was important to see the spectrum of those who criticized the repression, something decisively cracked. Unfortunately, the regime has preferred to “learn a lesson” and flee forward. That is, to nowhere.

Jacobo Machover. (Facebook)

Jacobo Machover (writer and professor of Hispanic literature, Paris): “Time is running out for those who keep our people in oppression and misery.”

For me, 11J was a total surprise, but so hopeful… I found out in Paris through messages and videos, posted by dissidents from inside and outside the island who appeared through social networks. They all listed the places where these spontaneous movements were taking place. Friendly journalists kept me up to date in real time. What I asked myself at that time was: how to help? With words, of course, speaking out in the media that offered me that opportunity. I wrote the story of a dream in which the aspirations to freedom were becoming a reality and I found myself in a dilapidated Havana walking with my people, as if time, almost six decades of exile, had not passed. Many former prisoners, and poets and artists, who died in exile, came to mind. The Cubans who remain inside the country will continue to leave by all means, risking their lives, which constitutes, in my opinion, another form of rebellion. And time is running out for those who keep our people in oppression and misery. I don’t know if I’ll ever see another day like that. It is not necessary to remain in a mere commemoration. Many of its protagonists are still in prison, but I think there has been a turnaround in terms of glimpsing something new in the future, both on the Island and in exile. Our Cuba is everywhere. Many of its protagonists are still in prison, but I think there has been a turnaround in terms of glimpsing something new in the future, both on the Island and in exile. Our Cuba is everywhere.

José Prats Sariol.(Facebook)

José Prats Sariol (writer, Miami): “I neither fear nor desire a bloodbath, it has never been in our traditions”

11J was an eloquent symptom of the objective situation of the country, of the state of mind of the population, especially of the young people and their frustrations, faced with the option of resigning themselves or fleeing. I watched it, from here, in Aventura, northeast of Miami. I am an outcast who maintains his umbilical cord. I think such messy outbursts don’t usually succeed. I was always pessimistic, I have never underestimated the officials of Minint [State Security] and their amanuenses in the Party and the bureaucratic apparatus, including the Ministry of Culture. The triumphalist ruckus of a certain exile was laughable. (By the way, I thank 14ymedio for their news articles and opinion pieces, thermometers without sweetening). Perhaps another social outburst should provoke – wishful thinking – some commander of the troops to refuse to repress, serving as an argument to accelerate changes in the Military Junta and cause apertures, which would benefit the surreptitious progressive sector within the ruling elite. I neither fear nor desire a bloodbath, it has never been in our traditions. In addition, it would be necessary to have a face of asbestos to incite the combat from Miami.

La poeta y narradora cubana Odette Alonso. (Facebook)
The Cuban poet and narrator Odette Alonso. (Facebook)

Odette Alonso (poet and narrator, Mexico City): “All those young people who could protest the situation in the country are already in the United States.”

On July 11 (2021), we were at my in-laws’ house, having the traditional Sunday lunch, when messages began to arrive from family and friends warning that something was happening in Cuba. We immediately connected to social networks, where there were already many live broadcasts from various cities on the island, reporting on the popular demonstrations that were taking place and the police repression that was beginning. The Maleconazo of 1994, its only historical precedent, had been an event limited to the area of ​​Central Havana, where it happened, and was repressed in a matter of hours, without repercussion in the media (what was known about was shared from mouth to mouth). This, on the other hand, was something massive, national, and it was being seen, instantly, live, all over the world. In a short time, the Mexican news channels were also broadcasting it, and while we watched it, we had an endless conversation about the lurid details, unintelligible to a non-Cuban, of how life in Cuba has been and is, full of restrictions, surveillance, repression and misery. As a consequence of these events, the Cuban government has returned to doing what it has always done: “exemplary” trials, punishing sentences and opening the escape valve: the mass migration bridge through Nicaragua, through which almost 150,000 people have left in the space of a year. All those young people who could protest the situation in the country are already in the United States.

El escritor y traductor Jorge Ferrer. (Marlene Rodríguez/Cortesía)
The writer and translator Jorge Ferrer. (Marlene Rodriguez/Courtesy)

Jorge Ferrer (writer and translator, Barcelona): “I don’t know if I should continue feeding illusions about the future of post-Castroism”

I am not a man who spends a lot of time on the beach, but when on August 5, 1994, people overflowed the streets on the so-called Maleconazo, I was spending a few days in Platja d’Aro, in the north of Catalonia. So, I had just moved to Spain and I had the bitter feeling, following the events of that month on the pages of the newspapers, that I was missing something that I almost got to live. A bitter feeling, one of those that herald, in the political history of Cuba, even harsher bitterness. Twenty-seven years later, twenty-seven!, on 11J, in another but at the same time the same Cuba, a new citizen uprising found me in another house on the beach, in the Ebro Delta, this time with reality spilling out of the smartphones. Now without the feeling that I had lost something, but with the burning illusion that others could win it. The balance of 11J, a protest resulting from that mixture of rage and despair that produces the best cocktails, although it seems it is not the “Cuba libre,” is well known: one death, hundreds detained and prosecuted, thousands of people fleeing in terror from that island. More pain, more State violence, a  more ostentatious display of the brutal control that the repressive apparatus exercises over the country. So I don’t know if I should continue feeding illusions about the future of post-Castroism, adding prefixes to the name of that curse, but it does seem that it’s convenient that from time to time I go on vacation to the beach.

Enrique del Risco. (Facebook)

Enrique del Risco (historian and writer, New Jersey): “The day of the almost unanimous loss of fear in a country corroded by the terror of disobeying”

11J is the most important date in Cuban history since January 1, 1959. Although apparently nothing has been achieved, what was achieved that day was enormous: it was the day of the almost unanimous loss of fear in a country corroded by fear of disobeying. I lived it almost in real time, within the limitations imposed by the distance of residing in the north, in the United States. I immediately saw the videos that were being broadcast on Facebook at the time and the impression was unequivocal: people were marching peacefully, but chanting very clear slogans such as “down with the PCC” [Cuban Communist Party] and “Freedom,” very far from the interpretation that was later given by the foreign press, which presented it as a strictly economic protest. In the midst of the surprise, it became clear to many of us that we had to show our immediate support for what, at that time, were still scattered demonstrations in San Antonio and Palma Soriano, so a group of friends agreed to demonstrate at two in the afternoon of that same Sunday in Times Square, in midtown Manhattan. That moment was one of immense joy and hope. I doubt that another social explosion will be repeated soon, because the decisive condition of 11J was the surprise factor. Since then the regime has been preparing so that it does not happen again. But if we were already wrong last year, thinking that something like this would never happen, we might as well be wrong again.

Alexis Romay. (Facebook)

Alexis Romay (poet and storyteller, New Jersey): “The Cuba of the future began for all to see that day”

11J was a watershed. As much as that stagnant political system weighed in the 70s, the Cuba of the future began that day in front of everyone. And that possible Cuba has been revealed to us not only in the courage of those who once again stepped onto the streets of what was that bloody land, but also in the attitude of the relatives of the hundreds of people arrested for the protests. July 11th exposed the repressive nature of the government that Díaz-Canel has inherited as if it were a relic. Enthusiasts from all over the world have run out of the excuse that this revolution is of the humble and for the humble or that they didn’t know what was happening. At the beginning of the nineties, Willy Chirino cured me of the desire to predict the sociopolitical future of the Island. Nuestro Día Ya Viene Llegando [Our Day is Coming] is about to turn 30. Therefore, I am reluctant to predict the future of Cuba. Two things are clear to me: that it is not up to me, from exile, to summon or ask anyone to take to the streets to protest against that despicable regime. And that when the people on the Island take to the streets to demand their rights – which are mine – my duty will be to support and amplify those voices that dream of a Cuba with all and for the good of all.

Wendy Guerra. (Facebook)

Wendy Guerra (writer, Miami): “There is an infinite Cuba that is there, like a ticking time bomb, in the heads of Cubans.”

July 11 meant for me the certainty that the Revolution is not the history of Cuba, that there is an insurrectionary life before and after 1959. Seeing those bodies, which seemed painted by Goya, crossing the light unarmed but with the face of mambises, it was for me to return to the true homeland, the homeland that has no government, that has absolutely no commitment to any party, but to the legitimacy of that same sea and that same land that makes us an island and makes us its children. For me it was tears, it was joy, it was anger for not being there at that moment, walking, with worn sandals, along the edge of the Malecón like someone walking on the edge of a razor. There is a before and after. There is an infinite Cuba that is there, like a ticking time bomb, in the heads of Cubans, trying to resurface every day from their daily sorrows.

Manuel Vasquez Portal. (Facebook)

Manuel Vázquez Portal (poet, journalist and former prisoner of the Black Spring, Miami): “July 11 has not ended, it just started in 2021.”

11J was the renewal of hope, the resurrection of my People, the young people taking control of their dreams. As if distance did not exist, I was in every cry of my people, I suffered every blow they received, I suffer their cells with them, the men and women. I lived it in my house, in Miami. Facebook notified me of the first broadcast from San Antonio de los Baños. And from then on, I saw how each city joined in. I loved the internet like never before and the kids who know how to use it. I was surprised even though I yearned for it. I knew it was the end of the dictatorship. The beginning of another era. Social networks are the end of the information monopoly. Thanks, internet. July 11 is not over, it just started in 2021. Goodbye, dictatorship. There is no return.

Antonio Guedes. (CubaProxima)

Antonio Guedes (doctor, Madrid): “I wasn’t surprised, I knew something like this would have to happen soon.”

July 11 was the spontaneous outburst of the Cuban people after 62 years of dictatorship (what the youth asked in the street was “down with communism”), the lack of hope in a better future and the conviction and endemic inefficiency of the regime. I lived it with some hope during a youth that had said enough, but at the same time aware that, with the intense repression, it would not be the end of the dictatorship. I wasn’t surprised, I knew something like this would have to happen soon. The suffocating lack of freedom, the economic deterioration caused by a system incapable of generating development, plus the convergence of the pandemic, the significant decrease in aid from Venezuela and other aspects, pushed Cubans to the limit, causing the first major manifestation of protest of the Cuban people. I was informed by the Cuban independent media (14ymedio, Diario de Cuba, Cubanet), Spanish and American newspapers, DW from Germany, WhatsApp messages, the phone, and some journalist who called me. A protest like this will surely happen again, but its success will depend on the spontaneity and resilience of the people in staying on the streets. This will lead to greater conflicts with the Cuban political/economic/military command.

Daína Chaviano. (Facebook)
Daína Chaviano. (Facebook)

Daína Chaviano (writer, Miami): “When those civilians decide to confront the police en masse, things could be different.”

11J was a kind of “prologue to a death foretold,” the result of decades of famine, outrages and unfulfilled promises that have ended any glimmer of hope. However, although it was something that was seen coming, I think it surprised us all. It was such a spontaneous reaction that it caught the authorities themselves off guard. I will never forget the images of the stunned police officers, silently contemplating the parade of angry citizens shouting anti-government slogans. I found out what was happening through the videos that appeared on the internet. It was a day that I lived with a lot of anguish, because I was waiting for the repressive response of the regime. I have no doubt that, at any moment, there will be another social explosion. The problems that caused 11J, instead of diminishing, have been increasing. Every day new videos appear of Cuban mothers who ask for the freedom of their minor children, sentenced to years in prison just for protesting, or who complain about the lack of food, clothing and medicine for their children. I’m afraid that when it happens, people won’t just scream. The images showed that the number of protesters far exceeded the number of repressors. Some have predicted more violent protests, with people protecting their identity through masks. When it’s not about five cops beating up a defenseless civilian while 20 others look on, when those civilians decide to go head-to-head with the cops, things could be different.

Pavel Urkiza. (Facebook)
Pavel Urkiza. (Facebook)

Pavel Urkiza (musician, Miami): “There is a before and after July 11.”

There is a before and after July 11, marking a milestone in the history of Cuba in the last 60 years. I do not believe that hope has died because the expected results were not achieved, because the repression has been so great that there has not been a change, even if it is gradual. Hope will never die even if the repression is deep. There are many people, and we are many people, inside Cuba and outside, and we are deeply desiring democracy. The people of Cuba can’t take it any more, and can’t sustain a dictatorship that violates human rights, annuls individuality, represses open and free thoughts that have been deep within the Cuban people for a long time. People said enough is enough and, if nothing happens this July 11, or in three months, or in four, five, six, a year, at some point something will happen, and finally we Cubans will once again participate in a democratic process within the Island that will lead us to a place of spiritual and economic wealth.

“The point is that I discovered my country abroad and I remain faithful to that,” says Ramón Fernández-Larrea. (Courtesy)

Ramón Fernández Larrea (writer, Miami): “Another social explosion is inevitable. How and where it will be, I don’t know.”

11J was something unexpected for me, an amazing and painful event that illustrated the deep disappointment of the people and the tremendous degree of poverty and hopelessness of Cubans. It was a warning that still has the dictatorship trembling and wondering how it could have happened to them. I lived it with intensity and nervousness. Although those who lived in areas like El Vedado [Havana] never found out, I lived through each explosion in a chain in different places in Cuba. It was like a fuse that was exploding. I worked, like I do every day, in my house in Miami Beach. In one of the frequent entries I made to Facebook to promote the radio program I do every week, I saw the first images that someone had just uploaded to the internet from San Antonio de los Baños. I stopped everything and started searching the net. I was very, very surprised. I sensed that the game was closer than ever. That the pandemic had scared away the only chance Cuba has, tourism, and those who suffered the most were the ones who jumped first: the poorest, the neglected, the young people who no longer believe in any more promises. Another social explosion is inevitable. How and where it will be, I do not know. The dictatorship has put everything into repression. They want to scare and intimidate. Some of their blackmail and deportations have gone well for them, but it’s like the joke: it doesn’t matter that there are many colonels, disenchantment overwhelms them because it is general.

Adolfo Fernández Sainz. (Facebook)

Adolfo Fernández Sainz (independent journalist and former prisoner of the Black Spring, Miami): “J11 was the confirmation that the people despised communism.”

For me, 11J was the realization that the people despised communism. I opened the phone that Sunday afternoon and saw what was happening. It was a tremendous surprise. Today everything is worse than a year ago and the conditions are there. But it was also evident that the regime did not stop in the face of the popular revolt and the reaction was cruel.

Camilo Venegas Yero (CC)

Camilo Venegas Yero (blogger, Dominican Republic): “The day will come when we have streets and schools called ’July 11’.”

I went for a bike ride on August 5, 1994. I was going along the Malecón and I managed to see the beginning of the demonstration. I pedaled hard to my house to hug my daughter. I celebrated ahead of time. We all know how that day ended, with Blas Roca re-editing the final scene of Memories of Underdevelopment. On July 11, 2021, I also came to believe that we would make it. I remember that I did not move from the screen all day. My country had never given me so much hope. Then came the digital blackout, savage repression, and finally house-to-house persecution of protesters. If the regime installed by Fidel Castro had an iota of legitimacy left, it renounced it after Miguel Díaz-Canel appeared on television to order a minority of Cubans to fight and repress a majority of Cubans. In Chile (a country that also suffered a dictatorship, although not as long as ours) thousands of young people took to the streets just like ours. Today the young Chileans who protested are in power. The Cubans, on the other hand, are in jail. The day will come when we have streets and schools called July 11. That date is likely to become a national holiday as well. I don’t know if the young people who are in prison today will come to power, but they will greatly inspire those who do. 11J for me is that hope.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Dissidents Locked Up in Their Homes and Internet Outages to Prevent the Repetition of July 11th Protests (11J) in Cuba

In some parks in Havana, this same day, schoolchildren were seen singing revolutionary slogans. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, July 8, 2022 — As July 11 approaches, State Security deploys its tentacles to neutralize any attempt to celebrate the first anniversary of the historic protests that took place in dozens of places throughout the island.

This Friday, independent reporter Luz Escobar was summoned to receive a very clear warning: On July 11, 12 and 13, she will be under “surveillance” at home and, therefore, will not be able to leave.

“The State Security officer who calls himself Ramses, and who frequently represses me, called this afternoon to tell me that I’m summoned tomorrow at 10 am to the identity card office for an ’interview,’” Escobar reported on her social networks on Thursday. “He says that, based on new regulations, they don’t have to give me written notice.”

The journalist confirmed what she predicted: “He wanted to let me know that as a result of the ’complicated’ days that are coming now, I will have surveillance and a group of police on the ground floor of the building to prevent me from going out on the street in those days.” Ramses himself assured her that he would be on duty.

Leo Fernández Cruz, from Guanabacoa, was also quoted this Friday. “On the past July 11, I didn’t take to the streets,” he recalled. Months later, the young man was arrested for six hours, after the frustrated call of the Archipelago platform for the Civic March for Change on November 15.

Likewise, other activists on the island, such as Yerly Velázquez, from Santa Clara, have also been summoned by the political police. The young man, his mother told this newspaper, was accused this Thursday of “contempt” for his posts on social networks and they even asked him to appoint a lawyer for his defense. continue reading

Sources from Cienfuegos say that some schools have been closed since Friday to be able to concentrate police and soldiers in anticipation of this coming Monday.

In some parks in Havana, on the same day, schoolchildren were seen singing revolutionary slogans. “My children have already been summoned to activities in the nearest park, for today, Friday and Monday the 11th,” Juliette Isabel Fernández, wife of journalist and opponent Boris González, who was also threatened by State Security, wrote on social networks. “It would be crazy that, with a father summoned to receive the warning that on Monday the 11th he won’t have the right to leave the house and move through the streets, our children would attend that call,” she said, while reporting that “patriotic music” had been playing in the neighborhood since the morning.

From Sancti Spíritus comes a report that they are “mobilizing” workers to be “guards” in state enterprises. At Alexander Fábregas’ home, reports his brother, U.S. resident activist Néstor Estévez, the whole family is “peacefully quartered,” from this Friday at three in the afternoon until Monday, to protest “inside the house” for the anniversary of July 11.

According to other testimonies, in several buildings in Havana residents have been called this weekend for an “exercise of revolutionary popular surveillance,” consisting of putting up “decorations and flags” as a way to show that “we are still in combat,” in the words of the president of the neighbors’ council of a building in El Vedado.

In addition, since this Thursday, Internet service on the island has been slow at times. It doesn’t go unnoticed that the communication blackout was one of the tactics carried out by the regime, with the help of the state telecommunications monopoly Etecsa, to prevent the repression of 11J from being broadcast in real time, such as the first demonstration of that day in San Antonio de los Baños.

Translated by Regina Anavy

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Can State-owned Enterprises Change the Ways of Thinking and Redesign Production Processes?

A sole proprietor sells peanuts and sweets in Havana streets.  “Businesses” this small were confiscated during the 1968 Revolutionary Perspective. (Luz Escobar)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, July 7, 2022 — Before the next International Congress of Business Management and Public Administration to be held in Havana until July 8, the Deputy Minister of Economy, Johana Odriozola, has made statements to the official newspaper Granma that have been published under the title “Transformations in the Cuban business system in order to grow with efficiency.”

It seems that this congress will address how to “change the ways of thinking and redesign production processes to incorporate into the Cuban business system topics such as Industry 4.0, Artificial Intelligence, Big Data, the Internet of Things and cloud computing.” What a great waste of time!

Cuban communists are convinced that in their socialist model it’s possible to develop a business system that is dependent on the state, on what they call a socialist state enterprise, which they want to promote and give a more relevant role within the economic system. But haven’t these socialist companies been protagonists in Cuba’s economic history since 1959?

After the end of the confiscation proceedings initiated in 1959, with the so-called “Revolutionary Offensive” of 1968, all Cuban productive capital passed into the hands of the state without leaving room for private economic activity. The state became the owner of the means of production and the companies, so its ability to influence the economy and society increased significantly. The companies were all state-owned, and there was no room for private enterprise. And this is how the Cuban economy worked until a few years ago when formulas such as self-employment or micro, small and medium-sized enterprises were approved, which, however, have little to do with the concept of private enterprise that we know.

Private enterprise is based on three fundamental elements: property rights, autonomy and profit motive. None of the three are present in Cuban socialist state enterprises, and therefore, the leaders are unable to attract investments for them, or take advantage of the human talent they have, or give as much flexibility as possible, nor autonomy for the exercise of their rights. And this formula is what Mrs. Odriozola wants to present and vindicate at the congress. continue reading

To achieve transformations in the business system, the communists have opened their hand with respect to state enterprise, for example, with measures such as “the elimination of profit distribution limits, the expansion of its corporate purpose, a link with the non-state sector and the creation of state-owned micro, small and medium-sized enterprises.”

Nothing to do with the implementation of a legal framework based on private property rights, as a main reference for the exercise of business activity, much less with decision-making autonomy or the generation of profits. These elements would give the business system a boost, but they are despised by the Cuban communist leaders, who don’t even want to hear anything about them.

Apparently, the leaders of the regime are concerned about the insertion of the new economic actors into the Cuban business system; above all, that the regime might lose the ability to interfere and control the activity of the private sector, within the Marxist philosophy of economic interventionism. It is in the interest of the regime that companies, state or private, be servile and subject to the principles of political hierarchy that establish, of course, who rules and who obeys.

That is why, at the same time that they introduce the previous solutions to lend a hand to the state company, they see the need to keep the new economic actors under control, recognizing that any opening of spaces for state enterprises has its transfer to the private sector.

López Calleja already saw it at the time from GAESA,and that is why he used all his power to limit and stop the development of self-employment in tourism or gastronomy. The problem with the Cuban socialist state enterprise is that it’s inefficient by its own nature, lacks motivation and incentives, and is unable to face private competition when it receives a simple authorization from the state to operate.

Hence, Castro leaders think that the transformations that have been implemented in recent years have benefited private actors, but they haven’t done so to state companies, and, therefore, they want to recover lost space and time. Another thing is that they get it. The intention of the regime, announced by Mrs. Odriozola, is that what remains of the Management Task, the 63 measures of the agricultural sector, the macro programs of the National Economic and Social Development Plan 2030, government management based on science and innovation and territorial development, Díaz Canel’s Strategy — everything will be reviewed to put it at the service of socialist state enterprises.

The deputy minister said that the implementation of these measures has had unexpected and undesirable effects on the regime, citing as an example the informal market with a dollar exchange rate that doesn’t conform to the officially approved rate and that slows down the links between the state sector and private actors. It’s a false argument, which is not sustained, because that informal market was born from the incompetence of the regime to consolidate a fixed exchange rate system by the Central Bank, lacking the necessary currencies.

Other unwanted effects, such as the scarcity of bank financing, are due to the growing demand for financial resources by the state to finance its growing deficit and indebtedness; on the other hand, the idea of streamlining import processes has not worked because the state intermediary agencies created by Malmierca don’t function efficiently.

Therefore, starting to build the house from the roof, as Mrs. Odriozola wants to do, won’t work. To get state-owned companies to “change the ways of thinking and redesign production processes, with topics such as Industry 4.0, artificial intelligence, Big Data, the Internet of Things and cloud computing” requires much more than an international congress. It takes political will, clear ideas and assuming the failure of the socialist business model.

The leaders will not get anywhere if that business system is not consolidated with firm legal bases for the respect of property rights. And there is a long way to go.

Translated by Regina Anavy

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Imports of U.S. Chicken Falls for the Second Consecutive Month

Since February, Cuba has imported 54% less chicken from the United States. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 8 July 2022 — The renewed scarcity of chicken in grocery stores and its high price — as much as 270 pesos a pound on the black market — coincides with a drop in exports from the United States, the main supplier to the Cuban market.

According to data released by Cuban economist Pedro Monreal on Thursday, the amount of chicken imported by Cuba from its neighboring country fell 54% since February, little more than three months ago. “This could indicate a period of import scarcity,” he says.

Monreal cites recent data released by the U.S. Foreign Agricultural Service which indicates that chicken exports fell substantially in May — 28% in terms of tonnage — for the second consecutive month, a level not seen since November 2020.

In May 14,248 tons of chicken, valued at $14,308,000, was sold. The price per kilogram of U.S. chicken sold to Cuba rose one dollar, an increase of 9.9% compared to a 9.1% increase the previous month, when 19,740 pounds were sold. continue reading

Despite the decrease, Monreal notes, “These levels are still relatively high compared to historical data in terms of both price and weight.”

Cuba must import 80% of the food it consumes at an annual cost of two billion dollars. With other sources of protein such as fish, eggs and beef virtually unavailable and pork now at sky-high prices, imported chicken has become an essential item on Cuban dinner tables.

Buying in bulk during hot summer months like these runs the risk that the frozen chicken will spoil during long electrical power outages that are common throughout the island. Consumers have two choices: either buy a little at a time and have no chicken stashed away in the freezer or see your purchase go to waste during a prolonged blackout.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

A Report Warns of Possible Rebellions ‘Of Magnitude’ in Cuba in the Short Term

Protests motivated by economic and social rights predominated for the second time, totaling 175. (Screen capture)

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Miami, July 6,  2022 — Cuba may be the scene of many rebellions in the short-term, according to a report by the Cuban Observatory of Conflicts (OCC) released on Tuesday, which points out that the 258 protests of last June exceeded by 11 those of the same period in 2021.

The June report considers that the possibility of “one or more rebellions of considerable magnitude is extremely high in the short term, whether or not they occur this July.”

The OCC report, an autonomous civil society project supported by the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, based in the United States, emphasizes that Havana continues to believe that “without solving the hell of daily life it will prevent new rebellions by cutting off communications among potential rebels.”

In June, protests motivated by economic and social rights predominated for the second time, totaling 175 (68%), while 83 (32%) focused on political and civil rights.

The OCC indicates that, in fact, the largest increase occurred in protests for economic and social rights, 62% more than the previous month. This can be attributed to the deterioration of living conditions, which the OCC classifies as “daily death.”

In addition to the protests against product shortages, inflation and the collapse of the health system, 39 caused by power outages were added.

The report points out that since July 11, 2021, when Cuba witnessed the largest anti-government protests in its recent history, the Government “has demonstrated with its immobility that it didn’t understand that popular consent to the system had been exhausted.” continue reading

“These circumstances, together with the sudden death of General (Luis Alberto Rodríguez) López-Calleja and the ever closer eventuality of the death of Raúl Castro, mean that new scenarios of social rebellions can open up in the coming months,” it warns.

The report says that rebellions can have “violent tonalities in the increasingly deteriorated Cuban reality,” creating conditions for a rupture in the chain of command of the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior if there are units that refuse to repress them.

It indicates that the threats to governance in Cuba go beyond the conflict between the population and power, since there are other factors such as the social distance between generals associated with the Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A (Gaesa) and officers exclusively in charge of military tasks.

The OCC claims to know that there is a growing malaise within Gaesa in the active and retired officers of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), a multisectoral complex with more than fifty companies that is not accountable to the National Assembly.

’There are indications that this was the factor associated with the abrupt dismissal of General Leopoldo Cintra Frías” in 2021, it emphasizes.

Translated by Regina Anavy

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Cuban Artists Otero Alcantara and ‘Osorbo’ Refuse to Appeal Their Sentence

The artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, with a Cuban flag, behind El Funky and Maykel Castillo ’Osorbo’, in a scene from the video clip of ’Patria y Vida’. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio/EFE, Havana, 8 July 2022 — The artists and opponents Maykel Castillo Osorbo and Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara refused to appeal their sentences of nine and five years in prison, respectively. In addition, the latter has announced that he began a new hunger strike – the third since he was in prison – on July 4 to demand his immediate and unconditional release.

“After a few days of careful thought, Maykel has decided not to appeal the 9-year sentence that was unjustly imposed on him and ignoring all international demands,” ​​says a statement posted on his Facebook profile.

According to the text, Osorbo keeps in touch from prison with regular calls and has asked to say that “he will no longer lend himself to that circus… The whole world saw the caricature that a dictatorship makes of a judicial system and how coercion, in the midst of these events, not only makes them exist behind closed doors, but also expands to the streets and social actors that can be a threat, even physically far from the scene,” the post continues.

The rapper began in November 2021 to have “vomiting, fever, sweating and a lot of fatigue” and is sick without having received a reliable diagnosis, according to his relatives. “Maykel and all of us who accompany him are demanding that he be released and that he leave Cuba to be treated by a doctor and to save his life.”

The message indicates that Osorbo recently wrote a letter in which he spoke “of everything that would have to happen for Cuba to enter the 21st century,” a vocabulary that, according to the text, is also used by Otero Alcántara and the activist Omara Ruiz Urquiola.

For his part, Otero Alcántara has not specified any reason why he refuses to appeal, although it is presumed, due to the statement released by the San Isidro Movement, that it is the same as that of Osorbo. continue reading

The text denounces that the conviction reached the press, through the Cuban Prosecutor’s Office, before it was shared with the interested party. “Luis is not allowed to socialize with other prisoners, or go out to the patio to take the sun. He remains confined in a cell with another detainee. The only sun he takes in is through the bars of his cell, no matter how dramatic this description sounds,” it adds.

The post also maintains that during the trial State Security blackmailed Otero Alcántara by telling him that if he did not accept a forced exile agreement, Maykel Osorbo would not be able to leave Cuba to attend to his health problem either.

The trial against both artists — considered prisoners of conscience by Amnesty International (AI) — took place on May 30 and 31 in the Court of the municipality of Marianao of Havana.

Representatives from European embassies tried unsuccessfully to gain access to the hearings. During those days a strong security operation was deployed around the court.

Otero Alcántara was punished for the crimes of outrage against the symbols of the country, contempt and public disorder, while Osorbo was convicted of contempt, attack, public disorder and defamation of institutions and organizations, heroes and martyrs, according to the Attorney General’s Office the Republic (FGR) on June 24.

The FGR then assured that the court considered it proven that Otero Alcántara had “the express intention, sustained over time, of offending the national flag, by publishing photos on social networks where he is used in denigrating acts,” alluding to Drapeau, a performance in which the MSI leader wore the flag on his body for a month.

In addition, he argued that Osorbo — co-author of the song Patria y Vida, winner of two Latin Grammys and anthem of the 11J protests — “used false images” to “outrage, affect the honor and dignity of the country’s highest authorities.” The rapper was also accused of making “direct interventions from his personal profile to dishonor the role of law enforcement officers in society.”

The Prosecutor’s Office also collected previous facts in its petitions, such as “offensive writings against the flag” on the networks and publication of memes on Facebook to “ridicule and discredit” Miguel Díaz-Canel.

In addition to those two, the Court sanctioned Juslid Justiz Lazo and Reina Sierra Duvergel with 5 years in prison for attacking opponents Félix Roque Delgado and 3 years of correctional work without internment. He considered it proven that all of them had helped Osorbo to resist his arrest.

____________

COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.