Cuban Opponent Guillermo Farinas Has Been ‘Kidnapped by State Security’ Since Friday

Cuban opponent Guillermo Fariñas was arrested last Friday by State Security agents. (Capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio/EFE, Havana, 10 July 2022 — Guillermo Fariñas is “kidnapped by State Security officers,” Haisa Fariñas denounced on her social networks. According to Fariñas’ daughter, he is “in the Provincial Operations Unit of the State Security Directorate.”

The family already had contact with the dissident. “They only allowed my grandmother to enter the unit so that she could see him and bring him his medicine, food and toiletries,” Haisa explained. Fariñas was arrested by State Security agents last Friday in the province of Villa Clara, three days before the first anniversary of July 11.

Haisa Fariñas made it known on Friday that the political police patrol car with number 266 was watching her father’s house. Almost an hour later, she indicated that the agents of the unit were joined by those of patrol car number 250 to arrest Guillermo Fariñas. “He was arrested in his own home,” she noted. “His whereabouts are unknown, they did not want to give details of the reason for the arrest and where they transferred him.”

At the beginning of this month, Fariñas published an investigation carried out together with Mabel Hernández White, and the former Ladies in White Dayamí Villavicencio Hernández and Yaima Villavicencio Hernández, on police violence against Zinadine Zidan Batista Álvarez in the El Condado neighborhood of Santa Clara. The 17-year-old teenager, killed at the hands of the Police, the opposition revealed, participated in the protests on July 11, 2021 and after spending 23 days in detention, he was released and fined 3,000 pesos.

Guillermo Fariñas, winner of the Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought (2010) has been arrested and then released on several occasions, one of them in May, on his return to Havana from a tour of Europe and the US.

In one of those interrogations, he said that State Security threatened to charge him with rebellion or incitement to war, if he continued “issuing instructions” to incite another social outburst.

Fariñas is one of the best-known Cuban opponents, particularly for the numerous hunger strikes he has held in protest against the regime since the first in 1995.

The longest was in 2003 when he fasted for 14 months, and the 25th fast was in 2016, which lasted 54 days to ask the government to end the repression against dissidents.

The Government of Cuba, for its part, considers the dissidents “counterrevolutionaries” and “mercenaries” at the service of US interests and denies that it has political prisoners in its jails.

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11J (July 11th) Far From Cuba

Artists, writers, historians tell this newspaper how they experienced 11J from a distance. (Collage)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 11 July 2022 — Thousands of Cubans in exile joined their compatriots on the island in the surprise and hope entailed in 11 July 2021. A year after those historic demonstrations, 14ymedio asked 15 of them – artists, writers, historians – what did 11J mean, how did they experience it from a distance, and whether they think another social outburst is coming soon?

Ernesto Hernández Busto. (Facebook)

Ernesto Hernández Busto (poet, essayist and translator, Barcelona): “The taboo of ‘the street belongs to revolutionaries’ was broken.”

I covered the events for a digital newspaper, so I forced myself to watch all the videos that flooded the networks in almost real time. I confess that I was surprised, not only by the magnitude and extension of the protests but also by the clearly political slogans. It was as if a curse had been broken. I also realized that the protesters themselves were surprised at what they had done, what they had achieved. They didn’t quite know what to do with that oppositional energy. Shortly after, when the authorities (also surprised) reacted, it was too late to achieve the change. Repression began again, turned into a struggle for the survival of the dominant caste. And we began to see how those same videos that had made us scream with emotion were used to hunt down protesters. In any event, the taboo of “the street belongs to the revolutionaries” was broken, the idea that in Cuba there was never going to be a protest in the streets of that magnitude, and the omnipotence of State Security and the repressive forces. It was important to see the spectrum of those who criticized the repression, something decisively cracked. Unfortunately, the regime has preferred to “learn a lesson” and flee forward. That is, to nowhere.

Jacobo Machover. (Facebook)

Jacobo Machover (writer and professor of Hispanic literature, Paris): “Time is running out for those who keep our people in oppression and misery.”

For me, 11J was a total surprise, but so hopeful… I found out in Paris through messages and videos, posted by dissidents from inside and outside the island who appeared through social networks. They all listed the places where these spontaneous movements were taking place. Friendly journalists kept me up to date in real time. What I asked myself at that time was: how to help? With words, of course, speaking out in the media that offered me that opportunity. I wrote the story of a dream in which the aspirations to freedom were becoming a reality and I found myself in a dilapidated Havana walking with my people, as if time, almost six decades of exile, had not passed. Many former prisoners, and poets and artists, who died in exile, came to mind. The Cubans who remain inside the country will continue to leave by all means, risking their lives, which constitutes, in my opinion, another form of rebellion. And time is running out for those who keep our people in oppression and misery. I don’t know if I’ll ever see another day like that. It is not necessary to remain in a mere commemoration. Many of its protagonists are still in prison, but I think there has been a turnaround in terms of glimpsing something new in the future, both on the Island and in exile. Our Cuba is everywhere. Many of its protagonists are still in prison, but I think there has been a turnaround in terms of glimpsing something new in the future, both on the Island and in exile. Our Cuba is everywhere.

José Prats Sariol.(Facebook)

José Prats Sariol (writer, Miami): “I neither fear nor desire a bloodbath, it has never been in our traditions”

11J was an eloquent symptom of the objective situation of the country, of the state of mind of the population, especially of the young people and their frustrations, faced with the option of resigning themselves or fleeing. I watched it, from here, in Aventura, northeast of Miami. I am an outcast who maintains his umbilical cord. I think such messy outbursts don’t usually succeed. I was always pessimistic, I have never underestimated the officials of Minint [State Security] and their amanuenses in the Party and the bureaucratic apparatus, including the Ministry of Culture. The triumphalist ruckus of a certain exile was laughable. (By the way, I thank 14ymedio for their news articles and opinion pieces, thermometers without sweetening). Perhaps another social outburst should provoke – wishful thinking – some commander of the troops to refuse to repress, serving as an argument to accelerate changes in the Military Junta and cause apertures, which would benefit the surreptitious progressive sector within the ruling elite. I neither fear nor desire a bloodbath, it has never been in our traditions. In addition, it would be necessary to have a face of asbestos to incite the combat from Miami.

La poeta y narradora cubana Odette Alonso. (Facebook)
The Cuban poet and narrator Odette Alonso. (Facebook)

Odette Alonso (poet and narrator, Mexico City): “All those young people who could protest the situation in the country are already in the United States.”

On July 11 (2021), we were at my in-laws’ house, having the traditional Sunday lunch, when messages began to arrive from family and friends warning that something was happening in Cuba. We immediately connected to social networks, where there were already many live broadcasts from various cities on the island, reporting on the popular demonstrations that were taking place and the police repression that was beginning. The Maleconazo of 1994, its only historical precedent, had been an event limited to the area of ​​Central Havana, where it happened, and was repressed in a matter of hours, without repercussion in the media (what was known about was shared from mouth to mouth). This, on the other hand, was something massive, national, and it was being seen, instantly, live, all over the world. In a short time, the Mexican news channels were also broadcasting it, and while we watched it, we had an endless conversation about the lurid details, unintelligible to a non-Cuban, of how life in Cuba has been and is, full of restrictions, surveillance, repression and misery. As a consequence of these events, the Cuban government has returned to doing what it has always done: “exemplary” trials, punishing sentences and opening the escape valve: the mass migration bridge through Nicaragua, through which almost 150,000 people have left in the space of a year. All those young people who could protest the situation in the country are already in the United States.

El escritor y traductor Jorge Ferrer. (Marlene Rodríguez/Cortesía)
The writer and translator Jorge Ferrer. (Marlene Rodriguez/Courtesy)

Jorge Ferrer (writer and translator, Barcelona): “I don’t know if I should continue feeding illusions about the future of post-Castroism”

I am not a man who spends a lot of time on the beach, but when on August 5, 1994, people overflowed the streets on the so-called Maleconazo, I was spending a few days in Platja d’Aro, in the north of Catalonia. So, I had just moved to Spain and I had the bitter feeling, following the events of that month on the pages of the newspapers, that I was missing something that I almost got to live. A bitter feeling, one of those that herald, in the political history of Cuba, even harsher bitterness. Twenty-seven years later, twenty-seven!, on 11J, in another but at the same time the same Cuba, a new citizen uprising found me in another house on the beach, in the Ebro Delta, this time with reality spilling out of the smartphones. Now without the feeling that I had lost something, but with the burning illusion that others could win it. The balance of 11J, a protest resulting from that mixture of rage and despair that produces the best cocktails, although it seems it is not the “Cuba libre,” is well known: one death, hundreds detained and prosecuted, thousands of people fleeing in terror from that island. More pain, more State violence, a  more ostentatious display of the brutal control that the repressive apparatus exercises over the country. So I don’t know if I should continue feeding illusions about the future of post-Castroism, adding prefixes to the name of that curse, but it does seem that it’s convenient that from time to time I go on vacation to the beach.

Enrique del Risco. (Facebook)

Enrique del Risco (historian and writer, New Jersey): “The day of the almost unanimous loss of fear in a country corroded by the terror of disobeying”

11J is the most important date in Cuban history since January 1, 1959. Although apparently nothing has been achieved, what was achieved that day was enormous: it was the day of the almost unanimous loss of fear in a country corroded by fear of disobeying. I lived it almost in real time, within the limitations imposed by the distance of residing in the north, in the United States. I immediately saw the videos that were being broadcast on Facebook at the time and the impression was unequivocal: people were marching peacefully, but chanting very clear slogans such as “down with the PCC” [Cuban Communist Party] and “Freedom,” very far from the interpretation that was later given by the foreign press, which presented it as a strictly economic protest. In the midst of the surprise, it became clear to many of us that we had to show our immediate support for what, at that time, were still scattered demonstrations in San Antonio and Palma Soriano, so a group of friends agreed to demonstrate at two in the afternoon of that same Sunday in Times Square, in midtown Manhattan. That moment was one of immense joy and hope. I doubt that another social explosion will be repeated soon, because the decisive condition of 11J was the surprise factor. Since then the regime has been preparing so that it does not happen again. But if we were already wrong last year, thinking that something like this would never happen, we might as well be wrong again.

Alexis Romay. (Facebook)

Alexis Romay (poet and storyteller, New Jersey): “The Cuba of the future began for all to see that day”

11J was a watershed. As much as that stagnant political system weighed in the 70s, the Cuba of the future began that day in front of everyone. And that possible Cuba has been revealed to us not only in the courage of those who once again stepped onto the streets of what was that bloody land, but also in the attitude of the relatives of the hundreds of people arrested for the protests. July 11th exposed the repressive nature of the government that Díaz-Canel has inherited as if it were a relic. Enthusiasts from all over the world have run out of the excuse that this revolution is of the humble and for the humble or that they didn’t know what was happening. At the beginning of the nineties, Willy Chirino cured me of the desire to predict the sociopolitical future of the Island. Nuestro Día Ya Viene Llegando [Our Day is Coming] is about to turn 30. Therefore, I am reluctant to predict the future of Cuba. Two things are clear to me: that it is not up to me, from exile, to summon or ask anyone to take to the streets to protest against that despicable regime. And that when the people on the Island take to the streets to demand their rights – which are mine – my duty will be to support and amplify those voices that dream of a Cuba with all and for the good of all.

Wendy Guerra. (Facebook)

Wendy Guerra (writer, Miami): “There is an infinite Cuba that is there, like a ticking time bomb, in the heads of Cubans.”

July 11 meant for me the certainty that the Revolution is not the history of Cuba, that there is an insurrectionary life before and after 1959. Seeing those bodies, which seemed painted by Goya, crossing the light unarmed but with the face of mambises, it was for me to return to the true homeland, the homeland that has no government, that has absolutely no commitment to any party, but to the legitimacy of that same sea and that same land that makes us an island and makes us its children. For me it was tears, it was joy, it was anger for not being there at that moment, walking, with worn sandals, along the edge of the Malecón like someone walking on the edge of a razor. There is a before and after. There is an infinite Cuba that is there, like a ticking time bomb, in the heads of Cubans, trying to resurface every day from their daily sorrows.

Manuel Vasquez Portal. (Facebook)

Manuel Vázquez Portal (poet, journalist and former prisoner of the Black Spring, Miami): “July 11 has not ended, it just started in 2021.”

11J was the renewal of hope, the resurrection of my People, the young people taking control of their dreams. As if distance did not exist, I was in every cry of my people, I suffered every blow they received, I suffer their cells with them, the men and women. I lived it in my house, in Miami. Facebook notified me of the first broadcast from San Antonio de los Baños. And from then on, I saw how each city joined in. I loved the internet like never before and the kids who know how to use it. I was surprised even though I yearned for it. I knew it was the end of the dictatorship. The beginning of another era. Social networks are the end of the information monopoly. Thanks, internet. July 11 is not over, it just started in 2021. Goodbye, dictatorship. There is no return.

Antonio Guedes. (CubaProxima)

Antonio Guedes (doctor, Madrid): “I wasn’t surprised, I knew something like this would have to happen soon.”

July 11 was the spontaneous outburst of the Cuban people after 62 years of dictatorship (what the youth asked in the street was “down with communism”), the lack of hope in a better future and the conviction and endemic inefficiency of the regime. I lived it with some hope during a youth that had said enough, but at the same time aware that, with the intense repression, it would not be the end of the dictatorship. I wasn’t surprised, I knew something like this would have to happen soon. The suffocating lack of freedom, the economic deterioration caused by a system incapable of generating development, plus the convergence of the pandemic, the significant decrease in aid from Venezuela and other aspects, pushed Cubans to the limit, causing the first major manifestation of protest of the Cuban people. I was informed by the Cuban independent media (14ymedio, Diario de Cuba, Cubanet), Spanish and American newspapers, DW from Germany, WhatsApp messages, the phone, and some journalist who called me. A protest like this will surely happen again, but its success will depend on the spontaneity and resilience of the people in staying on the streets. This will lead to greater conflicts with the Cuban political/economic/military command.

Daína Chaviano. (Facebook)
Daína Chaviano. (Facebook)

Daína Chaviano (writer, Miami): “When those civilians decide to confront the police en masse, things could be different.”

11J was a kind of “prologue to a death foretold,” the result of decades of famine, outrages and unfulfilled promises that have ended any glimmer of hope. However, although it was something that was seen coming, I think it surprised us all. It was such a spontaneous reaction that it caught the authorities themselves off guard. I will never forget the images of the stunned police officers, silently contemplating the parade of angry citizens shouting anti-government slogans. I found out what was happening through the videos that appeared on the internet. It was a day that I lived with a lot of anguish, because I was waiting for the repressive response of the regime. I have no doubt that, at any moment, there will be another social explosion. The problems that caused 11J, instead of diminishing, have been increasing. Every day new videos appear of Cuban mothers who ask for the freedom of their minor children, sentenced to years in prison just for protesting, or who complain about the lack of food, clothing and medicine for their children. I’m afraid that when it happens, people won’t just scream. The images showed that the number of protesters far exceeded the number of repressors. Some have predicted more violent protests, with people protecting their identity through masks. When it’s not about five cops beating up a defenseless civilian while 20 others look on, when those civilians decide to go head-to-head with the cops, things could be different.

Pavel Urkiza. (Facebook)
Pavel Urkiza. (Facebook)

Pavel Urkiza (musician, Miami): “There is a before and after July 11.”

There is a before and after July 11, marking a milestone in the history of Cuba in the last 60 years. I do not believe that hope has died because the expected results were not achieved, because the repression has been so great that there has not been a change, even if it is gradual. Hope will never die even if the repression is deep. There are many people, and we are many people, inside Cuba and outside, and we are deeply desiring democracy. The people of Cuba can’t take it any more, and can’t sustain a dictatorship that violates human rights, annuls individuality, represses open and free thoughts that have been deep within the Cuban people for a long time. People said enough is enough and, if nothing happens this July 11, or in three months, or in four, five, six, a year, at some point something will happen, and finally we Cubans will once again participate in a democratic process within the Island that will lead us to a place of spiritual and economic wealth.

“The point is that I discovered my country abroad and I remain faithful to that,” says Ramón Fernández-Larrea. (Courtesy)

Ramón Fernández Larrea (writer, Miami): “Another social explosion is inevitable. How and where it will be, I don’t know.”

11J was something unexpected for me, an amazing and painful event that illustrated the deep disappointment of the people and the tremendous degree of poverty and hopelessness of Cubans. It was a warning that still has the dictatorship trembling and wondering how it could have happened to them. I lived it with intensity and nervousness. Although those who lived in areas like El Vedado [Havana] never found out, I lived through each explosion in a chain in different places in Cuba. It was like a fuse that was exploding. I worked, like I do every day, in my house in Miami Beach. In one of the frequent entries I made to Facebook to promote the radio program I do every week, I saw the first images that someone had just uploaded to the internet from San Antonio de los Baños. I stopped everything and started searching the net. I was very, very surprised. I sensed that the game was closer than ever. That the pandemic had scared away the only chance Cuba has, tourism, and those who suffered the most were the ones who jumped first: the poorest, the neglected, the young people who no longer believe in any more promises. Another social explosion is inevitable. How and where it will be, I do not know. The dictatorship has put everything into repression. They want to scare and intimidate. Some of their blackmail and deportations have gone well for them, but it’s like the joke: it doesn’t matter that there are many colonels, disenchantment overwhelms them because it is general.

Adolfo Fernández Sainz. (Facebook)

Adolfo Fernández Sainz (independent journalist and former prisoner of the Black Spring, Miami): “J11 was the confirmation that the people despised communism.”

For me, 11J was the realization that the people despised communism. I opened the phone that Sunday afternoon and saw what was happening. It was a tremendous surprise. Today everything is worse than a year ago and the conditions are there. But it was also evident that the regime did not stop in the face of the popular revolt and the reaction was cruel.

Camilo Venegas Yero (CC)

Camilo Venegas Yero (blogger, Dominican Republic): “The day will come when we have streets and schools called ’July 11’.”

I went for a bike ride on August 5, 1994. I was going along the Malecón and I managed to see the beginning of the demonstration. I pedaled hard to my house to hug my daughter. I celebrated ahead of time. We all know how that day ended, with Blas Roca re-editing the final scene of Memories of Underdevelopment. On July 11, 2021, I also came to believe that we would make it. I remember that I did not move from the screen all day. My country had never given me so much hope. Then came the digital blackout, savage repression, and finally house-to-house persecution of protesters. If the regime installed by Fidel Castro had an iota of legitimacy left, it renounced it after Miguel Díaz-Canel appeared on television to order a minority of Cubans to fight and repress a majority of Cubans. In Chile (a country that also suffered a dictatorship, although not as long as ours) thousands of young people took to the streets just like ours. Today the young Chileans who protested are in power. The Cubans, on the other hand, are in jail. The day will come when we have streets and schools called July 11. That date is likely to become a national holiday as well. I don’t know if the young people who are in prison today will come to power, but they will greatly inspire those who do. 11J for me is that hope.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Dissidents Locked Up in Their Homes and Internet Outages to Prevent the Repetition of July 11th Protests (11J) in Cuba

In some parks in Havana, this same day, schoolchildren were seen singing revolutionary slogans. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, July 8, 2022 — As July 11 approaches, State Security deploys its tentacles to neutralize any attempt to celebrate the first anniversary of the historic protests that took place in dozens of places throughout the island.

This Friday, independent reporter Luz Escobar was summoned to receive a very clear warning: On July 11, 12 and 13, she will be under “surveillance” at home and, therefore, will not be able to leave.

“The State Security officer who calls himself Ramses, and who frequently represses me, called this afternoon to tell me that I’m summoned tomorrow at 10 am to the identity card office for an ’interview,’” Escobar reported on her social networks on Thursday. “He says that, based on new regulations, they don’t have to give me written notice.”

The journalist confirmed what she predicted: “He wanted to let me know that as a result of the ’complicated’ days that are coming now, I will have surveillance and a group of police on the ground floor of the building to prevent me from going out on the street in those days.” Ramses himself assured her that he would be on duty.

Leo Fernández Cruz, from Guanabacoa, was also quoted this Friday. “On the past July 11, I didn’t take to the streets,” he recalled. Months later, the young man was arrested for six hours, after the frustrated call of the Archipelago platform for the Civic March for Change on November 15.

Likewise, other activists on the island, such as Yerly Velázquez, from Santa Clara, have also been summoned by the political police. The young man, his mother told this newspaper, was accused this Thursday of “contempt” for his posts on social networks and they even asked him to appoint a lawyer for his defense. continue reading

Sources from Cienfuegos say that some schools have been closed since Friday to be able to concentrate police and soldiers in anticipation of this coming Monday.

In some parks in Havana, on the same day, schoolchildren were seen singing revolutionary slogans. “My children have already been summoned to activities in the nearest park, for today, Friday and Monday the 11th,” Juliette Isabel Fernández, wife of journalist and opponent Boris González, who was also threatened by State Security, wrote on social networks. “It would be crazy that, with a father summoned to receive the warning that on Monday the 11th he won’t have the right to leave the house and move through the streets, our children would attend that call,” she said, while reporting that “patriotic music” had been playing in the neighborhood since the morning.

From Sancti Spíritus comes a report that they are “mobilizing” workers to be “guards” in state enterprises. At Alexander Fábregas’ home, reports his brother, U.S. resident activist Néstor Estévez, the whole family is “peacefully quartered,” from this Friday at three in the afternoon until Monday, to protest “inside the house” for the anniversary of July 11.

According to other testimonies, in several buildings in Havana residents have been called this weekend for an “exercise of revolutionary popular surveillance,” consisting of putting up “decorations and flags” as a way to show that “we are still in combat,” in the words of the president of the neighbors’ council of a building in El Vedado.

In addition, since this Thursday, Internet service on the island has been slow at times. It doesn’t go unnoticed that the communication blackout was one of the tactics carried out by the regime, with the help of the state telecommunications monopoly Etecsa, to prevent the repression of 11J from being broadcast in real time, such as the first demonstration of that day in San Antonio de los Baños.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Can State-owned Enterprises Change the Ways of Thinking and Redesign Production Processes?

A sole proprietor sells peanuts and sweets in Havana streets.  “Businesses” this small were confiscated during the 1968 Revolutionary Perspective. (Luz Escobar)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elías Amor Bravo, Economist, July 7, 2022 — Before the next International Congress of Business Management and Public Administration to be held in Havana until July 8, the Deputy Minister of Economy, Johana Odriozola, has made statements to the official newspaper Granma that have been published under the title “Transformations in the Cuban business system in order to grow with efficiency.”

It seems that this congress will address how to “change the ways of thinking and redesign production processes to incorporate into the Cuban business system topics such as Industry 4.0, Artificial Intelligence, Big Data, the Internet of Things and cloud computing.” What a great waste of time!

Cuban communists are convinced that in their socialist model it’s possible to develop a business system that is dependent on the state, on what they call a socialist state enterprise, which they want to promote and give a more relevant role within the economic system. But haven’t these socialist companies been protagonists in Cuba’s economic history since 1959?

After the end of the confiscation proceedings initiated in 1959, with the so-called “Revolutionary Offensive” of 1968, all Cuban productive capital passed into the hands of the state without leaving room for private economic activity. The state became the owner of the means of production and the companies, so its ability to influence the economy and society increased significantly. The companies were all state-owned, and there was no room for private enterprise. And this is how the Cuban economy worked until a few years ago when formulas such as self-employment or micro, small and medium-sized enterprises were approved, which, however, have little to do with the concept of private enterprise that we know.

Private enterprise is based on three fundamental elements: property rights, autonomy and profit motive. None of the three are present in Cuban socialist state enterprises, and therefore, the leaders are unable to attract investments for them, or take advantage of the human talent they have, or give as much flexibility as possible, nor autonomy for the exercise of their rights. And this formula is what Mrs. Odriozola wants to present and vindicate at the congress. continue reading

To achieve transformations in the business system, the communists have opened their hand with respect to state enterprise, for example, with measures such as “the elimination of profit distribution limits, the expansion of its corporate purpose, a link with the non-state sector and the creation of state-owned micro, small and medium-sized enterprises.”

Nothing to do with the implementation of a legal framework based on private property rights, as a main reference for the exercise of business activity, much less with decision-making autonomy or the generation of profits. These elements would give the business system a boost, but they are despised by the Cuban communist leaders, who don’t even want to hear anything about them.

Apparently, the leaders of the regime are concerned about the insertion of the new economic actors into the Cuban business system; above all, that the regime might lose the ability to interfere and control the activity of the private sector, within the Marxist philosophy of economic interventionism. It is in the interest of the regime that companies, state or private, be servile and subject to the principles of political hierarchy that establish, of course, who rules and who obeys.

That is why, at the same time that they introduce the previous solutions to lend a hand to the state company, they see the need to keep the new economic actors under control, recognizing that any opening of spaces for state enterprises has its transfer to the private sector.

López Calleja already saw it at the time from GAESA,and that is why he used all his power to limit and stop the development of self-employment in tourism or gastronomy. The problem with the Cuban socialist state enterprise is that it’s inefficient by its own nature, lacks motivation and incentives, and is unable to face private competition when it receives a simple authorization from the state to operate.

Hence, Castro leaders think that the transformations that have been implemented in recent years have benefited private actors, but they haven’t done so to state companies, and, therefore, they want to recover lost space and time. Another thing is that they get it. The intention of the regime, announced by Mrs. Odriozola, is that what remains of the Management Task, the 63 measures of the agricultural sector, the macro programs of the National Economic and Social Development Plan 2030, government management based on science and innovation and territorial development, Díaz Canel’s Strategy — everything will be reviewed to put it at the service of socialist state enterprises.

The deputy minister said that the implementation of these measures has had unexpected and undesirable effects on the regime, citing as an example the informal market with a dollar exchange rate that doesn’t conform to the officially approved rate and that slows down the links between the state sector and private actors. It’s a false argument, which is not sustained, because that informal market was born from the incompetence of the regime to consolidate a fixed exchange rate system by the Central Bank, lacking the necessary currencies.

Other unwanted effects, such as the scarcity of bank financing, are due to the growing demand for financial resources by the state to finance its growing deficit and indebtedness; on the other hand, the idea of streamlining import processes has not worked because the state intermediary agencies created by Malmierca don’t function efficiently.

Therefore, starting to build the house from the roof, as Mrs. Odriozola wants to do, won’t work. To get state-owned companies to “change the ways of thinking and redesign production processes, with topics such as Industry 4.0, artificial intelligence, Big Data, the Internet of Things and cloud computing” requires much more than an international congress. It takes political will, clear ideas and assuming the failure of the socialist business model.

The leaders will not get anywhere if that business system is not consolidated with firm legal bases for the respect of property rights. And there is a long way to go.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuban Imports of U.S. Chicken Falls for the Second Consecutive Month

Since February, Cuba has imported 54% less chicken from the United States. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 8 July 2022 — The renewed scarcity of chicken in grocery stores and its high price — as much as 270 pesos a pound on the black market — coincides with a drop in exports from the United States, the main supplier to the Cuban market.

According to data released by Cuban economist Pedro Monreal on Thursday, the amount of chicken imported by Cuba from its neighboring country fell 54% since February, little more than three months ago. “This could indicate a period of import scarcity,” he says.

Monreal cites recent data released by the U.S. Foreign Agricultural Service which indicates that chicken exports fell substantially in May — 28% in terms of tonnage — for the second consecutive month, a level not seen since November 2020.

In May 14,248 tons of chicken, valued at $14,308,000, was sold. The price per kilogram of U.S. chicken sold to Cuba rose one dollar, an increase of 9.9% compared to a 9.1% increase the previous month, when 19,740 pounds were sold. continue reading

Despite the decrease, Monreal notes, “These levels are still relatively high compared to historical data in terms of both price and weight.”

Cuba must import 80% of the food it consumes at an annual cost of two billion dollars. With other sources of protein such as fish, eggs and beef virtually unavailable and pork now at sky-high prices, imported chicken has become an essential item on Cuban dinner tables.

Buying in bulk during hot summer months like these runs the risk that the frozen chicken will spoil during long electrical power outages that are common throughout the island. Consumers have two choices: either buy a little at a time and have no chicken stashed away in the freezer or see your purchase go to waste during a prolonged blackout.

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A Report Warns of Possible Rebellions ‘Of Magnitude’ in Cuba in the Short Term

Protests motivated by economic and social rights predominated for the second time, totaling 175. (Screen capture)

14ymedio biggerEFE (via 14ymedio), Miami, July 6,  2022 — Cuba may be the scene of many rebellions in the short-term, according to a report by the Cuban Observatory of Conflicts (OCC) released on Tuesday, which points out that the 258 protests of last June exceeded by 11 those of the same period in 2021.

The June report considers that the possibility of “one or more rebellions of considerable magnitude is extremely high in the short term, whether or not they occur this July.”

The OCC report, an autonomous civil society project supported by the Foundation for Human Rights in Cuba, based in the United States, emphasizes that Havana continues to believe that “without solving the hell of daily life it will prevent new rebellions by cutting off communications among potential rebels.”

In June, protests motivated by economic and social rights predominated for the second time, totaling 175 (68%), while 83 (32%) focused on political and civil rights.

The OCC indicates that, in fact, the largest increase occurred in protests for economic and social rights, 62% more than the previous month. This can be attributed to the deterioration of living conditions, which the OCC classifies as “daily death.”

In addition to the protests against product shortages, inflation and the collapse of the health system, 39 caused by power outages were added.

The report points out that since July 11, 2021, when Cuba witnessed the largest anti-government protests in its recent history, the Government “has demonstrated with its immobility that it didn’t understand that popular consent to the system had been exhausted.” continue reading

“These circumstances, together with the sudden death of General (Luis Alberto Rodríguez) López-Calleja and the ever closer eventuality of the death of Raúl Castro, mean that new scenarios of social rebellions can open up in the coming months,” it warns.

The report says that rebellions can have “violent tonalities in the increasingly deteriorated Cuban reality,” creating conditions for a rupture in the chain of command of the Ministry of the Revolutionary Armed Forces and the Ministry of the Interior if there are units that refuse to repress them.

It indicates that the threats to governance in Cuba go beyond the conflict between the population and power, since there are other factors such as the social distance between generals associated with the Grupo de Administración Empresarial S.A (Gaesa) and officers exclusively in charge of military tasks.

The OCC claims to know that there is a growing malaise within Gaesa in the active and retired officers of the Revolutionary Armed Forces (FAR), a multisectoral complex with more than fifty companies that is not accountable to the National Assembly.

’There are indications that this was the factor associated with the abrupt dismissal of General Leopoldo Cintra Frías” in 2021, it emphasizes.

Translated by Regina Anavy

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Cuban Artists Otero Alcantara and ‘Osorbo’ Refuse to Appeal Their Sentence

The artist Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara, with a Cuban flag, behind El Funky and Maykel Castillo ’Osorbo’, in a scene from the video clip of ’Patria y Vida’. (Screen capture)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio/EFE, Havana, 8 July 2022 — The artists and opponents Maykel Castillo Osorbo and Luis Manuel Otero Alcántara refused to appeal their sentences of nine and five years in prison, respectively. In addition, the latter has announced that he began a new hunger strike – the third since he was in prison – on July 4 to demand his immediate and unconditional release.

“After a few days of careful thought, Maykel has decided not to appeal the 9-year sentence that was unjustly imposed on him and ignoring all international demands,” ​​says a statement posted on his Facebook profile.

According to the text, Osorbo keeps in touch from prison with regular calls and has asked to say that “he will no longer lend himself to that circus… The whole world saw the caricature that a dictatorship makes of a judicial system and how coercion, in the midst of these events, not only makes them exist behind closed doors, but also expands to the streets and social actors that can be a threat, even physically far from the scene,” the post continues.

The rapper began in November 2021 to have “vomiting, fever, sweating and a lot of fatigue” and is sick without having received a reliable diagnosis, according to his relatives. “Maykel and all of us who accompany him are demanding that he be released and that he leave Cuba to be treated by a doctor and to save his life.”

The message indicates that Osorbo recently wrote a letter in which he spoke “of everything that would have to happen for Cuba to enter the 21st century,” a vocabulary that, according to the text, is also used by Otero Alcántara and the activist Omara Ruiz Urquiola.

For his part, Otero Alcántara has not specified any reason why he refuses to appeal, although it is presumed, due to the statement released by the San Isidro Movement, that it is the same as that of Osorbo. continue reading

The text denounces that the conviction reached the press, through the Cuban Prosecutor’s Office, before it was shared with the interested party. “Luis is not allowed to socialize with other prisoners, or go out to the patio to take the sun. He remains confined in a cell with another detainee. The only sun he takes in is through the bars of his cell, no matter how dramatic this description sounds,” it adds.

The post also maintains that during the trial State Security blackmailed Otero Alcántara by telling him that if he did not accept a forced exile agreement, Maykel Osorbo would not be able to leave Cuba to attend to his health problem either.

The trial against both artists — considered prisoners of conscience by Amnesty International (AI) — took place on May 30 and 31 in the Court of the municipality of Marianao of Havana.

Representatives from European embassies tried unsuccessfully to gain access to the hearings. During those days a strong security operation was deployed around the court.

Otero Alcántara was punished for the crimes of outrage against the symbols of the country, contempt and public disorder, while Osorbo was convicted of contempt, attack, public disorder and defamation of institutions and organizations, heroes and martyrs, according to the Attorney General’s Office the Republic (FGR) on June 24.

The FGR then assured that the court considered it proven that Otero Alcántara had “the express intention, sustained over time, of offending the national flag, by publishing photos on social networks where he is used in denigrating acts,” alluding to Drapeau, a performance in which the MSI leader wore the flag on his body for a month.

In addition, he argued that Osorbo — co-author of the song Patria y Vida, winner of two Latin Grammys and anthem of the 11J protests — “used false images” to “outrage, affect the honor and dignity of the country’s highest authorities.” The rapper was also accused of making “direct interventions from his personal profile to dishonor the role of law enforcement officers in society.”

The Prosecutor’s Office also collected previous facts in its petitions, such as “offensive writings against the flag” on the networks and publication of memes on Facebook to “ridicule and discredit” Miguel Díaz-Canel.

In addition to those two, the Court sanctioned Juslid Justiz Lazo and Reina Sierra Duvergel with 5 years in prison for attacking opponents Félix Roque Delgado and 3 years of correctional work without internment. He considered it proven that all of them had helped Osorbo to resist his arrest.

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Cuban Biologist Ruiz Urquiola is on a Hunger and Thirst Strike in Front of the UN in Geneva

Ruiz Urquiola in front of the headquarters of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland. (Facebook)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 July 2022 — Cuban biologist Ariel Ruiz Urquiola began, on this Wednesday, the third day of a hunger and thirst strike in front of the headquarters of the Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights in Geneva, Switzerland.

Ruiz Urquiola decided to start the protest to demand that the island’s regime respect the right of all Cubans to return to their country after Havana prevented his sister, the activist Omara Ruiz Urquiola, from returning to Cuba on June 25, from the United States where she was receiving medical treatment.

According to the independent journalist Carlos Manuel Álvarez, Ruiz Urquiola has also decided “to suspend his antiretroviral drugs as a patient with HIV (human immunodeficiency virus) until the entity makes a statement on the violations of individual rights committed against him and his sister,” whom “Cuban State Security has just sentenced to political exile.”

In December 2019, the activist denounced to several German NGOs that the Cuban government inoculated him with HIV. Ruiz Urquiola then said that he had medical proof that a strain of the virus had been inoculated into him at the Abel Santamaría Provincial Hospital in Pinar del Río, when he was in the final phase of a hunger and thirst strike.

The Actions for Democracy Movement published a statement on Wednesday in which it affirms that the activist’s claim has as its objective that the UN pronounce itself not only with regards to the forced exile tof his sister, but also to “take defining measures with the Cuban dictatorship once and for all, extending its resolution to all the governmental institutions of the European Union.” continue reading

The NGO, based in Madrid, urged “the Government of Spain and the opposition parties PP, Ciudadanos and Vox to speak before the European Parliament and its representative for Foreign Affairs, Josep Borrell, so that it, in turn, intercedes and denounces this outrage that we are sure it will serve as the climax to end the complicity with the Cuban regime.”

Support for Ruiz Urquiola from activists, artists, and Cuban civil society has poured in immediately. “But if Ariel is right now in front of the UN on strike, it is because this new violation against Omara is part of multiple abuses already perpetrated against their family,” curator Anamely Ramos wrote on Facebook. “They are defenders of human rights on an international scale, so leaving them to their fate is something that international organizations cannot do,” she added.

“Once again the arbitrariness of the regime leading people to put their lives at stake, as a last resort to claim their rights,” the Mexico-based journalist José Raúl Gallego wrote on the same social network, and accompanied his message with a video that shows the moment in which Ruiz Urquiola arrived on July 4 at the headquarters of the UN High Commissioner.

A Doctor of Sciences, Ruiz Urquiola participated in several research projects on Cuban biodiversity, especially linked to marine and terrestrial species. He was expelled from the Marine Research Center under the official argument of unjustified absences, but, according to the scientist, it was a plot against him for not being “trustworthy” for the authorities of that institution due to his political leanings.

Ruiz Urquiola has previously carried out several hunger strikes. One of them in front of the Oncology Hospital in Havana, when his sister, Omara, was not given a medicine against the cancer that she suffers from. Two others were carried out during his arrest in 2018 when he was sentenced to one year in prison for the alleged crime of “disrespect.” On that occasion, the fast ended with the release of the scientist, who currently resides outside the Island.

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Cuba One Year Since July 11 (11J): The Blackouts Get Worse

Damage after the fire at the Felton thermoelectric plant. (Periódico Ahora)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Elias Amor Bravo, Economist, 9 July 2022 — We are approaching the first anniversary of July 11, the day when the Cuban people peacefully and courageously expressed that they were in a position to demand a political change for democracy, freedom and human rights in Cuba. And while the regime recreates itself in propaganda and manipulation, in this blog we are going to review what has happened in the Cuban economy during the last year. Because if one thing is true, it is that the accelerated deterioration of the economic situation in 2021 due to the “Ordering Task*” was a catalyst that prompted the people to protest against their rulers and convey an idea: things are not going well and they have to change.

As will be shown in this blog post and the next ones until July 11, Cubans have no reason to think that their complaints have been addressed by the communist regime. Quite the contrary.

Let’s begin with the blackouts. During the last year, at an average of two hours per day without power, the average Cuban has had to endure more than 700 hours of blackouts. That is to say, put all the hours together, and that is the equivalent of more than 30 24-hour days/year without a power supply. So no one can live normally.

It’s true that last year the blackouts weren’t as continuous and intense as this year, and people remain distressed because the situation isn’t adequately explained, nor can it be resolved with their own means. Worst of all, people end up learning about what is happening a posteriori and contemplate with dread the idea that behind the interruption of power there is nothing more than the laziness of the leaders.

And in this way, in a situation recognized by the regime of lower production than consumption, it turns out that a misfortune occurs. A large fire interrupted the final tests that were carried out, after 129 days of maintenance and interruption of its functions, of block 2 of the Felton thermoelectric power plant in Holguín, one of the most important in the country. continue reading

As a result of the fire, which caused damage to the unit’s turbine, there was a leak in one of the boiler tubes through which national crude was circulating. Once again, national oil and its disastrous sulfur composition are blamed. So even when the boiler was turned off, the high temperatures inside ended up causing the fire. And as a result of all this, the necessary synchronization with the National Electrical System (SEN) couldn’t be carried out, which meant a loss of production.

Like playing with fire. On this occasion, the regime forced the general director of the thermoelectric plant, in an exceptional situation, to make a statement to the Cuban television news, to explain that workers of the plant and forces of the fire brigade put out the flames in just 45 minutes, highlighting that there were no injuries or deaths.

Viewers were overwhelmed by the appearance of the director on national television. They don’t usually descend to these levels of the hierarchy, and it seems that the regime opted for the saying “each stick holds its candle.” Cubans learned on the news that because of the fire, which occurred at 2 p.m., Block 2 of Felton had damages described as “considerable and not easy to eradicate,” in a clear acceptance that power outages will continue. The photo report in the state press gave a good account of the disaster caused by the flames.

So, as a preventive measure, after the fire that paralyzed Unit 1, which provided stability of around 250 megawatts to the SEN, was put out, production resumed in order to synchronize the power at night. Nothing was said about this alleged return to normality.

Cubans, a year after the July 11 demonstrations, are fed up with so much talk and the technical, anodyne explanations about the origin of the blackouts, and increasingly confused about when the lights will come on, because there is more time of darkness than light. They know that blackouts appear and reach some areas while in others they don’t.

For example, in the most confrontational neighborhoods, where the regime detects a higher level of social unrest in the population, electricity is maintained, while it disappears in the interior areas of the country and where there are medium-sized populations. This is intended to lessen the feeling of anger at the regime, which these blackouts keep alive in large sectors of the population. Blackouts have continued, a year later, with even greater incidence. There is no solution to this problem in the Cuban communist regime.

The blackouts will continue. *Translator’s note: Tarea ordenamiento = the [so-called] ‘Ordering Task’ is a collection of measures that include eliminating the Cuban Convertible Peso (CUC), leaving the Cuban peso as the only national currency, raising prices, raising salaries (but not as much as prices), opening stores that take payment only in hard currency which must be in the form of specially issued pre-paid debit cards, and a broad range of other measures targeted to different elements of the Cuban economy. 

Translated by Regina Anavy

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There Will be More Blackouts in Cuba Due to the ‘Considerable Damage’ of a Fire at the Felton Plant

Damage after the fire at the Felton thermoelectric plant. (Periódico Ahora)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 9 July 2022 — A large fire in unit two of the Lidio Ramón Pérez Thermoelectric Power Plant, in Felton, in the Holguin municipality of Mayarí, occurred this Friday afternoon with no reported loss of human life. The disaster aggravates the energy crisis that the Island is going through and augers new days of blackouts.

The local television station in the province of Holguín, Telecristal, reported that the incident was controlled by the workers, “with their own means,” and the Fire Department. The state press channel, with a source in Osmel Maturel Reyes, director of the thermoelectric plant, assured that “no deaths or injuries were reported in the accident area,” although it did mention “considerable damage” to the facility.

Maturel explained that, after two in the afternoon, “while the Block 2 turbine was running, as part of the tests prior to its complete start-up, a leak occurred in one of the boiler tubes, through which national crude oil circulated.” Although “the boiler was turned off, its high temperatures caused a fire that caused considerable damage” to the unit.

The radio station Radio Angulo, for its part, added that “the greatest impact” of the incident “is identified in the systems linked to the boiler.” Some videos of the fire circulated on social networks in which an intense gray smoke was seen that covered a large part of the plant.

“After putting out the fire, they have returned to Block 1 for its subsequent synchronization to the National Energy System,” added the Telecristal note. continue reading

The media also announced that “specialized expert teams are investigating the causes of the fire and its consequences,” and that the authorities of the Party and the provincial government “immediately went to the scene of the event.”

The fire took place the same day that the visit to the thermoelectric plant by Esteban Lazo Hernández, president of the National Assembly of People’s Power, was reported as part of the tour he was taking until this Friday in Holguín, according to the Cuban News Agency (ACN).

In the note it is reported that Maturel Reyes had informed Lazo that unit two “is already in the phase of the first running of the turbine, with a view to its synchronization to the National Electric System in the coming days.”

This block of the plant had been undergoing maintenance for several months and at the end of June it was reported that they were carrying out “individual tests on the boiler systems, as well as hermeticity tests to correct any defects that may exist in all the aggregates and auxiliary equipment.”

The ACN also indicated that work was being done on “the final alignment of the turbine with the generator, on cleaning the oil systems, with the aim of putting the machine in spinner mode to carry out the final tests, approximately, on 28 of June”.

However, according to the Twitter account of the Ministry of Energy and Mines, there has been “important damage that will require a partial reconstruction of the boiler,” and whose effects on the island’s precarious energy outlook will be felt.

The Lidio Ramón Pérez Thermoelectric Power Plant, inaugurated on January 5, 2011, had been described by the official press as “the one with the largest installed capacity in the country.”

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Cuba, Between Sects and Heretics

The fundamentalism of the Castro sect is radicalizing as the crisis of faith in its practitioners increases. (Cubandebate)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Yunior García Aguilera, Madrid, 6 July 2022 — According to the Pan-Hispanic Dictionary of Legal Spanish, a sect is a religious group usually characterized by a charismatic, messianic and dogmatic leader, with a vertical and totalitarian structure, which demands absolute detachment from its members. Any Cuban who reads this definition could agree that, effectively, the Cuban Revolution is a sect. Much more so now that the maximum leader of the doctrine rests on a stone altar, as if he were an Egyptian pharaoh.

The fundamentalism of the Castro sect is radicalizing as the crisis of faith in its practitioners increases. We have seen the high priests of the Politburo cling to the rock with the same devotion of a penitent before the Wailing Wall. “Talk to us, we need you!” murmur the worshipers with beards and uniforms before the rosary of plagues that a country that is so far from God and so close to Miami suffers.

But the new anointed one completely lacks what the Greeks called areté and that could be translated as the virtue that Olympus gives you. No white doves perch on his shoulder, only dyed doves of very bad omen. The only thing that he is capable of multiplying are lines, blackouts and discontent. The prosperous and sustainable paradise that he keeps promising is, in real life, the worst hell imaginable.

And those who dare to dissent are quickly excommunicated, demonized, expelled from the congregation. Whoever writes these lines many years ago was expelled from the Jehovah’s Witnesses and today he is once again a heretic, a wandering Jew, an apostate. That is my karma. But my real crime, my cardinal sin, has been refusing to die on the cross.

I do believe in what they call “anthropological damage,” I have seen it with my own eyes. I have seen how even those who oppose the cult can end up recycling its methods and fanaticism. They are like Thomas, the unbelieving apostle, who after seeing Jesus walk on the water, still needed to put his hand on the wound to be convinced that miracles exist. continue reading

Many of those who yesterday wanted to turn anyone into a messiah and pushed him to martyrdom, today claim that the same person is possessed by the demons of State Security. The G2 is more ubiquitous than the Holy Trinity. Many of those who shout the word freedom at the top of their lungs actually prefer their leaders behind bars, so that they become credible. Morbidity is stronger than reason and common sense. Many of those who learned Patria y Vida by heart continue to function with the logic of “fatherland or death.”

Small groups that proclaim themselves the “only true opposition” grow on social networks. There is a whole conspiracy and apocalyptic explosion burning other opponents at the stake of defamation. They have no proof, but they have no doubt either. Everyone is a traitor until proven otherwise. Anyone who does not agree with the new dogma is automatically declared a false prophet. The sects do not understand democracy, only inquisition.

The playwright René Ariza affirmed that we Cubans should be very careful with the Castro that each one carried within. Coca-Cola versions of Fidel are just as bad as the original. Never again should we allow single thinking, blacklisting, or acts of repudiation. The homeland will have to belong to everyone or we will continue, indefinitely, going around in circles. But Cuban civil society could take years to heal the wounds that seven decades of intolerance have caused us.

Although, when it comes to sins, I prefer to be optimistic. It only takes an ounce of lucidity to identify those whose mentality is as authoritarian as the dictatorship itself. They can swear that their ideology is the opposite, they can fill their profiles with anti-communist slogans, but deep down… they are Fidel. They repeat the scheme that excludes those who think differently. They hate the plurality of voices. They only accept their own speech.

As July 11 approaches, each of us should place less emphasis on the speck in the other’s eye. The dictatorship may be about to fall and we may not even be ready to prevent a new cycle of intransigence. Let’s not waste a single minute in slandering the other who is also risking everything. My truth, your truth, are only parts of a larger and more complex truth called Cuba.

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Havanatur Sells Tourist Packages to Cubans at Impossible Prices and Without Transportation

Cubatur offices on the ground floor of the Habana Libre hotel in the capital, this Friday. (14ymedio)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Juan Diego Rodríguez, Havana, 8 July 2022 — In the past, on a day like this Friday, after Havanatur announced the tourist packages for the start of the high season on the Island in October, the line in front of the Cubatur offices would have been as considerable as in previous years. It wasn’t the case today. The prices published by the state operator, whose cheapest rates do not fall below 4,000 pesos per night, are prohibitive for nationals.

Thus, the three people who were waiting at their doors, under the Habana Libre hotel, in Havana’s Vedado, did not have to wait long to be attended to. At the counter they were not offered cheaper solutions for vacationing and, in addition, they were given another bucket ​​of cold water: the packages did not include transportation.

“It is not known if there will be transportation by then or not,” explained an employee, without giving more details, simply nodding when one of the women who was being helped alluded to the lack of fuel. “No wonder there was no one today, who is going to stand in line with these prices and without transportation?” the lady lamented as she left the place empty-handed. continue reading

According to the Havanatur website, the Habana Libre Hotel is the one that offers the cheapest night for two people: from 3,780 pesos. It is followed by the Iberostar Grand Hotel Trinidad, in that city of Sancti Spíritus, from 5,472 pesos, and Iberostar Parque Central, in Havana, with one night from 7,000 pesos.

If those urban rates are coercive, those of hotels on the beaches are impossible for the average Cuban, whose salary is less than 4,000 pesos a month. In Varadero, a room at the Hotel Meliá Internacional, all inclusive, is available from 20,000 pesos; in Paradisus Princesa del Mar, from 15,500; at Meliá Varadero, from just over 12,000 pesos, and at the Hotel Sol, from 11,000.

As for Cayo Coco, the Meliá Las Dunas offers a night from 11,112 pesos and the Hotel Tryp starts at almost 8,000 pesos.

You practically have to carry the money in a bag to be able to afford an all-inclusive weekend in one of those spa accommodations. Now, when it is only 14 years since Cubans residing on the island were allowed to rent a room in national hotels, vacationing in one of these places is once again prohibitive, and this time the red line is marked by money.

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Children Travel to Cuba’s National School Games on a Train With No Seats and Delayed for Hours

One of the images broadcast on transport networks of children participating in the National School Games. (Twitter/@dlesmesfajardo)

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 June 2022 — After two years without being held due to the covid-19 pandemic, the National School Games have restarted this Wednesday with an official event in the city of Santa Clara, but the Games began with setbacks. The children participating in this 58th edition had to travel from other provinces sitting on the floor of the train due to poor management by the organizers.

With 22 disciplines that are disputed in 14 Cuban provinces, the Games were inaugurated by the president of the National Institute of Sports, Physical Education and Recreation (Inder), Osvaldo Vento, an act that the official press covered without mentioning the discomfort of parents and children due to transportation problems that made several athletes desist from participating.

“They allocated only one train for all the athletes. It is the same one that goes from Havana to Guantánamo, picking up children and leaving others because some disciplines are played in one place and others in another. For example, judo competitions are in Guantánamo,” details Lesmes Fajardo, uncle of one of the children who participates in the Games in the discipline of chess.

“The Inder coordinated a train that was going to leave from La Coubre with the athletes from Pinar del Río and Havana, which would go through the entire island picking up the participants and distributing others according to the place where their specialty is contested. My nephew had to go from Matanzas to Santa Clara, luckily he didn’t have such a long stretch,” explains Fajardo, who currently resides in Guayaquil, Ecuador. continue reading

“The train had to have left at 8:30 at night and it was one in the morning and it still hadn’t left. It arrived in Matanzas after four in the morning. The children from Matanzas were at the station from 7:00 pm and they didn’t give them any information. They called those from Havana and they didn’t know when it was going to leave either,” he explains to 14ymedio.  

“Since it left Havana it already was traveling with the children sitting on the floor,” he adds. “My sister’s first reaction was to tell my nephew that they were no longer going to the event because ’he was going to arrive dead’ after traveling sitting on the floor, but he insisted because it is the National Games. He did it because of his commitment to the sport.” That “was total chaos” emphasizes the emigrant.

“My sister was like if they stabbed her, she would not bleed because of poor organization,” he says. Fajardo kept in touch with his family during the long wait. “Those in the image are not children trying to cross into the United States in containers. They are Cuban children, high-performance athletes traveling to the National School Games on a train arranged by the Government that will run from Havana to Guantanamo. No seats,” he wrote annoyed on Twitter.

“The abuse, the irresponsibility and the apathy we all know are rampant in Cuba, but they don’t miss the opportunity to surprise us. Then the dictatorship regrets when its athletes stay behind at the first international tournament they go to,” said the emigrant. Fajardo’s sister also called the treatment of the children “degrading.”

In Santa Clara the chess, boxing and table tennis athletes stayed but others had to continue their journey still on the floor of the train. “My son has to go to Guantánamo because he is a judoka, they did not let us accompany him because they said that the parents could not go, but I thought that my child would be well taken care of,” laments the mother of another athlete, who prefers to remain anonymous.

“My son still hasn’t been able to get a seat and he will arrive at Guantánamo very tired, but nobody takes that into account for the competition,” questions the woman who lives in the city of Matanzas. “Everything has been very improvised but many parents do not dare to file a complaint so that their children do not look for problems. Surely the Inder officials travel in comfortable cars.”

As of this moment, the train had not yet completed its journey. “It’s in Ciego de Ávila,” says Lesmes Fajardo.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

After His Escape Attempt was Frustrated, the Cuban Boxer Andy Cruz Requests to Step Down

Cuban boxer Andy Cruz will now have to wait for the lengthy processes of discharge and the unlocking of his passport (Gramma).

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 July 2022 — Cuban boxer Andy Cruz, who spent several days in detention after an attempted escape from the island, requested his withdrawal from the sport. The journalist Francys Romero pointed out that the Olympic champion in Tokyo 2020 appeared last Tuesday at the Ciudad Deportiva Coliseum in Havana to carry out the procedure.

As explained by the Romero on his social networks, Cruz must “wait for the lengthy processes of discharge and passport unlocking to which athletes who represent a national interest and who do not want to continue competing under the Cuban system are subjected.”

The boxer saw his escape frustrated by the denunciation of Rolando Céspedes, El Prosecutor, a man who has been in the business of athletes who leave for more than 10 years and who has contacts with immigration officials in Cuba. This person “demanded a large sum” that was not delivered, so he denounced the whereabouts of Andy Cruz and baseball player César Yanquiel Hernández, who intended to leave the island.

The athletes were surprised and taken to Moa, where they remained for 10 days. So far the boxer has not offered any comment. continue reading

“In addition to the abandonments and mass exoduses, withdrawal requests have spread to all sports in recent times,” tweeted Romero, who is based in the US.

After being excluded from the Under-23 team that participated in the World Championship that took place in Aguascalientes, outfielder Roidel Martínez requested his withdrawal. This case recalled the one experienced by Luis Enrique González and Darlin Jíménez, who were “erased” at the last minute from the list of the Under-23 team that traveled to Mexico in 2021 for the World Championship held in the state of Sonora.

Last April, the silver medalist at the London 2012 Olympic Games and world champion in Beijing 2015, Yarisley Silva, also requested her withdrawal, but this was from the Cuban National Athletics Team. Her decision came after she was left out of the 18th edition of the World Indoor Athletics Championships, which took place in Belgrade (Serbia), due to problems bringing her own poles.

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.

Belgian Buses Pulled Out of Service in Havana, to be Air-Conditioned, After Complaints of Unbearable Heat

A line for the P12 bus route this Tuesday, in Havana, and the Arrival of one of the Belgian Buses

14ymedio bigger14ymedio, Havana, 6 July 2022 — The provincial transport company of Havana affirmed that the Belgian buses will improve their air conditioning system. Barely half an hour had passed since 14ymedio published a chronicle recounting the trip made by one of our reporters and in which he confirmed that the oppressive heat in the vehicles was not an unsubstantiated rumor circulating on social networks, when the authorities issued the statement warning of upcoming changes.

The message states that “despite not knowing basic elements of the operation of these teams, on July 4 the operation of 5 articulated buses began on route P12 and 5 rigid buses on route P16.” However, it maintains that the problem of air conditioning “had already been identified previously”.

To solve the problem, “work is being done on the coupling of windows of the buses. It is intended to change 3 windows in the rigid cars and 5 in the articulated ones; in addition to the current ventilation system,” details the note, reproduced by the official press.

It is not clear what “the current ventilation system” is, as some users suspect that the air conditioning has been switched off to save fuel.

The company points out that the poor transportation situation is what motivated the rapid start-up of the vehicles while at the same time adapting to the island’s climate. “The air conditioning that they have does not withstand the high temperatures of the country,” specifies the information, a statement that has generated discomfort among users who know the buses in many cities in the world in which high temperatures are reached without the air conditioning stopping to function. continue reading

“Here in New York the buses stop at every stop and that’s not why they lose the air conditioning, please invent something else,” says a user on Facebook. The company had disdained the previous opinions arguing, moreover, that the opening and closing of doors reduces the effectiveness of the air conditioning, a fact that is not entirely accurate. “That the air does not cool down because of the heat in Cuba? As if in Belgium the temperatures did not reach almost 40 degrees (104F)… And there the buses do not stop, they make direct trips? Like the Yutones?” reacted another.

The company took the opportunity to explain that, when the air conditioning problems have been resolved, more equipment will be incorporated, “up to 16 in operation; 9 on line P12 and 7 on line P16”.

The buses were manufactured in 2007 and, although “they have been in operation for 14 years,” they are well preserved and have “a high technological level,” they have presented technical faults, which “we are working on solving,” the company explains.

The 29 buses arrived in the Cuban capital on June 24 and were received by Luis Carlos Góngora, vice president of the Provincial Administration Council of Havana, and the Belgian ambassador, Jean-Jaques Bastien, who were photographed next to the flag of the European country.

The operation began this Monday and the complaints multiplied rapidly through social networks. Passengers complained that, through the ceiling grille, the air that came out was soft and hot, as if the system was in ventilation mode and not cooling.

“These buses are not for here,” some travelers repeated this Tuesday, probably oblivious to the fact that, in most countries that have air-conditioned vehicles, it fulfills the function for which it has been designed. Although on the street temperatures exceed 40 degrees (104 F).

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COLLABORATE WITH OUR WORK: The 14ymedio team is committed to practicing serious journalism that reflects Cuba’s reality in all its depth. Thank you for joining us on this long journey. We invite you to continue supporting us by becoming a member of 14ymedio now. Together we can continue transforming journalism in Cuba.